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Mixed-race people can be caught in a web of stereotypes – being pathologised as tragically 'mixed up' or heralded as the precursors of a 'rainbow nation'. Many of these stereotypes have come primarily from research and popular cultural images in the US and the UK. Recently, within Critical Mixed-Race Studies, there is a call to study mixed-race people outside of these stereotypes, particularly those living outside the US and UK. Ireland is a unique place to look at mixed-race experiences. As a post-colonial nation within Europe with a strongly racialised past (non-white to white) and a global history of emigration, Ireland is actively grappling with contemporary rapid migration and racial/ethnic change from the 2000s to today and is now possibly becoming less white. This paper examines the historical and contemporary contexts of being mixed-race in Ireland to analyse the potential political and social meanings of mixed-race Irishness today. It begins with a demographic snapshot of racial/ethnic changes in Ireland and examines the role of symbolic representations of mixed-race in Ireland. Through indicative qualitative interviews, it concludes with some tentative ideas about how understandings of mixed-race may be shifting within Ireland today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the tumultuous early twenty-first century, vigorous appeals to whiteness in Britain are largely attributed to populist ethno-nationalism. This article offers a complementary critical account focusing on the use of "racialism" as a purportedly non-invidious theoretical framework for describing racial differences and resultant societal impacts. Drawing on recent examples, especially the work of David Goodhart and Eric Kaufmann, I consider the deployment of racialism to characterize a benign white ethno-racial communalism based on "self-interest" and a positive preference for "co-ethnics" sharing common values. I suggest that racialist local whiteness is used to pursue two repudiatory projects: first, politically weakening black, Asian and minority ethnic groups by constituting white disadvantage; and second, disarming accounts of pervasive and systemic racism by naturalizing racial stratification. Ultimately, I argue that an understanding of racialist local whiteness guards against the racial reification of populist nationalism and illuminates the deeper entrenchment of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the impact of late Victorian cultural assumptions on the conduct of the South African War of 1899-1902, both at home and on the battlefield. It contends that three cultural values, intrinsic to late Victorian culture--cosmopolitanism, political egalitarianism, and race--shaped British soldiers' sense of justice at the outset of the war and, as a result, influenced their actions on and off the battlefield. This article emphasizes that the numerous "small wars" fought by British armies in the late nineteenth century, of which the South African War was the largest, were each unique and worthy of study not just as political history but as cultural military history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the motivation and function of the UK's hate-crime framework, offering a historically located interpretation. It discusses the development of legislation to combat discrimination- and prejudice-motivated harassment and offending before examining recent assessments of the UK's approach. It then provides a cursory examination of the historical context in which the UK's legislative and policy developments emerged. After exposing the limitations of the current UK response and framing this in a wider domestic and international context, the paper concludes by arguing that the UK's evolving hate-crime policy framework currently remains partial and serves to obfuscate its social control objectives, along with the political anxieties related to the ideological and political threats and disorder that underpinned its development. The article concludes by arguing that the current framework has recently downgraded - and increasingly sidesteps - the need to address internal manifestations of illiberalism, including institutional discrimination, workforce representativeness, racial and religious disparity, and equal opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years since the publication of the Macpherson report, many countries across the world have implemented policy and legislative frameworks in order to respond more effectively to hate crime. Within the UK, and despite laudable progress in some contexts, a set of significant challenges remains in relation to the under-reporting of hate crime, widespread victim dissatisfaction with police responses and inconsistent recording practices. This broader landscape of flawed responses illustrates the need for and importance of effective training for police professionals. However, little is known in connection to what training is delivered and to whom, despite a series of government action plans committing to the rollout of a national training package. Drawing from a body of empirical evidence gathered from Freedom of Information (FOI) requests, in-depth semi-structured interviews and observations of police training, this article highlights that although hate crime training is being delivered within forces, a series of structural, organisational, operational and individual barriers are undermining its delivery and effectiveness. At a time when levels of hate crime are rising, it is imperative that police officers and staff are equipped with the necessary understanding and skills to deliver a service which meets the needs of diverse communities. This article identifies how existing training provision can be improved in order to facilitate such an outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 1970s, relations between the historic British churches and the new black-led churches were usually non-existent or marked by prejudices or ambivalences. This article examines the emergence, development, and significance of a cross-cultural ecumenical dialogue sponsored by the British Council of Churches. It places this in a context of both growing white liberal interest in the 'multi-racial' society and the increasing public assertiveness of collective black Christian consciousness. In doing so, it contributes to our understandings of religious change in the twentieth century: both in terms of perceptions of 'secularization' and the complex relationship between Christianity and race relations in the decades after Windrush. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mixed‐race relationships and 'miscegenation', particularly between men of colour and white women became the central issue for white perceptions of race in post‐war and post‐Windrush Britain. While 'race‐relations' discourse described the 'dark strangers in our midst', concerns about the 'new' presence of black, predominantly West Indian, men manifested most sharply when it threatened to move from the streets into the familial home. This article explores the role of parental intervention in both the prevention and occurrence of mixed‐race relationships in this period. Drawing on popular, public representations of mixed‐race relationships and the oral history data collected in sociological studies of the time, it maps the connections between discourse and lived experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the time the African American performer Florence Mills spent in Britain in the 1920s. Mills was one of the most popular performers of the period, taking a lead in African American vaudeville productions, she was admired by working class and 'elite' black and white audiences. Our paper examines four examples of Mills' British fan mail alongside newspaper reports of her performances in London. These reveal complex themes of identity, of Britishness, sexuality, gender and class within the context of changing international understandings of race relations in the Inter-war period. We utilise these letters alongside newspaper reports to consider how Mills' presence in Britain as a performer and anti-racist activist influenced debates and personal reflections on racial identity, sexual desire and belonging to Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the 1940s and 1970s, various genres of Jamaican music, from big band jazz and tropical sounds, to ska/blue beat, to reggae, provided a sonic dimension to the mass migration of Caribbean people to Britain. Alongside the quest for housing and work, Caribbean people, as well as native black British and other diasporic black populations, built leisure spaces, community life, and a new consumption-driven domesticity centered around music and dancing. Yet ideologies of race, gender, and sexuality inflected the production and consumption of dance music in deleterious ways. White hostility to black settlement and interracial sex, part of the rampant racial discrimination known as the color bar, constrained the possibilities for Jamaican music. In response, Caribbean people's pursuit of public dancing and music-filled leisure in dance halls, town halls, and semiprivate house parties became an early test for racial integration in the UK. As Caribbean settlers embraced Jamaican music in postwar Britain, they also shaped the music industry back in Jamaica. While noting the importance of musicians and other cultural producers, the focus here is on the audiences who created the music culture, as well as their own experience of migration and settlement through music and dance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Labour Party founded in 1900 necessarily confronted the imperial nature of the British state, the empire as an economic and military entity, and the inequalities it contained. Yet Labour initially thought on the subject primarily in terms of the liberal objective of the advancement of self-government. It was only in the 1930s, in the writings of Lansbury and Attlee, that more systematic thinking about the empire in terms of global divisions of labour of which the British working class were among the beneficiaries, began to emerge. Tensions between the perceived interests of these beneficiaries and of the working classes of the empire as a whole remained in Attlee’s postwar government. It did, however, begin to develop a reconceptionalisation of the empire as a multi-racial Commonwealth. This facilitated a Labour patriotism around the Commonwealth that reached its apogee in Gaitskell’s weaponising of it as a means of resisting European entry in 1962. Yet the economic and military relations he evoked were already out of date, leaving his successor, Harold Wilson, to adjust to a multi-racial partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We situate racialized migrant mothers as political actors in the landscape of austerity in England and Scotland. We explore the possibilities of a politics around caring work. We ask: What “caring subjects” are possible, under austerity? A “politics of care” can challenge the dichotomy between private caring and public citizenship practices. However, we argue that the shift from a “culture of care” to a “culture of cuts” poses significant challenges to this politics in third sector spaces, particularly when processes of racialization are brought to the fore. We move beyond “reductionist economism” to explore how the current economic crisis is also one of social relations. The re-privatization of caring and reproductive work generates new forms of subjectivity and social reproduction. Within the supposed “monolith” of neoliberalism, a multiplicity of subjectivities are engendered which open some spaces for resistance and subversion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Racialized migrant mothers are often cast as marginal to theoretical and political debates of citizenship, yet by taking seriously the contributions to cultural and caring citizenship they make, we challenge the racialized boundaries of citizenship. Drawing on theories of enacting citizenship, that is, challenging hegemonic narratives of who can legitimately claim to contribute to citizenship, we explore migrant women’s mothering through participatory theatre methods. Through analysis of participatory action research (PAR) with migrant mothers in London, we emphasize the significance of embodied and affective meanings for challenging racialized citizenship. The theatre methods allow participants to develop collective subjugated knowledges challenging racialized, gendered and classed stratifications of rights, burdens and privileges of caring citizenship. This draws attention to the important role of creativity of the self as an aspect of both cultural and care work for understanding racialized migrant mothers’ citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Holy matrimony, nuclear family, attending church, education and good manners are typical markers of respectability. These Victorian middle-class ideological values were transported to the British Caribbean region after emancipation of slavery by missionaries and priests aiming to “civilize” the ex-slaves. As social values they were often transformed or met in opposition with a more complex set of cultural and social values within Caribbean creole communities. Over time, however, some individuals adopted these Eurocentric values, thus prescribing to a form of racialized citizenship. Upon migration to Britain in the 1960s, some migrant mothers endeavoured to transmit these values among their children, in an effort to integrate and develop a sense of identity and belonging, but also as modes of resistance to experiences of racism and discrimination. This paper illustrates the tensions experienced by two migrant Caribbean mothers, and their concerns that the social values of respectability are being lost among their offspring. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the alleged racism in Great Britain's detention of immigrants in the country's immigration removal centres (IRCs), within the context of Great Britain's immigration policy. An overview of the race relations between the largely white detention custody officers (DCOs) and the immigrant detainees of color is provided.

In May, two flagship measures of the current Conservative UK government, the Housing and Planning Act 2016 and the Immigration Act 2016 were passed, despite opposition from rights and advocacy organisations, charities and individuals in both fields. Based on wide-ranging research carried out before the Acts' passage, the article shows how both Acts will work in tandem to reinforce and exacerbate a fundamental restructuring of the societal landscape, which will particularly impact on multiracial, inner-city and poor communities. They continue a process in which social entitlements are ever more codified and restricted, rights seen as linked to (and dependent on) responsibilities, with certain categories of persons -- undocumented workers, asylum seekers -- excluded from some rights altogether. As the state increasingly divests itself of accountability for its actions, it is placing yet more onus on third-sector organisations to become accountable, not to their clients, but to government targets and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an appreciation of the contributions to ethnic and racial studies and to British sociology in general of Michael Parker Banton. It reviews his career and also his major publications, including also arguments against him made by his principal critics and his responses to these. It points out the specificity of his contributions and argues for his unique importance in defining and developing the field of ethnic and race relations in British sociology during the second half of the twentieth century and into the present century. It also mentions his many contributions to public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on my interviews with the writer/director Horace Ové and the producer Graham Benson, in order to explore the production history of the Play for Today, A Hole in Babylon. Filmed during a particularly turbulent decade in British race relations,A Hole in Babylon was a fictionalised account of the 1975 Spaghetti House siege. Horace Ové was intent on providing a sympathetic portrayal of three black men, whose botched attempt at an armed robbery escalated into a six-day siege. Ové’s insistence that the underlying motivation for the crime was ideological ensured that the play courted controversy, even before it was actually transmitted on television. Much of A Hole in Babylon was shot on location in and around Ladbroke Grove; an area which was, during the 1970s, inexorably linked to black political expression and struggle. Furthermore, the scenes in A Hole in Babylon depicting the siege were filmed in the restaurant basement that had been the locus of the real-life hostage-taking just four years earlier. In addition to providing valuable insight into the creative partnership between director and producer, this article will argue that the institutional context of the BBC in the late 1970s facilitated the airing of a highly innovative text. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Banton's article provoked a number of reflections on working with John Rex in the 1960s. The idea of race has a long history both in human relations and sociological theory. But the possibility of there being a specific field of ‘race relations’ remains contested. Ideas of race and ethnicity are elided in public discourse, making the resolution of linguistic issues in the field especially difficult and as yet unresolved. These reflections touch upon the political environment in which John Rex's earlier writing on race was conducted and upon the breadth of influences upon a sociologist rooted in the classical tradition, especially the sociology of Max Weber. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Science progresses by the discovery and correction of mistakes in the interpretation of data. John Rex sought ‘to distinguish among the various studies made by sociologists those which are distinguishable as race relations studies’. He examined them from the standpoint of classical sociological theory. His main mistake was his continued but unsuccessful attempt to synthesize two quite different kinds of sociological knowledge. He underestimated the importance of differences in the criteria for the validation of causal explanation and for the projection of historical trends. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the experiences of 22 Black and minority ethnic (BME) trainee teachers who were enrolled on a secondary teacher training course at one university over a two-year period. It argues that BME trainee teachers experience different forms of exclusionary practices in the classroom, but use their identities in a positive way to reinforce aspects of their experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reports on research that sought to explore how educational settings influence the educational experiences, identity development and academic attainment of students of Pakistani heritage, as they progress to higher education (HE). Research has highlighted the continued attainment gap that exists between White and minority ethnic students in Britain (Strand, 2014). Locally, in a West Midlands authority , public examination and National Curriculum assessment data in 2012, demonstrated, despite improvements, gaps in achievement for Pakistani students, who were identified as a group at risk of underachieving. The study focused on students at a Russell Group university, as much research showed that very few British Pakistani students managed to gain entry into more prestigious, pre-1992 universities (Bhatti, 2011; Gillborn, 2008). The research took a phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of five Pakistani students, through semi-structured interviews. Five superordinate themes were abstracted from interview data and one of these themes, 'multiple identities', is presented and discussed here and illuminates the complex and multiple ways in which educational institutions influence the educational experiences of Pakistani students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1963 to 1981, the London borough of Ealing bussed South Asian students away from neighborhood schools, citing a need to assimilate migrant students into British culture. The increasing number of migrants in the area and their supposed detrimental effect on education frightened local parents, who pressured Ealing Council to implement bussing to maintain a majority of white, "native" children in each school in the borough. The bussing system and its advocates, initially supported by the Department of Education and Science, relied on ill-defined ideas of assimilation and integration that privileged British cultural authority. The practice also lent itself to American comparisons: the idea of bussing as a progressive civil rights practice across the Atlantic provided a liberal gloss that obscured how bussing worked in different political contexts. This article examines the parties involved in bussing--including educational reformers, South Asian students and parents, and race relations authorities--who invested it with their own meanings and values, making competing arguments for the merit of the practice in England. It argues that despite its liberal transatlantic veneer, bussing made South Asian children vulnerable to racism and ostracization, a position which many parents and local organizations made abundantly clear. The borough terminated the practice only after the Race Relations Board found Ealing guilty of educational discrimination. The long debate over bussing's legitimacy in London came to represent both national and international discourses of integration and segregation, even as Ealing officials pursued drastically different goals than their counterparts in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Institute of Race Relations has over the last twenty-three years been monitoring the 508 deaths in custody in suspicious circumstances of individuals from BME, migrant and refugee communities, which rarely make the headlines and for which no person is ever convicted (to be published as the report Dying for Justice). Here, in an extract, the author examines the culture of racism and the impact of privatisation and sub-contracting in the detention and deportation of ‘failed’ asylum seekers. In case after case it exposes how the vulnerable, mentally- and physically-ill are neglected – leading to deaths by self-harm and inadequate treatment. The death during deportation of Joy Gardner, which involved disproportionate and reckless use of force, is examined in depth. The use of equipment of control for those who are clearly fearful of being forcibly returned, remains a vexed issue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the intersections of prostitution and race in Cardiff, and shows that racialized concepts of predatory sexuality framed ideas of prostitution in twentieth-century British ports. These were linked to wider concerns over miscegenation in the dockside district of Butetown, a space historically linked to prostitution and seen as distinctly 'foreign' and 'contagious' by the interwar years. These debates were informed by local demographics and geographies, and were dominated by continuities in nineteenth-century ideas over race and sex. This evidence demonstrates the ongoing fractured development of sexual knowledge and ideas of multiculturalism in twentieth-century Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This rejoinder is a response by one of the authors of The Empire Strikes Back to the commentaries provided by Alexander, Meer, Bhattacharyya, Bojadzijev, Keith and Virdee. It responds to their key critiques as well as situating the impact of the book within the academy and the wider society. Drawing on key themes in the commentaries, it seeks to explore the relevance of the book both at the time of its publication as well as in the present environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on her experiences associated to immigration. She states that she grew up in the late 1950s and the 1960s during a period where teachers entreated them to speak the English language at home. Moreover, she also talks about various issues including the introduction of an initiated multiculturalism and nondiscriminatory immigration policy, race relations in Great Britain, and racism.

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Race Relations Act of 1965 has been remembered by historians as one prong of a governmental strategy to deal with the impact of black and Asian post-war immigration to Britain, an attempt to improve inter-group relations at the same time as efforts were being made to restrict Commonwealth immigration. This iconic Act was the first to criminalize racial discrimination and outlaw the incitement of racial hatred. This article focuses on the creation and use of one part of this new law, Section Six, the incitement clause. It argues that early patterns of prosecution under this legislation reveal a government agenda which was not solely focused on the protection of black and Asian Britons but instead on longer-running issues relating to the tolerance of political violence. Far from simply outlawing racism, this article argues that the incitement clause ultimately enabled a re-articulation of racial discourse, tweaking the linguistic parameters of racist agitation while consciously allowing for its continuation. In doing so, it reflected a nation which was still unsure about the merits of multiculturalism, where it remained largely acceptable to argue that black and Asian Britons did not belong. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most studies investigating residential segregation of ethnic minorities ignore the fact that the majority of adults live in couples. In recent years there has been a growth in the number of mixed-ethnic unions that involve a minority member and a white member. To our knowledge, hardly any research has been undertaken to explicitly examine whether the ethnic mix within households has an impact on the residential mobility of households in terms of the ethnic mix of destination neighbourhoods. Our study addresses this research gap and examines the tendencies of mobility among mixed-ethnic unions in comparison with their co-ethnic peers. We used data from the Longitudinal Study for England and Wales. Our statistical analysis supports the spatial assimilation theory; ethnic minorities move towards less deprived areas and to a lesser extent also towards less ethnically concentrated areas. However, the types of destination neighbourhood of minority people living in mixed-ethnic unions varied greatly with the ethnicity of the ethnic minority partner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We live at a time when our understandings and conceptualizations of 'racism' are often highly imprecise, broad, and used to describe a wide range of racialized phenomena. In this article, I raise some important questions about how the term racism is used and understood in contemporary British society by drawing on some recent cases of alleged racism in football and politics, many of which have been played out via new media technologies. A broader understanding of racism, through the use of the term 'racialization', has been helpful in articulating a more nuanced and complex understanding of racial incidents, especially of people's (often ambivalent) beliefs and behaviours. However, the growing emphasis upon 'racialization' has led to a conceptualization of racism which increasingly involves multiple perpetrators, victims, and practices without enough consideration of how and why particular interactions and practices constitute racism as such. The trend toward a growing culture of racial equivalence is worrying, as it denudes the idea of racism of its historical basis, severity and power. These frequent and commonplace assertions of racism in the public sphere paradoxically end up trivializing and homogenizing quite different forms of racialized interactions. I conclude that we need to retain the term 'racism', but we need to differentiate more clearly between 'racism' (as an historical and structured system of domination) from the broader notion of 'racialization'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores identity work and acculturation work in the lives of British mixed-heritage children and adults. Children, teenagers, and parents with mixed heritage participated in a community arts project that invited them to deliberate, construct, and reconstruct their cultural identities and cultural relations. We found that acculturation, cultural and raced identities, are constructed through a series of oppositional themes: cultural maintenance versus cultural contact; identity as inclusion versus identity as exclusion; institutionalized ideologies versus agency. The findings point towards an understanding of acculturation as a dynamic, situated, and multifaceted process: acculturation in movement. To investigate this, we argue that acculturation research needs to develop a more dynamic and situated approach to the study of identity, representation, and culture. The article concludes with a discussion on the need for political psychologists to develop methods attuned to the tensions and politics of acculturation that are capable of highlighting the possibilities for resistance and social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the controversial music genre Oi! in relation to youth cultural identity in late 1970s’ and early 1980s’ Britain. As a form of British punk associated with skinheads, Oi! has oft-been dismissed as racist and bound up in the politics of the far right. It is argued here, however, that such a reading is too simplistic and ignores the more complex politics contained both within Oi! and the various youth cultural currents that revolved around the term ‘punk’ at this time. Taking as its starting point the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies’ conception of youth culture as a site of potential ‘resistance’, the article explores the substance and motifs of Oi!’s protest to locate its actual and perceived meaning within a far wider political and socio-economic context. More broadly, it seeks to demonstrate the value of historians examining youth culture as a formative and contested socio-cultural space within which young people discover, comprehend, and express their desires, opinions, and disaffections. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The term 'half-caste' had its origins in nineteenth century British colonial administrations, emerging in the twentieth century as the quotidian label for those whose ancestry comprised multiple ethnic/racial groups, usually encompassing 'White'. From the 1920s-1960s the term was used in Britain as a derogatory racial category associated with the moral condemnation of 'miscegenation'. Yet today the label continues to be used as a self-descriptor and even survives in some official contexts. This paradox - of both derogatory racial category and self descriptor - is explored in the context of the term's social evolution, drawing upon the theoretical constructs of the internal-external dialectic of identification and labelling theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the need for, and possibilities of, writing integrated and multicultural histories of Britain by focusing on the relationships formed between white and black women in the workplace but primarily through their families. The article presents examples from the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries which illustrate possibilities for examining integrated histories in urban and rural locations utilising ongoing research undertaken by community-based scholars. The article draws upon Hazel Carby's 1982 essay on the ‘Boundaries of Sisterhood’ to make connections between critics of the making of women's history in the 1980s and the continuing need for black histories to be integrated into British history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The essay presents a speculative history, re-imagining Great Britain's social and educational differences if Jim Callahan had been elected as Prime Minister of Great Britain instead of Margaret Thatcher in the 1979 General Election. It addresses the state of England's race relations in the 21st century, the extent of racism in contemporary British society, and the potential for universal education in England.

An essay is presented on the relationship between imperialism and capitalism in the writings of critic Matthew Arnold. Particular focus is given to the racial theories Arnold advanced in his books "Culture and Anarchy" and "The Study of Celtic Literature". It is suggested that in critiquing capital, these theories implicitly critiqued Anglo-Irish colonialism. According to the author, Arnold's criticism attempted both to consolidate British imperial hegemony and mitigate its negative effects.

Saggar draws together research evidence and practitioner insights to evaluate and interpret change in race and political representation in Britain. The starting point is to ask: how far have British democratic institutions been responsive to the emergence of an ethnically diverse society? There have been significant impacts of such diversity on attitudinal change, demographic and electoral composition and political participation. Saggar's article proceeds in four parts. First, the issue of the political integration of ethnic minorities is discussed, including theoretical debates about political difference in outlook and in behaviour across and within ethnic groups, as well as the ways this may be connected to ethnic background. Second, key normative and empirical arguments are examined about why political change and ethnic pluralism matters, and to whom. The structure, institutions and processes that shape representative outcomes form the backdrop to the remainder of the article. The third section highlights aspects of the party and electoral landscape that disproportionately influence the electoral prospects for discrete minorities. Finally, attention is given to the rise of a ‘political class’ and discusses how these filters can skew the opportunities available to minorities. Saggar concludes with a discussion of long-term political integration, the emerging focus on executive appointments, and how, through political integration and social cohesion, minorities can affect the wider political system they have joined. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Nine years after the first human rights legislation came into effect, many public sector organizations struggle to demonstrate meaningful and sustainable outcomes for protected groups. The workforce stubbornly fails to reflect the diversity of the communities it serves. Equality stakeholders report that services ignore the specific needs of their section of the communities, resulting in poor outcomes. To redress this, National Health Service (NHS) North West developed an evidence-based strategy, supported by the introduction of tools and best practice methods. It applied cultural change management, defined the leadership competencies required, and introduced a consistent and objective framework for measuring outcomes across a range of 13 key areas. Three years into the strategy, outcomes include the national adoption of a leadership competency framework and outcome-based performance measurement tool, as well as demonstrable improvements in the cultural competencies of NHS bodies in the region. Within 18 months, the number of primary care trusts able to evidence tangible 'achieving' outcomes affecting at least three equality target groups has doubled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain's integration model is recurrently held up as the epitome of the multiculturalist model in Europe. Moreover, it tends to be presented as though it was intrinsic to British society and had always existed. This is not the case. In reality the model has passed through successive phases of an ongoing evolution and was constructed through the interaction between British society and the ethnic minorities of immigrant origin who settled in Britain after the Second World War. After a brief period of assimilationism, a race relations paradigm was formulated, followed by the establishment of a multicultural policy. It is often assumed that multicultural policy is a simple continuation of a race relations approach under another name. But Joly argues that this is inaccurate and that each corresponds to distinct policy parameters and to different stages. Moreover, this was not the end of the line. The multiculturalist model has come under a barrage of criticism emanating from various sources and different viewpoints. Nevertheless, Joly maintains that it has not been eliminated but has metamorphosed into a Muslim paradigm. Her paper explores the different stages of integration policies directed at immigrants and how those were constructed. The paradigms were developed through the categorization of immigrants by the majority and the mobilization of immigrants as a result of their interaction with British society. The paper draws the contours of each of these stages, examines the fault lines and areas of tension, and explores the underpinnings of the evolution. It argues that policies were forged through and beyond discourses largely by the immigrants themselves. In the main it can be posited that the process started with action that began at local level at the initiative of the immigrants and subsequently progressed to the national level. This prompted responses and funding programmes from central government. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early 1970s, Australia and Britain found themselves embroiled in an embarrassing diplomatic controversy over Australia's failure to provide an assisted passage to Jan Allen, a British citizen of Jamaican descent. Allen lodged a formal complaint with the British Race Relations Board, arguing he had been denied assistance on the grounds of his race. The Board was compelled to investigate the case, raising the possibility that British and Australian officials would face legal charges. This article outlines the complex diplomatic negotiations that surrounded the case and assesses its outcome. It argues that the controversy marked an important milestone in Australia-British relations, reinforcing the fact that British race patriotism could no longer mediate the self-identities and interrelations of the two countries. It contributed to Britain's decision to withdraw its support for the United Kingdom-Australia Assisted Passage Scheme and the eventual abolition of Australia's ‘White Australia’ policy [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents a close reading of the reports of racial oppression that appeared in issues of two periodicals, Anti-Caste and its successor Fraternity, between 1888 and 1895. Edited in Street, Somerset, these periodicals created an extensive political geographical imagination by mapping international cases of racial prejudice. Although critical of the British empire, neither Anti-Caste nor Fraternity demanded the destruction of the British empire. In a tactic similar to that used by early Pan-Africanists, the papers' narratives desired an end to the expansion of the British empire and an increase in the respect for and conditions of those who were ruled 'under the British Flag'. However, Anti-Caste's focus upon racial inequality across the United States as well as the British empire enabled it to create a distinctive critique of racial prejudice across the English-speaking world. Its criticism of the imperial project combined with support for human brotherhood allowed the paper to develop a framework for debates on racial prejudice that drew together criticisms of labour laws in India, the removal of people from their lands in Southern Africa, the racial segregation of public transport in the United States and the restriction of Chinese labour in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black colonial people volunteered for the British Army and Royal Navy during the First World War because they regarded themselves as Britons. However, many, including those white crowds which attacked black colonial war veterans during the seaport riots of 1919, did not. Similar racist attitudes were also demonstrated in the wartime deliberations and policy making of government and the military hierarchy. Historians writing about the Second World War have demonstrated that ‘British identity’ became more sharply defined in the period 1939–45. This article suggests that the constructed hierarchy of ‘Britishness’ in which back Britons from the empire were ascribed a lesser identity was also evident in the period during and just after the First World War; as demonstrated by the outbreak of the 1919 riots and the subsequent government decision to repatriate black people to the colonies. By drawing upon detailed individual profiles of hundreds of black colonial Britons included in local Liverpool police records submitted to the Home Office to aid the process of repatriation, this article examines the role of black colonial people who enlisted in the home British armed forces during the First World War. Little has hitherto been written about black colonial people who joined the ranks of the regular British armed forces; as opposed to involvement in native regiments and labour battalions. This article redresses this imbalance using detailed Liverpool police authority information to show that more than 1 in 7 of the many hundreds of male black colonial British residents in that city served in Britain s regular armed forces in the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

1This article provides a detailed reconstruction of the processes leading to the formation of the widely influential Birmingham Agreed Syllabus of Religious Instruction (1975). This is contextualised within one of the most significant periods in the history of race relations in the United Kingdom. The authors discuss how this syllabus, and other landmark reforms in religious education (RE) in English schools from the late 1960s, responded to ethnic diversity by promoting supposedly culturally pluralist, multi-faith approaches to RE, which were subsequently perceived as eroding the Christian foundations of British/English national identity. They argue that the vilification of these curriculum reforms by culturally conservative critics was in fact based on an erroneous assessment of the extent to which these renounced the Christian hegemony of RE. They also critique the assumption that the religious clauses of the 1988 Education Reform Act represented a simple transition from culturally pluralist to assimilationist policies for the subject. 1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on immigration and race relations in 1960s Britain has consistently emphasized legislation of this period as "racist" in intent. Insufficient attention has been paid to the deconstruction of the language surrounding anti-immigration sentiment. In the context of the 1968 Kenyan Asians crisis, Commonwealth Immigrants Act, and Race Relations Act, popular anti-immigrant sentiment was not couched in singularly definable terms of racism. However, much opposition to immigration was expressed in a manner that suggested a defensive and exclusive sense of British national identity, described in terms that reflected concerns about the appendages of the postwar welfare state. This language suggests that anti-immigration sentiment ought to be placed in a broader context of economic and socio-political decline in Britain, rather than read exclusively as an expression of some objectively definable notion of "racism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Second World War led to a substantial increase in the number of black people living and working in Britain. Existing black British communities were bolstered in this period by the arrival of war volunteer workers from the Empire, who came to serve Britain in a variety of military and civilian roles, as well as by the arrival of 130,000 black GIs in the US army's invasion force. This article considers the reception that these communities received from the British government and the British general public, questioning the extent to which racial ideas of white difference and superiority continued to shape white British reactions to black workers and soldiers. Using a variety of sources, including government papers and Mass Observation reports, this article interrogates the roots of changing dynamics of racial thought in wartime Britain, highlighting in particular the extent to which fears of racial mixing continued to undermine white responses to growing black British communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the years between 1860 and 1920, this paper considers how newspaper archives can contribute to our knowledge of the livelihoods of working black men and women. Although the empirical material comes predominately from the classified advertisement pages of digitalised English newspapers, references to Irish, Welsh and Scottish newspapers are also made. The types of advertisements highlighted here form two main areas for discussion. Firstly, men and women advertising their availability to work in a wide range of domestic roles. Secondly, employers who were looking for black men and women to perform particular roles. The adverts are short, no more than a few lines, but they mark out spaces in the archives where black men and women become temporarily visible. The reasons why these men and women appear in these advertisements raise complex questions about race, identity and the ways in which racism may have impacted upon their ability to work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]