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This dissertation project examines the mobility of commerce and labor at the San Diego- Tijuana border. The dissertation tackles three interrelated topics. First, the dissertation analyzes the relationship between borders and the transportation and warehousing sector in San Diego- Tijuana with particular attention on the e-commerce sector. The border in this analysis is viewed both a line of demarcation as well as a malleable socio-legal construction that contributes to the accumulation of capital. Next, the dissertation analyzes what factors are driving urban development in the transportation and warehousing sector in San Diego-Tijuana. It is shown that factors such as increases in cross-border commercial traffic, changes in trade law, a shift to e- commerce in consumption patterns, investments in cross-border infrastructure, and supply chain contingencies are contributing to supply chain centered urban development in the region. Lastly, the dissertation analyzes the opportunities and constraints that transportation and warehousing workers have at their disposal to disrupt supply chains in the border region to make demands for better living conditions. Using Amazon and XPO Logistics facilities in the Otay Mesa border region of San Diego as illustrative cases it is argued that workers have power due to their position within larger production and distribution networks. However, workers lack power due to the precarious citizenship status of many of those who work in the transportation and warehousing sector.

While world-systems anti-systemic movement scholarship has briefly acknowledged the existence of anti-state "cultural" movements-namely, autonomous indigenous movements in the periphery and anarchist worker movements in the core and semi-periphery-it relegates them to secondary importance to statist "political" movements. In this paper, we provide an intervention in the world-systems anti-systemic movements literature by centering anti-state movements in our analysis. In order to investigate the mechanisms essential for anti-state, antisystemic movements over the longue durée of the world-system, we operationalize a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) using nine cases of non-state spaces from different geographies and historical time periods throughout the world-system. We use a Boolean crisp set, or binary approach, denoting the presence, or absence of factors to determine the pathways that lead to the variation between explicitly anarchist and implicitly anarchistic movements as well as short-term or long-term non-state spaces established by anti-state movements. We find that the core and semi-periphery classification of anarchist movements is false. We also find that non-state spaces succeed when they are not repressed by statist anti-systemic movements or core imperial nation-states. In effect, the anti-systemic political actor replicates the logic of the core nation-state it claims to be opposed to when it comes to its repression of non-state spaces and movements. Prior to the "liberal geoculture" (1848-1968), even core states had difficulty repressing non-state spaces, and after the liberal geoculture semi-periphery and periphery states have had difficulty repressing non-state spaces.