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In early 1799 French authorities issued orders to identify and register Ottoman Muslims within the territory of the Republic, followed by orders to arrest Algerian subjects and sequester their property. The immediate context of the policing operation was France's unprovoked July 1798 invasion of Egypt, leading to the Ottoman declaration of war in September. But the aims of this botched and almost entirely fruitless operation are harder to discern. Presented as a way of ensuring the safety of French subjects who had been detained in Istanbul and Algiers, it only exacerbated tensions. It was less a proportionate diplomatic action than a Machiavellian tactic by the foreign minister, Talleyrand. In the interests of ending the Revolution in France, Talleyrand sought to aggravate the war and drive the Ottoman Empire into the arms of the anti‐French coalition. The new anti‐Muslim rhetoric that emerged in this process outlasted Talleyrand's ministry and contributed to the fragmentation of republican universalism in the lead‐up to Napoleon Bonaparte's coup d'état at the end of 1799. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the play "Le chant du retour" by Vera Feyder, which was commissioned to commemorate the bicentennial of the French Revolution. The play incorporates historical elements and explores the concept of humanism through the character of Maxime. It also addresses themes of fraternity, freedom, and the treatment of foreigners in the town of Arras. Through various art forms, the play aims to revive the spirit of revolution and convey a message of compassion and understanding. [Extracted from the article]

On May 28, 1794, a criminal investigation that had begun almost a month before concluded with the execution of sixty-three men and women, the imprisonment of fifteen more, and a few days later the destruction of an entire village. This article examines the burning of Bédoin, the crime that provoked it, and the judicial process that accompanied it, to explore the relationship between criminal cause and punitive effect during the Terror of year II. As a case study in revolutionary justice, this episode appears extreme, but this article argues that it allows us to interrogate the meanings that ordinary revolutionaries attached to terms like crime and complicity when the survival of the state seemed at stake. In looking beyond the Terror to the controversies that enveloped this village's destruction, this article also examines the aftermath of atrocity to consider how a society comes to terms with crime when both the definition of criminality and the identity of the criminal are in flux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes French departmental statistical reports published under the Directory and the Consulate as a prism for tracing transformations in ideas about inheritance, from the Montagnards' radical egalitarianism to the Napoleonic Civil Code. By focusing on prefects, who provided statistical reports on the population of their respective departments, the article reveals their role in ushering in a return to patriarchalism. Not only did some prefects turn a blind eye to the fact that many families were ignoring the new egalitarian inheritance laws, but they also used novel social scientific vocabulary to defend practices of local, unequal property distribution. Paradoxically, those communities that the statisticians perceived as un‐French and uneducated were also those that supposedly encapsulated the domestic values that would ensure social stability for the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annuals of the Administration & Law / Roczniki Administracji i Prawa is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza Humanitas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article étudie les origines religieuses de la Révolution, au sens de ce qui a rendu possible l'idée même de révolution. Il suggère que la Révolution a eu des origines religieuses dans un sens bien plus direct que ce que suggèrent les études sur les controverses autour du jansénisme. C'est parce que l'ordre divin était considéré comme supérieur à tout ordre créé par les humains que la rupture avec les coutumes et traditions du royaume a pu être conçue comme légitime. En ce sens, la Révolution française est comparable aux révolutions qui l'ont précédée. Cet article invite à reconsidérer la pensée politique des Lumières françaises, irriguées par la pensée théocratique. La thèse principale est que ce qui change dans la France des Lumières par rapport à celle du XVIIe siècle, c'est une insistance nouvelle sur les lois immuables et éternelles établies par Dieu. Les origines profondes de cette pensée théocratique, qui remontent à la scholastique médiévale, y sont considérées. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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L’histoire constitutionnelle française a longtemps été dominée par une tradition d’hostilité au gouvernement des juges. En effet, la Révolution française consacre une conception de la loi qui place les juges dans un rapport de subordination et de dépendance à l’égard de la législation. Elle condamne ainsi les prétentions des cours supérieures de justice, qui ont tenté de soumettre la législation royale au respect de principes constitutionnels. Des Lumières au Second Empire, les tentatives visant à imposer la suprématie des normes constitutionnelles se heurtent à la souveraineté de la loi parlementaire, qui connaît son apogée sous la Troisième République. Au cours de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, cette tradition légicentriste s’érode progressivement, face au développement de la justice constitutionnelle dans les pays d’Europe occidentale. Pourtant, au lendemain de la Seconde guerre mondiale, les partisans du contrôle de constitutionnalité sont loin de tous considérer qu’il faut confier cette tâche à une juridiction. L’hostilité au gouvernement des juges conduit ainsi à l’instauration du contrôle de constitutionnalité sans justice constitutionnelle. L’émergence progressive de la justice constitutionnelle sous la Cinquième République procède d’une rupture avec l’esprit de la constitution de 1958. Initiée par le Conseil constitutionnel, cette évolution a ensuite été confirmée par la révision de la constitution, consacrant l’adoption laborieuse de la justice constitutionnelle par les institutions françaises.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When Louis XVI was executed by guillotine on 21 January 1793, he became the central figure in two competing narratives of national regeneration. For revolutionaries, his death established and baptized the new republic in the king's blood. For royalists, Louis became a Christ-like martyr whose sacrifice would eventually save France from the sin of the Revolution. This article argues that narratives of the execution of Louis XVI provided symmetrically opposite interpretations of the events of 1793. Blood figured importantly in the rhetoric of both groups in almost exactly the same kinds of ways and relied heavily in both cases on the traditions of the pre-revolutionary era. Ultimately, the article seeks to use the symbolic power of Louis's blood to trace important lines of continuity between the ancien régime, the Revolution, and the Bourbon Restoration. Paying attention to this continuity has two important effects. First, bringing the Revolution and the Restoration into conversation reveals the existence of a common emotional framework. In both cases, political culture operated in part along an interplay of vengeance and sacrifice, symbolized in the form of Louis's blood. This emotional framework reveals the ways in which Revolutionary narratives about Louis XVI were transpositions of royal mythologies, rather than rejections of them. The continuity of this framework in ultra-royalist attempts to re-establish the legitimacy of the Bourbon regime points to the hybridity of the monarchy after the Revolution and to how the trauma of Revolution was key in narratives of Bourbon authority. Second, exploring the symbolic value of Louis's blood points to the underlying tensions during this period produced from the coexistence, rather than the replacement, of spectacular, visual notions of sovereignty in the body of the king or of the people, with the emerging authority of legislative bodies and the written word of the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article de synthèse veut dépasser le cloisonnement des historiographies nationales pour montrer l’importance des aspirations aux réformes agraires, celles des modes de propriété et d’exploitation de la terre. Dans l’Europe des Lumières, les échanges d’idées et d’expériences agronomiques sont intenses, ils sont indissociables des réflexions sur l’économie politique et l’organisation sociale. Les premières tentatives de réformes, dans les années 1760-1780 suscitent de fortes tensions sociales et des réactions divergentes des Etats européens. La Révolution française agitée par de fortes contradictions, imprime sa marque : elle aboutit í une forme de libéralisme agraire mitigé. Sans imposer un modèle í l’Europe, elle contribue plutôt í accentuer les différenciations nationales : alors que certains pays continuent leurs réformes, d’autres ont une réaction conservatrice.

This article outlines the history of the administration in charge of the regulation and control of public opinion during the French Empire. The context of this regulation is delineated by examining how Napoleon intended, as early as the Consulate, to merge the Ancien Regime traditions with the new values of the Revolution. This project acknowledges innovative developments in public opinion management, in the shaping of political legitimacy after 1789. I will examine three unpublished manuscripts produced by this administration in order to illustrate the administrative and political implications of the imperial control of public opinion. In addition, I will analyze the historical issues at stake determined by different figures who played a role in this administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Jean Colombier (1736–1789) est un médecin hygiéniste de l'Ancien Régime qui rédige, en 1785, une Instruction sur la manière de gouverner les insensés et de travailler à leur guérison dans les Asyles qui leur sont destinés. Après une biographie succincte de ce médecin, hélas négligé et oublié, nous montrons comment le geste mythifié de Philippe Pinel (1745–1826) coupant les chaînes entravant les aliénés de Bicêtre n'a été, en réalité, que l'aboutissement d'une lente évolution des réflexions de philosophes du XVIIIe siècle influençant les médecins et le pouvoir royal depuis 1780. Colombier préconise déjà, et avant Pinel, les améliorations utiles à la prise en charge des aliénés en vue de les soigner et non de les punir. Ami et proche du surveillant Jean-Baptiste Pussin (1745–1811) à l'hospice de Bicêtre, Colombier apparaît en médecin pionnier de la philanthropie bienfaitrice aux aliénés plusieurs années avant la Révolution et Pinel qui sut en bénéficier. Jean Colombier (1736–1789) was a physician and sanitarian before the French Revolution who, in 1785, wrote Instruction sur la manière de gouverner les insensés et de travailler à leur guérison dans les Asyles qui leur sont destinés (Instructions on governing the insane and working to cure them in insane asylums). After a brief biography of Colombier, unfortunately neglected and forgotten, we will show how the mythified gesture of Philippe Pinel (1745–1826), who cut the chains of the insane patients at the Hospice de Bicêtre, was in fact the result of a slow shift in the thinking of the 18th-century philosophers who had been influencing physicians and royal power since 1780. Before Pinel, Colombier had already recommended improvements in treating the insane that were aimed at caring for them rather than punishing them. A friend and colleague of the superintendent Jean-Baptiste Pussin (1745–1811) at the Hospice de Bicêtre, Colombier's work as a physician pioneered philanthropy benefiting the insane several years before the French Revolution and Pinel, who was able to take advantage of his efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the critical reflexivity between actors and the audiences by focusing on François-Joseph Talma during the French Revolution. Admirers wrote letters to Talma filled with advice which may have prompted Talma’s dramatic style, his theory about “creative imagination”, and his belief in an actor’s mission to be like a history teacher, which he would later develop in Réflexions sur Lekain et sur l’art théâtral (1825). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By insisting that the change of monarch as a result of the Glorious Revolution was no more than “a small and a temporary deviation from the strict order of a regular hereditary succession,” Edmund Burke was promoting an interpretation of the Glorious Revolution in terms of an exception that simply confirmed the rule. With the French Revolution in full swing across the Channel, this was meant to defuse the potentially revolutionary alternative reading of Richard Price, for whom the principle of popular sovereignty had been asserted in 1688-1689. Yet as Burke himself had to admit, the statesmen of the time had had to deploy considerable legal inventiveness to sustain the case for dynastic continuity, and to smooth over the uncomfortable fact that the constitution had actually broken down. This at least cast doubt on the merely exceptional nature of the Glorious Revolution, suggesting that the case for popular sovereignty was stronger than Burke had cared to admit.

Roman rules and thus devoted the fact that the arbitration is based on the will of the parties. But at the same time France gradually forged its own model, which came in particular from the fact that the arbitration was submitted to the appeal to the Parliament, institution by which the king controlled justice and asserted his position of sovereign from the Middle Ages. In the French tradition of arbitration, a first break occurred in the Sixteenth century, when Chancellor Michel de L'Hospital wanted to make binding arbitration between merchants and members of the same family, to preserve their good relations. Judges who saw their jurisdiction reduced did not accept it and arbitration became one of the means of the struggle between the king and his judges, a struggle that arose from the wars of religion and worsens in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth century. A second rupture then occurred during the French Revolution. It was then a question of rendering the exercise of justice to the citizen and the revolutionary legislator developing the arbitration, which also remained the means for him to divert the parts of the traditional justice, whose power was wary. Finally, the arrival of Napoleon Bonaparte in power and the Code of Civil Procedure marked a third break: the Emperor then profoundly reformed the law as justice and confidence in this institution, organized as the best possible, was restored. Arbitration was therefore rejected at the margin, as a mode of dispute resolution lower in quality and not having all the guarantees of good justice. It was only with the revival of international trade in Europe at the end of the Nineteenth century that arbitration regained its utility, the favor of political power and the favor of judges.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper deals with a historical polemic concerning the war of Vendée during the French revolution (1793-1799) which is considered by some historians to be the first genocide of modern history. One of them, Reynald Secher, speaks about a "memoricide", which means a murder of historical memory. The paper presents this conception and then tries to verify it on the base of some historical novels written by Royalist and Republican authors all along the 19th century. The conclusion proves that historical memory of Vendée has neither been forgotten nor repressed, but on the contrary, this theme was being used by both sides in their political and ideological conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Comment la Révolution Française questionne-t-elle le théâtre ? Telle est la problématique que nous nous proposons de traiter dans cet article. Pour ce faire, notre argumentation se divisera en deux grandes parties. La première d’entre elles se focalisera sur le syntagme « théâtre révolutionnaire ». Que désigne précisément cette acception ? En ce qui concerne la seconde partie, elle concernera « Charles IX ou l’école des rois » de Marie -Joseph Chénier. Nous tenterons de démontrer que cette pièce de théâtre, prise entre son conservatisme formel et son esthétique novatrice, confronte les lecteurs/spectateurs aux impasses de la liberté révolutionnaire.