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Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper describes the main factors that helped facilitate the transformation of Kuwait from an Emirate ‘Emarah’ (a non‐state) to an internationally recognised state during the rule of Sheikh Abdullah Al‐Salem from 1950 to 1965. It identifies the soft power actions and public relations communication strategies that facilitated the transformation of Kuwait from Sheikhdom to statehood. Sheikh Al‐Salem's strategies set the foundations for Kuwait to become recognised and respected in international affairs, not only in the Middle East but also globally. Data were collected and reviewed from the academic literature, from public records, legal documents, letters, press releases and newspaper and magazine articles as well as songs and TV interviews. The evidence shows that Sheikh Al‐Salem's use of soft power actions and public relations techniques were influential in facilitating the formation of the new state and made Kuwait an important player in the international arena while maintaining Arab nationalism and Islamic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a remarkable confidence in Irish culture right now. In the decade to 2024, Ireland successfully emerged from a devastating recession while overseeing significant investment by the State in the arts. A new generation of artists are shaping Irish identity, forged in the heat of a rapidly growing multicultural population, to construct a new national narrative of Ireland. This paper examines the instrumentalisation of artists in Ireland’s nation brand. Based on interviews with renowned Irish artists, the author applies an autoethnographic approach to capture specific insights from these elite expert informants. The study establishes that artists are complicit in their use of the arts as a tool of soft power. It confirms their unique role in building a nation’s reputation, and engaging international publics with the multiplicity of narratives, within an evolving Irish identity. It calls for a conceptual repositioning of artists as critical co-authors in effective nation branding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews prominent definitions of global competency, explores the available (though limited) current evidence for its potential benefits, and offers recommendations for framing an understanding of the salience of global affairs education within theories of national security and related practice. The article identifies three potential pathways through which global competency benefits security. First, global competency—especially through phased primary, secondary and tertiary educational models—may contribute to a stronger and more competitive workforce in direct and indirect ways, in turn enhancing a country's innovative capacities and economic and military power and resilience to shocks. Second, global competency can serve as a form of public diplomacy, in turn supporting a country's soft power and global influence. Third, global competency can strengthen domestic institutions, combatting dis/misinformation about global issues and reducing vulnerability to malign actors who aim to leverage inaccurate and fear-based messages about the world to influence and destabilize foreign electorates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent terrorist attacks such as the Christchurch mosque attacks in 2019 renew the discussion of whether right-wing attacks are reported less negatively than Islamist attacks. To clarify this point, our study is the first to combine the selection of media inside and outside the West with a distinction between Islamist and right-wing attacks. We compare coverage given to thirty-two right-wing and forty Islamist attacks from 2015 to 2019 in nine Western and eight non-Western English-language media outlets, tapping the differential use of the "terrorist/terrorism" label and textual sentiment. Both (many) Western and (some) non-Western media use this label more frequently in the coverage of Islamist attacks. Importantly, public diplomacy channels from non-Western countries such as China Daily and Sputnik also demonstrate this pattern. Delegitimizing Islamist attacks more than right-wing attacks thus cannot be explained as merely a Western phenomenon alone. We point to alternative explanations and call for greater standardization of coverage across Islamist and right-wing attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to evaluate how Qatar Airways' sponsorship of FC Barcelona affects Qatar's sports diplomacy and brand awareness. It focuses on the sponsorship's demand strategy and takes into account the opinions and attitudes of Spanish nationals toward Qatar and Qatar Airways. Design/methodology/approach: To assess this, a survey of 434 Spanish nationals from 17 different regions from four zones (North, South, Center, and East) in Spain between November 3, 2022 and November 21, 2022 was conducted using a strata sampling method. Findings: We argue that Qatar Airways' sponsorship of FC Barcelona serves to improve Qatar's recognition and national reputation in Spain. We also found that there is a need for consistent sponsorship and marketing efforts in sports diplomacy to better fulfill public diplomacy aims. Overall, this paper concludes that Qatar Airways' sponsorship of FC Barcelona positively contributes to the country's sports diplomacy despite significant challenges. Originality/value: The major contribution of this study to the literature is the discussion of the role of sports sponsorships in the recognition of the sponsor, which was assessed through conducting a quantitative analysis of public opinion in the sponsored team's host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vital role of international broadcasting during times of international conflict has gained increasing attention; however, national variations in terms of communication strategies have rarely been explored in depth. This study fills this research gap by providing a comparative analysis of the communication strategies of Chinese and Russian state-sponsored international broadcasters. By examining CGTN's coverage of the South China Sea arbitration and RT's coverage of the Ukraine crisis in 2014, we find that the Chinese international broadcaster preferred official Chinese sources and a peace frame during a time of conflict, whereas its Russian counterpart tended to engage with Western countercultural speakers and present conflict frames. We further interpret the two media's different usage of sources and frames in the light of the media's organizational culture and the sponsoring states' national identities. The research advances the scholarship on the increasingly intensive information war between the East and the West through the way international broadcasters cover international conflicts. It enriches our understanding of the cultural and national dynamics underpinning the non-Western emerging countries' approaches of international communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran’s contemporary transnational connection with Turkish Alevis and Shiites has been a curious case. This study examines the perceptions of Alevi, Shiite, and Mutashayyi (converted Shiite) religious minorities in Turkey towards the Islamic Republic of Iran, shedding light on the complex interplay between denominational public opinion and international politics. The research unveils divergent perspectives held by these minority groups through semi-structured face-to-face interviews with the ‘opinion-maker’ religious elites. While Alevis, motivated by secularist concerns, shows political opposition to the Iranian regime despite the common religious symbolisms, Shiites and Mutashayyis demonstrate different degrees of sympathy or allegiance towards Iran. The study elucidates the complexities of multi-layered identities and their possible ramifications for international relations. Furthermore, the findings provide insights into the Iranian regime’s soft power potential and dynamics through religious diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The successful emergence of the Gulf states as central players in the global sporting ecosystem has revived the intellectual debate on the political and diplomatic use of sport. In the last decade, the amount of research on the topic have radically increase. The old narrative traditions explaining sport diplomacy have recently been joined by a new set of literature about the concept of sportswashing, which questions the place of non-democratic governments in the sporting world. Considering that current approaches are somehow limited to explain the real scope of the situation, this article proposes a new systematization of the political and diplomatic use of sport today, differentiating between practices, actors, and objectives. The aim is to demonstrate how sport as a tool of soft power has transcended the limits of public diplomacy and goes far beyond the simplistic and preconceptual analysis developed by authors who support the concept of sportswashing. The new conceptual framework warns that the politicization of sport is not always positive and shows how some political practices can jeopardies the core values of sport and delegitimize its positive aspect. The results open a new agenda for political science research on a topic that, despite its interest and importance, remains understudied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the efforts of sub-diplomatic actors in building the Anglo-American alliance during the long 19th century. Particular attention is given to the role of Dissenting churches, the use of common heritage, joint building projects, and trans-Atlantic tours as a form of public diplomacy in pursuit of this goal. The 'Pilgrims' in particular became a useful device for promoting closer Anglo-American relations – symbolising a common history and common values, civil liberties, the rule of law, and religious toleration, all in a world where these were not common. This brought British and American voices and values closer to many ordinary people, strengthening the increasingly complex and not always visible web linking Britain and the United States, creating personal relationships and group networks, together with a sense of common political values and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Indonesia has an executive section implementing public diplomacy, but does not yet have the characteristics of public diplomacy to be carried out, does not yet have a priority goal on the image that will be achieved by public diplomacy. Tourism is one of Indonesia's strong identities, but a strong image of Indonesian tourism has not yet emerged, which should be a priority, Indonesian tourism is not only limited to many tourist attractions, of course. Public diplomacy can be utilized to support the image of tourism, but it will not reach the optimal target, if the country does not know the instruments and characteristics of its public diplomacy. If Indonesia's public diplomacy is not optimized through a grand strategy, there is no certain modeling, then the great potential in Indonesia's public diplomacy instruments, for example diaspora, culture, and tourism itself, will not be optimally utilized Purpose: This research aims to map the characteristics of Indonesian public diplomacy so as to produce public diplomacy modeling that can be applied with potential instruments to be used, especially in supporting Indonesia's tourism image Methods: The method in this research is based on qualitative data. Results: With the conceptual framework of public diplomacy, interview methods and literature studies, this research found that the characteristics of tourism to be developed in Indonesia are quality and sustainable tourism, with supporting instruments of digital components and Indonesian cultural characteristics. Conclusion: A clear and strategic approach to public diplomacy is essential to improving Indonesia's tourism image. By incorporating digital strategies and engaging both the diaspora and international influencers, Indonesia can better showcase its tourism potential on the global stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mediated public diplomacy is a critical way of strategic communication for governments to influence global public opinion, especially during international conflicts. Based on the theories of mediatization and digitalization as well as the layered model of communicative space, this study investigates how the United States and Iranian embassies competed on the Chinese social media platform Sina Weibo over 13 months. Following a network ethnography approach, this study conducts longitudinal network analysis and textual analysis. The findings suggest that the macro-layer function (i.e. hashtag) facilitated horizontal dissemination of news about the US-Iran conflict from mainly China's state-media accounts, increasing public awareness of the issue within a short time. The meso-layer (repost and follower network) and micro-layer (mention and comment) functions helped establish vertical communication facilitated by opinion leaders and crowd-enabled leaders that perpetuated public attention on relevant issues. The two embassies engaged with the Chinese public in different communicative layers. The US embassy interacted with the Chinese publics through reposts and replies, while the Iranian embassy constructed their posts in the form of replies. The Iranian embassy leveraged China's state media agendas as narrative agency to conduct diplomatic communication by incorporating relevant hashtags in their posts. A layered model of mediated public diplomacy is proposed. The findings deepen our understanding of competing mediated public diplomacy, and contribute to the field of international communication of international conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A tiny city-state, Singapore has perceived its vulnerability as rooted in its miniscule size, limited resources, and geopolitical setting. Not directly involved in the competition between great powers, Singapore has hedged between the dominant powers of the Indo-Pacific for survival. This article introduces the concept of principled hedging, as opposed to desultory or indiscriminate hedging. It adds that Singapore's role of mediator, which counterintuitively challenges its hedging strategy by involving itself in regional and great-power geopolitics and taking sides based on the key principles of non-interventionism and observance of international law, allows Singapore to carve out for itself maximum space in diplomacy and geopolitics. Singapore also mediates between great powers and pursues the role of international middleperson and host of high-profile summits to assert its identity, not only for branding and public diplomacy but also for pushing China and the United States to reach a kind of détente so that it does not have to take sides explicitly. Singapore strictly adheres to the principles of non-interventionism and observance of international law, developing not only a collective position through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) but also an independent role of mediator between China and the United States. By playing the role of mediator, Singapore has projected an image of impartiality, pragmatism, and rationality that plays into the strategic considerations of great powers and offers opportunities for independent policymaking and self-expression of geopolitical views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the Twitter/X networks of U.S. ambassadors in Israel, Iraq, and Qatar from 2017 to 2024, aiming to assess how digital diplomacy is conducted through these platforms. Utilizing Sprinklr, we gathered 586,736 mentions involving the ambassadors' Twitter handles, with a focus on evaluating the influence and communication strategies within these networks. We analyzed a random sample of 30,000 tweets from the collected data using network analysis techniques. This approach enabled the examination of centrality metrics within the ambassadors' digital networks, providing insights into the influence patterns and communicative interactions via Gephi. The analysis revealed a significant influence of state actors and established political elites who predominantly engage in unidirectional communication, despite the platforms' capabilities for interactive and reciprocal dialogues. We identified elected officials and specific non-governmental organizations as key actors shaping the diplomatic narratives, highlighting the diverse yet controlled actor interplay in digital diplomacy. This research underscores the need for strategic adjustments in digital diplomacy practices to enhance interaction and inclusivity. Our work provides policymakers with insights into leveraging digital platforms for more effective and dynamic diplomatic exchanges. The study illuminates the role of digital platforms as critical venues for shaping diplomatic narratives by both state and non-state actors. Notably, our findings highlight the use of hashtags in advancing human rights movements and in discussions surrounding the Israel–Palestine conflict, demonstrating hashtags' impact on global and regional advocacy efforts. This research offers a unique perspective on the integration of traditional diplomatic roles with contemporary digital strategies, particularly highlighting the constraints and potentials within Middle Eastern contexts. We suggest ways to enhance the inclusivity and effectiveness of diplomatic engagements through improved social media utilization, thereby contributing to the evolving field of international relations and public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim. The article reveals the conceptual foundations of parliamentary diplomacy.Methods. In order to fulfill the purpose, the author drew upon theoretical methodology namely modelling, chronological, comparative, complementary and parallel approaches.Results. The phases of development of parliamentary diplomacy are outlined. The theoretical model (institutional design) of parliamentary diplomacy is designed. The features of the international activities of representative authorities are outlined.Conclusions. First, the geopolitical processes of the second half of the 20th century have caused parliamentary diplomacy to transform into double legitimate diplomacy, a new form of soft power tool and independent holistic concept. Second, parliamentary diplomacy has acquired a complex body (model), including various dimensions, levels of institutionalization, tools, forms and formats of cooperation. Third, although parliamentary diplomacy has a number of advantages over cabinet diplomacy (greater flexibility, informality and less bias), the other side of its institutional features (reduced powers, limited resources and ideological colouring) may have a negative impact on applied outcomes.

The paper examines the construction of China's country image in the opening ceremony of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games. It demonstrates how a country that has no winter sports tradition used the mega-event to showcase its national narrative and to promote winter sports industries. A semiotic framework is developed to model China's country image as evaluative attributes and to elucidate how they are constructed through linguistic and visual resources in the theater, livestream, and video inserts. The analysis shows that the ceremony was narrated around four major themes—the world's China, People's China, the aesthetic China, and the modernized China. Instead of revealing a changeless, nostalgic and mythical China that speaks to a Western orientalistic imagination, these four themes work together to reshape a modern China identity, which brings the contrasting values of globalism, nationalism, Chinese traditional aesthetics, and neoliberalism into a coherent artistic performance. The characteristics of nation branding discourse reflect China's urban regeneration policies on the one hand, and public diplomacies during the COVID-19 pandemic on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Language, as the most important means of communication among human beings, is essentially a reflection of all cultural aspects and the most important window of public diplomacy between countries. All cultural and ethnic manifestations are crystallized in language. For this reason, examining the status of languages in the world has always been of paramount importance, because any language can be considered as the best tool for a country's diplomatic, cultural, and scientific power. Public diplomacy is a novel approach in the foreign policy of countries that targets the people, especially elites, of other societies in foreign relations. The present study intends to explore the characteristics of the Persian language and its position in the world in terms of language hierarchy, scale of language distribution, and number of speakers. We will also discuss strategies to expand the Persian language, including maximizing the strategic position of Iran in the world, utilizing possible capacities for teaching Persian at the international level through innovative approaches, and promoting Persian language education in countries where learning a second or foreign language is mandatory.

The present article is part of a larger research that investigates the public/cultural diplomacy through branding, how to build external prestige, what are and how are constructed the "identity markers" that individualize a nation, how they have evolved and how they adapt today to the new realities, the way in which Romanianness, Hungarianness, Finishness, Sweedisnes, are transposed into recognizable identity markers. Brands operate as effective cultural agents. Most of the brands are technological products that can be associated with the act of culture in the conditions where culture includes material and immaterial values (gastronomy, technological culture, design, the lifestyle attached to the use of certain products, etc.)

Changes in the global media environment now challenge relationships between and within states. To expand understandings of mediated public diplomacy, this study examined 13,500 Instagram posts distributed on RT’s non-Russian accounts from September 2021–September 2022. It used LDA to identify RT topics across language accounts, explored the topics’ relation to UN statehood, examined audience engagement levels, and compared their frequency before and after major bans on RT content. The study found that more than two-thirds of the top 30 topics had direct relevance to the statehood frame. RT’s language accounts did employ unique audience-targeting strategies and situation-dependent emphases linked to the timing of their banned content, but the approaches varied according to which of the four statehood criteria were under discussion. High levels of audience engagement for statehood-related posts linked to each of the statehood definitional characteristics, but did not correspond to the frequency of the posted content. The study concludes with implications for mediated public diplomacy theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australia-New Zealand alliance is a critical element of New Zealand foreign and defence policy. It is especially important in a region that is becoming less stable and more competitive. This commentary asks how the alliance influences New Zealand’s China policy. Australia and New Zealand both enjoy significant trade relations with China, and both have sought to manage relations to maximise economic opportunities. Following decades of economic growth, China has led a regionwide increase in defence spending, becoming a more powerful, consequential and at times disruptive regional actor. This shift has complicated China policy in both countries and further underlined the importance of the alliance partnership for New Zealand. Both countries have recalibrated their China policies and strengthened the cohesion of the alliance. This is shown by shared assessments of opportunity and risk, of synchronised shifts due to changes in China and joint actions to shape China’s behaviour and the regional order. Temporal differences in policy shifts, notably in security settings and public diplomacy, follow a tradition of loyal opposition that ultimately strengthens the alliance response to a rejuvenated China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores whether and how the EU projected a digital form of public diplomacy in Southeast Asia during the COVID19 pandemic through its vaccine policy. Using Twitter (now X) data from the EU delegations and ambassadors in Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam, and applying a post-Foucauldian epistemology, the article argues that a vaccine-focused EU digital public diplomacy sustained the central role of the EU and the projection of a normatively positive EU identity in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate surrounding China’s public diplomacy in Africa highlights how the state coordinates and leverages Chinese actors, including firms, to advance diplomatic objectives. However, this article questions the notion of unidirectional state dominance by exploring the intricate interactions between the Chinese state and firms around promoting and publicizing corporate social responsibility (CSR), which is conceptualized as a public diplomacy tool of corporations to engage with the foreign public. Using the lens of public diplomacy, the author examines the unconventional state-firm interplay in the symbolic domain, shedding light on practices of China’s expansion in Africa. Through two empirical cases, the author demonstrates the interdependence and collaboration between the Chinese state and firms, revealing their divided interests and contested cooperative efforts to enact public diplomacy in Kenya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nascent Aistijan movement centred around the idea of establishing a Latvian–Lithuanian state following the Second World War. This article surveys the background of the idea, with particular attention to the public diplomacy of Lithuanian American émigrés, demonstrating its prevalence during the First World War. The activities of interwar Latvian and Lithuanian rapprochement societies are outlined, noting the prominence of the Aestii – the earliest recorded inhabitants of the eastern littoral of the Baltic Sea – in both academic and popular history, in addition to the emergence of the Aistijan movement following the Second World War. Examining the initial successes and rapid decline of the movement, the article also charts developments and material circumstances of language learning practices in connection with the idea of a Latvian–Lithuanian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents the findings of a research study on the videos posted by the New DPRK YouTube channel during a specific time period. The objective is to determine whether the channel represents a form of public diplomacy or international propaganda in the field of diplomacy. The study is based on the theoretical frameworks of public diplomacy and soft power by Joseph Nye Jr. and other authors. The videos analysed were categorised into twelve groups based on their objectives, target audience and composition. These categories provide a comprehensive understanding of the videos posted by New DPRK. In conclusion, the study suggests that although the YouTube channel exhibits some characteristics of a public diplomacy strategy, it does not align with the theoretical framework adopted in the study of public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the young Republic of Turkey, the 1930s were a test of international public diplomacy. Turkey, which based its domestic and foreign policy on the principle of “Peace at home, peace in the world!”, was also concerned about its own future with the dictatorial regimes of Germany, Russia and Italy, which had distanced themselves from democratic governance and entered into an arms race with a sense of revenge, as well as the public diplomacy it would conduct and the measures it would take with the countries in its region. During the First World War, the country had suffered great devastation. The Turkish nation had spent everything it had in the struggle for liberation and was almost exhausted. However, it had managed to build a democratic state based on “National Sovereignty” despite the great economic depression that engulfed the world. However, the political developments in Europe and the possibility of the Republic of Turkey entering into a new chaos with the approaching World War could have destroyed all the gains and the future of the country. The task of protecting Turkey from this impending danger and keeping it safe could only be possible with the rational policies pursued by President Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the correct decisions taken by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in line with these policies. The aim of this study is to examine the Turkish public diplomacy as reflected in the minutes of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 1932 and 1938 in order to prevent Turkey's involvement in the upcoming great war and to secure its gains with measures to ensure its security in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Soviet Union's involvement in the Cold War during the Brezhnev era, with a focus on the interaction between transnational institutions and Soviet citizens who were interested in Western culture. It emphasizes the significance of personal relationships in navigating détente and the role of summit diplomacy in fostering cooperation between the Soviet Union and the United States. The article also highlights the impact of the Helsinki Accords in promoting international networks of individuals advocating for peace and human rights. The text discusses the Soviet Union's practice of internationalism during the Cold War, including participation in organizations like UNESCO, cultural exchanges, sports diplomacy, and scientific collaborations. It acknowledges that despite the perception of the Soviet Union as closed off, there were opportunities for transnational connections and exchanges. The article also acknowledges the challenges and unintended consequences that arose from these interactions. Additionally, it explores the increase in cross-cultural relations and internationalist practices during the Brezhnev period, such as efforts to educate foreigners about Soviet life through tourism and cultural exchanges. The influence of Western music in Soviet society is also mentioned, despite censorship and control. The article underscores the importance of personal relationships and the permeability of the Iron Curtain during this time. The research on Soviet engagement with the West provides insights into the current "new Cold War" and the impact of economic and cultural sanctions. [Extracted from the article]

This paper introduces the Digitalization of Diplomacy Maturity Model (DD-MM), a comprehensive framework designed to assess and enhance the digital capabilities of diplomatic institutions. The DD-MM encompasses four critical dimensions: people, digital visibility, technology and security, and policies, providing a structured approach to evaluate and advance the maturity of digital diplomacy practices. In the people dimension, the model emphasizes role definitions, change management, and specialized training programs, highlighting the need for diplomats to acquire digital literacy and competency. The digital visibility dimension focuses on the strategic use of social media and other online platforms to enhance a nation's presence and influence in the digital sphere, emphasizing engagement with a global audience and proactive digital communications management. The technology and security dimension addresses ICT infrastructure, cybersecurity, and data management, advocating for the adoption of state-of-the-art technologies to support diplomatic activities and ensure the security of sensitive information. The policies dimension underscores the necessity for clear guidelines and regulatory frameworks to govern the use of digital tools in diplomacy, including the formulation of policies that align with international standards and promote ethical practices. The DD-MM outlines a clear pathway for continuous improvement, guiding institutions from the initial stages of digital integration to advanced levels of optimization and strategic alignment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What influence does the digital diplomacy of the post 9/11 world have on our understanding of counter-terrorism (CT) diplomacy during the Cold War? This article explores this question and the intersection between intelligence, counterterrorism diplomacy and the digital transformation long overlooked by scholars of Israeli–Turkish relations, Cold War history and terrorism studies. Diplomacy in crisis situations usually operates in an uncertain reality triggered by conflict. Turkey's domestic crises, specifically its energy crisis between 1978 and 1980, served to shift the country's foreign policy toward the more anti-Israeli stance of the Arab nations and their demands that Turkey boycott Israel in return for supplying Turkey's energy needs. This came in the context of a regional wave of contentious politics in the Middle East after the 1979 Iranian revolution, when Israel had just lost three decades of massive investment in Iran under the Shah. I argue that knowing the Turkish military junta's primary goals centered on the fight against the far left and right political violence at home and on Armenian terror attacks against Turkish diplomats abroad, Israeli diplomats employed a very selective CT policy focusing on the cooperation between Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Public diplomacy was key to conveying this message, and attempts to plant information about the Armenian-Palestinian cooperation in Turkish news outlets and national television were made. Israel's goal was to influence Turkey's public emotions and convey to Turkey's military junta that Jerusalem was a true ally, working to confront the mutual regional threat of Armenian-Palestinian terrorists arising from Lebanese training camps. This case study highlights the paradox that Ministries of Foreign Affairs and diplomats enjoyed an unparalleled monopoly of power during the Cold War over the use of means of public diplomacy, while at the time having very limited capacity, and a frequent need for third party mediators to engage with foreign public audiences. It is thus unlikely that the conveyed messages would have been as visible and disseminated as easily as they could be in the post 9/11 via means of digital diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurovision Song Contest is officially a non-political event but has nevertheless been a useful tool for participating nations' public and cultural diplomacy strategies. While Eurovision's diplomatic utility for states is subject to much scholarly attention, little attention has been paid to how fans and audiences participate actively in these processes as political agents and actors. Drawing upon the frameworks of public diplomacy and participatory culture, this article puts forth the portmanteau concept of 'participatory diplomacy' to explain and explore how Eurovision illuminates a particular intersection of public diplomacy and participatory culture wherein the audience actively participates in its cultural platform to shape its political message and meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research critically investigates the public diplomacy strategies deployed by a cohort of influential female European leaders on Twitter during the Russo-Ukrainian War of 2022-2023. The study comprises eight leaders - Kallas (Estonia), Marin (Finland), von der Leyen (President of the European Commission), Metsola (President of the European Parliament), Sandu (Moldova), Simonyte (Lithuania), Zourabichvili (Georgia), and Meloni (Italy) - representing millions of constituents. By mirroring the analytical attention given to Ukraine's President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, this study scrutinizes the distinct approaches and differences in emotional, cognitive, and structural language use between these influential female figures and President Zelenskyy in their respective Twitter discourse during the crisis. By employing the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC)-22 dictionary, this research intends to uncover unique patterns and nuances in the language use of these leaders, thereby offering fresh insights into the gendered communication and diplomacy employed by the female cohort during conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the importance of embassy architecture in representing a country's diplomatic presence and how it reflects historical, geopolitical, economic, and commercial decisions made by the government. The essays in the article explore the relationship between embassy buildings and diplomacy, highlighting the historical and future evolution of embassy design. The article also addresses contemporary issues such as information security and physical security concerns, as well as the impact of digital technologies on embassy architecture. The authors emphasize the need for interdisciplinary research to better understand the complex interplay between architecture, diplomacy, and cultural studies in embassy design. [Extracted from the article]

This study investigates the effectiveness of the European Union's (EU) cultural diplomacy in promoting its shared values. The research analyzes the mechanisms of the cultural sector in EU foreign policy, utilizing methods such as documentary research, induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, and abstract-logical processes. The findings demonstrate that EU cultural diplomacy is an integral part of promoting shared EU values, employing both direct and indirect public diplomacy tools. The study concludes that a unified approach, including Ukraine's involvement, is crucial for enhancing the effectiveness of promoting EU values. Further research should focus on analyzing the shared values of the EU and Ukraine to develop a standardized model for their promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Erciyes Communication / Erciyes İletişim Dergisi is the property of Erciyes University, Faculty of Communication / Erciyes Universitesi Iletism Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study I try to reveal and analyse less known sources for the term Cultural Diplomacy. Most bibliographic resources dealing with Cultural Diplomacy are coming from an Anglo-American source. According with this bibliography, the term Cultural Diplomacy would have been used for the first time in 1954 in New York Times, and in official documents in 1959 in US. However, in Hungary, the term Cultural Diplomacy has been used as such since the mid-1930s. In 1937, so two decades before the mention in the New York Times, the book The Basics of Cultural Diplomacy was written by János Hankiss. Due to the fact that by tradition in the interwar Romania cultural propaganda was often articulate with reference to the Hungarian cultural propaganda, this study exposes the ideas of János Hankiss "in the mirror" with the ideas exposed by his contemporary Romanian counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent and increasingly antagonistic relationship between the world's two great powers, the United States and China, has caused collateral damage to many secondary countries as their interests might rely on amicable relationships with both the US and China. Employing soft power as the theoretical framework, this study is one of the first empirical investigations of how the divergent US and Chinese anti-virus approaches (i.e., mitigation strategies vs. zero COVID policy) may influence people's policy preferences in secondary countries. A two-wave cross-national panel survey (n = 3,216) was conducted in four Asian societies: South Korea, Japan, Singapore, and Hong Kong. The results disclose an uneven game regarding the soft power competition between the US and China: Asian publics with greater confidence in the US anti-virus approach perceive domestic anti-virus measures as restrictive, and express less support for international trade; whereas, Asian publics trusting China's anti-virus approach express no specific preferences for domestic anti-virus measures, but more support for international trade and immigration. These findings illustrate differential responses from Asian publics to the US's and China's soft power practices in different policy arenas. This study contributes to the emerging literature linking COVID-19 to soft power, public diplomacy, and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of United Nations (UN) tour guides from 1952 to 1977 and their contribution to public diplomacy. The guides, who were young women, played a crucial role in promoting the UN and became its public face for visitors. The article argues that the guides were diplomats in their own right, serving as stewards of internationalism. It also highlights the broader participation of young women in internationalism and challenges traditional notions of diplomacy and gender roles. The guides had autonomy over their tours and could emphasize important themes, but were expected to be objective representatives of the UN. They faced challenges such as sexism and objectification, but played a significant role in shaping public perceptions of the UN, particularly among American visitors. The article acknowledges the impact of the guides in promoting a positive image of the UN, but also recognizes the limitations they faced. The popularity of guided tours declined in the 1970s due to geopolitical shifts and increased air travel. Overall, the article emphasizes the important role of the UN guides in shaping public perception and understanding of the organization. [Extracted from the article]

This work explores China's African public relations and image‐building effort, focusing on Nigeria. Thus, the paper's purpose is twofold: first, to investigate whether China's conduct of public diplomacy through its soft power resource—development assistance—has effectively shaped positive Nigerian public perception of China, and second, to determine the media's role in advancing China's public diplomacy in Nigeria. Specifically, it explores the interaction of economic development assistance, media, and public relations. I do this by comparing China's foreign direct investment (FDI) in Nigeria (2010–2019) with the public's perception of the FDI's influence on the Nigerian economy (2016 and 2020) and the media's role in shaping public support toward the investments. Utilizing a range of datasets, I find that Chinese economic investment alone is insufficient to substantially shape positive Nigerian public perception of China. Within a framework of mediated public diplomacy, I demonstrate that the Chinese image‐building effort in Nigeria would likely enhance when the country links economic investments with public relations to make the investments more visible through effective media representation. Related Articles: Ayhan, Kadir Jun, and Nancy Snow. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue—Global Korea Scholarship: Empirical Evaluation of a Non‐Western Scholarship Program from a Public Diplomacy Perspective." Politics & Policy 49(6): 1282–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12440. Hodzi, Obert, and John H. S. Åberg. 2020. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Strategic Deployment of the China Model in Africa." Politics & Policy 48(5): 804–14. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12378. Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. "Indonesia's 'Intermestic' Public Diplomacy: Features and Future." Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate the ways in which the SEA Teacher Program helps Indonesia and the Philippines accomplish their public diplomacy objectives of preparing ASEAN youth for globalization, student exchanges among ASEAN member nations, and youth forums during the annual cultural week.This study employed a qualitative methodology with a thematic analysis technique as its research methodology. This approach was used in an effort to gain an understanding of the experiences of the participants, SEA Teacher mentors, and coordinators from the Philippines and Indonesia. The study's findings demonstrate how the SEA Teacher program helps Indonesia and the Philippines carry out their public diplomacy by introducing participants to the languages and cultures of each SEA Teacher participating nation and fostering their own professional growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing interdependence among nations, the advancement of science and technology and the impact of globalisation have made it less useful for nations to rely predominantly on hard power to pursue their foreign policies' goals. In the contemporary era, nations have shifted their attention to soft power as an alternative policy to maximise gains from other countries. Although the exercise of hard power is still relevant in international relations, soft power has become a less destructive option. For instance, sports has proved its power as a tool of diplomacy at different times. In India, cricket has moved from its status as a mere sport to a powerful instrument of diplomacy. In this article, the authors analyse the value of sports in general and cricket in particular as an instrument of public diplomacy, its capacity for nation branding, and the future prospects of cricket in pursuing India's foreign policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Former South Korean President Moon Jae-in implemented a project called the Peace Initiative, which prioritized a "peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula" as the core national agenda and involved using a peace-based frame instead of a unification approach to address inter-Korean relations from a different perspective. This initiative was evaluated in this study using a revised version of the pyramid model to assess the input-output-result process underlying the project and determine whether it generated results that differed from those achieved by the previous administration. To these ends, this research compared Moon's key presidential speeches with those of his predecessor, Park Geun-hye, as input, news commentaries and responses from major players as output, and the trend of perceptional and attitudinal changes in public opinion as results. Although Moon failed to accomplish significant policy effects on inter-Korean relations because of geopolitical challenges and the transfer of power to the conservative party, the analysis revealed that the input, output, and partial results of inter-Korean dialogue reflect some progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries in the Middle East go to considerable lengths using mass media to try to maintain or improve their images among the U.S. public. The same countries often engage in negative media campaigns in the U.S. against each other, attempting to bring down public support for regional rivals. This study examined diplomatic evaluations of five Middle East countries—rating Saudi Arabia, Israel, Palestine, Qatar, and UAE as an ally, neutral, or enemy of the U.S.—among a large, representative sample of U.S. adults (N = 2059), and assessed measures of news use, social media use, political partisanship, and demographic variables as predictors of the evaluations. News use and other media use predicted little variance in diplomatic ratings; the strongest predictors of positive ratings of a given country were having rated one or more of the other countries positively also—what we term a "regional halo effect." A key implication of this study is that attempting to harm public perceptions of a regional rival may be self-defeating for a given country, as negative attitudes toward the former country are associated with poor attitudes toward the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the challenges and opportunities facing emerging powers in an increasingly complex international system? While existing studies on emerging powers have looked at their potential impact on the international order, fewer studies have focused on the challenges and opportunities that can negatively or positively impact the progress of emerging powers. This study examines the experiences of Türkiye as an emerging power since the turn of the new millennium and uses it to illustrate the potential challenges and opportunities. The authors adopt five pillars which include: 1) domestic political and international ideological pillars; 2) geopolitical pillars; 3) success in international broadcasting; 4) economic pillars; and 5) institutional pillars (regionalism and international cooperation) to assess how emerging powers navigate the complexities that come with such status. Using a case study approach, the authors argue that emerging powers are likely to remain as "emerging" if they do not capitalize on their strengths and/or reduce the negative effectes of threats that come with the being an emerging power. The findings of the study aim to inform policy and open a new front to assess and understand emerging powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the growing lapses of sports-based strategies in the Philippine setting, the gap between its theoretical foundation and its praxis has ballooned, predominantly attributed to the need for more academic work in this area. Correspondingly, this study provides implications for sports-related strategies for predicting a positive public image of the Philippines and harboring peaceful state cooperation through the merits of soft power. To achieve this, this paper has contrived the objectives, including (1) identifying the implications of hosting the SEA Games 2019 for the country by examining the management of the Philippine government, (2) determining the implications of the elite sporting success of Filipino athletes in sports tournaments, and, lastly, (3) identifying the potential of sports through the implementation of sports-related strategy by the Philippines. Moreover, this paper implements qualitative methods, including document review and key informant interviews, to gather pertinent testimonials from various sub-sectors in sports, including national elite athletes, professional coaches, and sports experts, to assess the state of Philippine sports and significantly determine its potential as a serious form of public diplomacy, particularly in achieving its intended outcomes. This study infers that Philippine sports have the capability to influence the country's stature with consideration of the global media as well as advance its foreign policy of international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations Studies / Uluslararası Ilişkiler Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The book "Museum Diplomacy: How Cultural Institutions Shape Global Engagement" edited by Sarah Smith and Sascha Priewe explores the concept of museum diplomacy and its role in shaping global engagement. The book challenges the traditional understanding of diplomacy and argues for a museum diplomacy that is rooted in the interests, values, principles, and priorities of museums themselves. Through case studies and reflections, the book highlights the potential of museums to address global challenges, promote human rights, foster sustainable development, and empower marginalized communities. The authors emphasize the importance of museums in promoting mutual understanding and facilitating dialogue between nations. [Extracted from the article]

Although public diplomacy and its influence on foreign public opinion have been central themes in recent research, the latter often lacks methodological diversity and does not consider how states create competing images. Our study offers a framework for understanding Italian public opinion using a triangulation approach that combines traditional public opinion surveys with advanced text analysis of social media content. We compare the representation of China and the United States in the Italian Twitter community during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Our analysis shows that Italians who perceived China as a viable alternative to Western governments in public opinion surveys did so because they distrusted Western leaders and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]