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The article is devoted to the discussion of European security issues in the British Parliament in the post-bipolar period. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the British establishment had to revise the foreign policy doctrine of the United Kingdom to adapt it to the demands of the post-bipolar age. During this period, parliamentarians discussed the future role of NATO after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. The political establishment has continued to define NATO as the foundation of the Euroatlantic system of collective security. After the direct military threat from the USSR vanished, the British elites had difficulties formulating the strategic goal of the North Atlantic alliance's existence. Another important topic was the creation of the European Union, its future enlargement in Central-Eastern Europe, and the search for the best approach to British European policy under new circumstances. There was an agreement that the idea of the "Europe of Nations" was best suited to British national interests. The British government also deterred attempts by France and Germany to transform the European Union into a federal superstate. The Balkan crisis also became a central topic that caused heated debates in Parliament in an attempt to find a path to a peaceful settlement. In the case of military interventions in local conflicts, the British establishment tried to evade direct intervention in the Balkan crisis but was forced to reconsider its position under growing pressure from allies, who began to experience economic and reputational damage. The humanitarian intervention in Kosovo created a precedent that was used to justify interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Additionally, the conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh and Georgia were also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU and US are established liberal democratic powers, having a shared political and intellectual tradition. As such, the promotion of democracy is critical to their foreign policies in areas they deem to be of strategic importance to their core interests. Further, the EU and its democratization efforts as part of its foreign policy and strategic interests can be viewed through the 'Fortress Europe' concept and hegemonic stability theory. For the EU and the US, Central Asia and Southeast Asia are the major areas for democracy promotion efforts, respectively. Through a qualitative analysis of related EU and US policies published in open sources and organized according to the logic of the democratization process, EU and US democratization efforts could be characterized as an oscillation between core interests and values promotion. This was attributed to the loss of appeal due to socio-political-economic issues in the EU and the US, combined with a relative lack of success, and competition between entrenched elite power structures and alternative political ideologies. The critical point is that both the regions of Central Asia and Southeast Asia are postcolonial areas in which Western democracy efforts are being realized through the existing structural level for spreading "soft power" to influence internal policy. The key findings for both regions are being interpreted from the postcolonial perspective: "democratization" is the process that needs to be revised as some cultural and metropolitan dominance in both regions prevails in everyday social life. For example, the power of the Russian language in Central Asia does not make regional elites follow the democratic rights of the indigenous population struggling for their national identity in a postcolonial era, as Central Asian elites and society do not wish to examine the current Russia-Ukraine conflict in the region. In the case of Southeast Asia, the area was not influenced by communism at the level Central Asia was. The area is quickly adaptable to the external (in this case, the US) democratization efforts for making a society with liberal values and multicultural diversity that makes them different from other Asian countries. Moreover, the English language in the region is more often associated with access to the best education and Western values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the analysis of a number of specific features characteristic of political regimes of the Baltic countries at the beginning of the XXI century with reference to documentary sources and the views of a number of domestic and foreign legal scholars and political scientists.

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The collapse of the Cold War order led to a change in the geopolitical environment of the Russian Federation. The declarations of independence of the former Soviet republics and the emergence of the post-Soviet area had weakened the country’s position. As a result, the Russian Federation has been perceiving this new area as a zone of its ‘vital interests’, and attaining and maintaining dominant position in those territories has been considered crucial for the state’s security, its strength and position on the international arena. Russia has been pursuing its goals in the area through numerous reintegration attempts on political, military and economic levels. To achieve the main political goal, which is the control over the post-Soviet area, the Russian Federation has been also using military instruments. The focal point and purpose of this article is to show the internal and external causes of military intervention of the Russian Federation in eastern Ukraine.

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As soon as the Baltic states gained independence in 1991, they targeted, in terms of domestic and foreign relations’ development, reorientation to the West and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Whereas NATO (under leadership of the United States) is regarded as the “cornerstone” of their security, the European Union (EU) is viewed as a source of financial assistance and the guarantor of economic stability. The article presents an overview of the transformation processes in the Baltic countries in the past two and a half decades, and the practical component of their membership in the EU is offered in detail. Comparative analysis of the political and socio-economic Baltic transit shows the similarity of their development trajectories. However, the positive effect, which joining the EU brought about, is eclipsed by the social and economic costs that resulted from the tough neo-liberal reforms that were required. Despite the rejection of the role of geopolitical and geo-economic “bridge” between Russia and the West, the Russian factor continues to play a primary role in the political processes and foreign policies of these countries, while at the same time the Baltic states themselves prefer not to call themselves post-Soviet. Confrontational position that the Baltic states undertook in relation to Russia, is determined by political and ideological factors and has long-term destructive impact not only on the bilateral dialogue, but also on relations between Russia and the European Union.

Nowadays there are four unrecognized republics (Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia) on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Together they form the Commonwealth of Unrecognized States, or “parallel CIS”. The main task of the international community is to find acceptable solutions applicable to a particular case, because each of these conflicts is unique. The problem of unrecognized states is a major geopolitical issue for Russia. Russia’s task is to convince the international community that the unrecognized states on the post-Soviet area have the right to exist. Also Russia is one of the main forces that stimulates the resolving of these conflicts. The US and the EU can’t allow Russia be the only leader on the post-Soviet area because it means the growing influence of Russia, which is extremely disadvantageous from a geopolitical point of view. Therefore, the main strategic direction of the policy of the Western countries regarded to the countries of the Commonwealth of Unrecognized States is to support anti-Russian sentiment.

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background. The increase in the complexity of the social and political situation of Eastern European countries raises questions about securitization of national and ethnic minorities and its impact on the management of ethno-politics in the countries of the subregion. Ethnopolitical management corresponds to the security of the subregion. Research interest in securitization of minority affairs is current, especially after the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Research aims. The purpose is to define the role of securitization of national and ethnic minorities issues in the management of ethno-politics in Eastern European countries. The research area encompasses: Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. The author asks the following research questions: 1) What are the areas of securitization of the issues of national and ethic minorities concerned? 2) How does the securitization of the issues of national and ethnic minorities take place? 3) How does the securitization affect the process of ethnopolitical management in the studied countries? Methodology. An interdisciplinary research approach was applied, integrating methods from political science, international relations and management. The conclusions from author's own research carried out during foreign study trips in the years 2014-2017 were used. The literature has an interdisciplinary aspect. The realization of the goal is based on the application of a catalogue of research methods, including in detail, the following methods are mainly used in the research: system analysis; comparative method; behavioral method; a qualitative approach was also used in the realized research. The article uses the method of critical analysis of literature, where the concept of securitization is referred to. Key findings. The role of securitization of national and ethnic minorities in the management of ethnopolitics in the countries of Eastern Europe is diversified (it concerns different minorities and different areas). Uncontrolled may lead to deepening of the subregion's security crisis (inter alia, to ethnopolitical conflicts), hindering the process of ethnopolitical management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of policies of the two latest American presidents George W. Bush (2001-2008) and Barack Obama (his fi rst administration, 2009-2012) towards Russian Federation and its neighbors – states of the CIS. The author in detail considers main milestones of this policy, its aims, ways, methods and results. The author highlights and analyzes main reasons of degradation of bilateral relations during George W. Bush presidency and considers positive results of “Reset” policy of fi rst Barack Obama’s administration, at the same time noting their limitation and maintenance of disagreements in a few important problems. Policy of the USA towards Russia and other states of the CIS is considered in broader context of fundamental attitudes in foreign policy of neoconservative Republican George W. Bush’ administration and Democratic Barack Obama’s administration. The author makes the main conclusion that as a whole policy of the Democrats towards the Russian Federation and its neighbors was more reasonable, fl exible and effective and let the United States because of softening of rhetoric and a few small compromises return relations with Russia to constructive cooperation and get from this country assistance in all key areas. But by the end of the fi rst Barack Obama’s term a few negative trends became obvious, and these trends developed during the second term of Obama’s presidency. Post-Soviet area has remained potential “battlefi eld” in relations between the two countries, and later this fact has led to the crisis in Crimea and Ukraine, which continues nowadays.

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted the analysis of the main areas of interest and cooperation between Pakistan and Uzbekistan. The author emphasize the importance of stability in Afghanistan as a key factor in the development of bilateral cooperation. It is noted the importance of strengthening cooperation between Pakistan and the countries of Central Asia in the context of solutions to regional problems. The processes of globalization affect international relations, activating them and giving the interdependence of the states of the all-embracing and universal character. The author notes the importance of strengthening cooperation in the field of security in the context of countering new challenges and threats, which are a threat to regional security. The author emphasizes the importance of integration relations in the post-soviet area. It was found that the strengthening of cooperation with external actors contribute to the transformation processes in Central Asia. It is showed the role of Pakistan as an important element in overcoming the isolation of the Central Asian countries.

Abstract: A lot of profound political, economic, social, cultural and legislative modifications have happened on the post-Soviet space since the disintegration of the USSR. The term “post-Soviet space” should not be considered as the geographical boundaries of the fifteen former Soviet republics. The conception of the “post-Soviet space” has a more profound meaning as it reflects the common historical and cultural heritage as well as close economic relations, moreover, friendship between the citizens of the new independent States. The most developed sphere in the interstate relations nowadays is economics. The most prime example is Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), the youngest integration institution in the world which unites five countries willing to construe their relationship on a stronger basis than the proposed format of cooperation within the Commonwealth of the Independent States. In the modern world the economic and financial interests are determining, their ensuring makes the governments change foreign and domestic policies, start and terminate trade wars, desperately fight for the respect of their legal rights or, on the contrary, voluntarily give up on some parts of their sovereignty in the framework of integration development. The experience of the European Union demonstrates that the construction of the unified internal market within which freely move persons, goods, services and capitals is a necessary but not the only attribute of a successful integration project. At a certain moment the complex of economic and financial interests should be supplied with the interests of a concrete person. A strict observation of rights and freedoms is becoming a factor that predetermines a possibility of a conversion to the higher forms of integration. In this article is analyzed the problem of human rights defense in the main organizations functioning on the post-Soviet space - Eurasian Economic Union and Commonwealth of the Independent States.

Background. The increase in the complexity of the socio-political situation of Eastern European countries forces questions about the activity of ethnopolitics entities - national minority organizations. Difficult access to data makes it impossible to obtain precise answers to questions about the role of national minority organizations and the impact of their activities on the security of the region. Research interest in these organizations is timely, especially after the Crimean annexation in 2014. Research aims. The aim is to define the role of national minority organizations in Eastern European countries in shaping the security of the subregion. The research area is: Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. The author puts forward the following research questions: 1) What are the main factors determining the political and social activity of national minority organizations in the region? 2) Is it possible to distinguish the strategies of the studied organizations? 3) What is the essence of political activity of national minority organizations? Methodology. An interdisciplinary research approach was applied, integrating methods from political science, international relations and management. The conclusions from author's own research carried out during foreign study trips in 2014-2017 were used. The literature has an interdisciplinary dimension. Key findings. The role of national minority organizations in shaping the security of Eastern European states is diverse. Their activity will depend on the policy of the country of residence. Uncontrolled, they may lead to deepening of the security crisis in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the study of key strategic documents of the U.S. foreign policy, the evolution of the American geopolitical strategy in the post–Soviet area is explored. The usage of the retrospective analysis and induction in conjunction with the system method allowed to achieve the goal of this research, that is to identify and analyze the main U.S. geostrategic priorities in the post-Soviet area while taking into account the leading trends in the development of global and regional international relations and the transformation of the key actors’ interests. As a result, the U.S. is determined not to use the regional approach when implementing its geopolitical strategy: today, the U.S. – third parties cooperation is built on the basis of their bilateral collaboration or institutional interaction. Therefore, the American authorities consider the post-Soviet area as a springboard to deter the Russian aggressive actions but do not see it as a priority region to realize the foreign policy activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: A lot of profound political, economic, social, cultural and legislative modifications have happened on the post-Soviet space since the disintegration of the USSR. The term “post-Soviet space” should not be considered as the geographical boundaries of the fifteen former Soviet republics. The conception of the “post-Soviet space” has a more profound meaning as it reflects the common historical and cultural heritage as well as close economic relations, moreover, friendship between the citizens of the new independent States. The most developed sphere in the interstate relations nowadays is economics. The most prime example is Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), the youngest integration institution in the world which unites five countries willing to construe their relationship on a stronger basis than the proposed format of cooperation within the Commonwealth of the Independent States. In the modern world the economic and financial interests are determining, their ensuring makes the governments change foreign and domestic policies, start and terminate trade wars, desperately fight for the respect of their legal rights or, on the contrary, voluntarily give up on some parts of their sovereignty in the framework of integration development. The experience of the European Union demonstrates that the construction of the unified internal market within which freely move persons, goods, services and capitals is a necessary but not the only attribute of a successful integration project. At a certain moment the complex of economic and financial interests should be supplied with the interests of a concrete person. A strict observation of rights and freedoms is becoming a factor that predetermines a possibility of a conversion to the higher forms of integration. In this article is analyzed the problem of human rights defense in the main organizations functioning on the post-Soviet space - Eurasian Economic Union and Commonwealth of the Independent States.

Soft power is analyzed in the article as a resource of integration in the post-soviet area. The author shows that soft power today is an indispensable resource of any integration policy. The amount of soft power defines the depth of integration. Integration in Eurasia is a natural process and eventually it will be of interest for all the states in the region. Soft power will reduce the transaction costs of integration and increase the attractiveness of the project for other states over the long run. A resource of the Russian soft power which will foster the integration processes in the post-soviet region might and ought to be higher education and science. The development of national science may be not only an integration tool, but also a nation idea and a goal for modernization. The author argues that science and higher education will indeed help Russia deepen the Eurasian integration, overcome the lack of trust among its regional neighbors and channel the positive experience of economic integration in adjacent spheres of interstate relations in the post-soviet area.

The Russian Federation believes that the post-Soviet region is strategically important and considers it to be the exclusive zone of its influence. Each of the former republics occupies a specific place in its foreign and security policy. In the following article the author has made an attempt to determine the place of Georgia and Ukraine in the aforementioned policy. It was made by analyzing Moscow's policy towards them, including actions that clearly enabled the implementation of a strategic political turn towards the West, which for the Kremlin would mean a gradual loss of influence in the area of the former USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soft power is analyzed in the article as a resource of integration in the post-soviet area. The author shows that soft power today is an indispensable resource of any integration policy. The amount of soft power defines the depth of integration. Integration in Eurasia is a natural process and eventually it will be of interest for all the states in the region. Soft power will reduce the transaction costs of integration and increase the attractiveness of the project for other states over the long run. A resource of the Russian soft power which will foster the integration processes in the post-soviet region might and ought to be higher education and science. The development of national science may be not only an integration tool, but also a nation idea and a goal for modernization. The author argues that science and higher education will indeed help Russia deepen the Eurasian integration, overcome the lack of trust among its regional neighbors and channel the positive experience of economic integration in adjacent spheres of interstate relations in the post-soviet area.

Under the influence of globalisation, current tendencies and trends in the area of international relations more intensively head toward the integration of relevant areas and sectors of activities within nation states. This process, taking place in local, regional and as well as in the international (global) dimension has resulted in significant political, social, economic as well as cultural transformations in the structures of nation states. A robust and constantly increasing pace along with the changing dynamics of the processes in economic and social fields redraw the political map of the world, the image of which reflects a more complicated system of factors of uncertainty and unpredictability since the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations arrangements. In the above context, the aim of the paper is the description of the potential for economic integration of the post-Soviet space in the relation to the soft power of Russia. For the above mentioned goal the author mainly identifies factors limiting or supporting the economic integration process of post-Soviet space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]