Search

This work is an attempt to look at the Boko Haram Insurgency in the North- East part of Nigeria with a view to unraveling how the activities of these insurgents impinge on the educational and economic development of the country. The study adopts the ex-post facto research design. Data from articles, books, magazines etc. were gathered and analysed using content analysis. The findings revealed that Boko Haram insurgency adversely affects Nigeria's educational sector as it has led to the death of teachers and students alike; shortage of qualified personnel, massive destruction of school buildings and other academic facilities, exodus of academic experts from the region under review, disruption of academic calendar and the like. To this end, the study also shows that the sect's activities also have negative effects on the economy drastically, which still find negative expression on the educational sector. Based on the findings, it was recommended that religious extremism, inequality, poverty, unemployment and hunger which are the underpinning causes of insurgency should be tackled head on by the government, the civil society and other relevant stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

QAnon is a baseless and debunked conspiracy theory propagated through Internet social media, with bizarre beliefs that are nevertheless shared by millions of Americans. After the 1/6/2021 Capitol Hill riot, QAnon followers were identified among those breaching the Capitol Hill building, spurring comparisons with ISIS and debates about how to deradicalize QAnon followers. Using the Two-Pyramids model of radicalization in conjunction with polling data, this Research Note highlights the relatively small threat of radical action from QAnon. We argue that deradicalization efforts aimed at QAnon opinions are a waste of resources and potentially dangerous in exaggerating the QAnon threat and increasing Right-Wing perception of government over-reach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several alternative social media platforms have emerged in response to perceptions that mainstream platforms are censoring traditional conservative ideologies. However, many of these alternative social media platforms have evolved to be outlets for hate speech and violent extremism. This study examines hate-based channels on Telegram from a US perspective. While Telegram has often been studied in relation to ISIS, less is known about its usage by US extremist users and movements. The authors used OSINT and observational methods on a sample of 125 Telegram channels containing hate speech and violent extremist content from far-right and far-left perspectives. The authors hypothesized that there would be a greater and growing presence of far-right activity compared to farleft activity due to current migration trends away from mainstream social media by the far-right. The authors also sought to observe the presence of disinformation campaigns, conspiracy theories, and accelerationism on Telegram. This study had four major findings: (1) the findings supported the hypothesis that more channels were host to farright dialogues, yet there were several far-left channels present, (2) 64.8% of the channels grew in size over a one- week period, (3) 47 of the 125 channels were connected to well-known violent extremist movements or hate groups, and (4) QAnon and the COVID-19 pandemic were the most prominent sources of disinformation and conspiracy theories on Telegram. The findings of this study highlight that alternative social media platforms are a growing environment for a range of hateful ideologies and are aiding the spread of disinformation campaigns. This study concludes with a discussion on future strategies to combat the influence of the Internet on radicalization outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Database of Terrorist offenders (EDT) is based on comprehensive judicial information of convicted or deceased terrorist offenders, including social, psychological and psychiatric reports. This new empirical database is the result of a European cross-border collaboration between judicial organizations and scientists within the European Union. The EDT dataset comprises developmental, individual, biographical and contextual factors, which are potentially related to engagement in violent extremism and terrorism. It supports research seeking to identify critical risk and protective factors for violent extremism and terrorism. The EDT dataset could be used to conduct studies aimed at the identification of significant personal and contextual risk and protective factors for terrorism and violent extremism, improving and validating risk assessments, as well as identifying pathways into terrorism and radicalization. Moreover, this data can assist in the design of effective policy, prevention and intervention practices regarding potential violent extremist and terrorist offenders in Europe and elsewhere. The aim of this article is twofold: firstly, it seeks to present the EDT, along with discussing its development and methodology. To this end, the inclusion criteria and coding principles are discussed, alongside quality-, privacy- and security issues associated with the gathering and processing of judicial data, together with some preliminary statistics. Secondly, it aims to discuss potentials for research based on EDT data. Accordingly, potential applications and future developments of the EDT are discussed as well as urgent needs to use and further develop this comprehensive and unique database. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insurgents in the North Caucasus switched from the al-Qaeda-affiliated Imarat Kavkaz to the Islamic State after 2014. Although this transition was partially the result of Imarat Kavkaz's military defeat, it has also settled two decades of tension over ideology. It signalled the victory of Salafi-jihadism over a nationally rooted (radical) Islamism and led to a break between the insurgents and the Caucasian context. This de-territorialization of grievances for the war has in turn increased the threat of radical Islamist violence for Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to integrate moderate Islamic attitudes in the learning process in counteracting theological ideology. the ideologies are: (1) The escapist radicalism, (2) The theologicalideological radicalism. The data of observation was obtained from 5 lecturers and 5 students of PTKIS and PTKIN which then were analyzed using a qualitative descriptive approach. The conclusions are: (1) competencies which can generate a commitment to integrating Islam as a Rahmatan Lil' Alamin, (2) the implementation of learning integrated with moderate Islam results in respect for diversity, (3) an attitude assessment carried out is able of building a harmonious relationship between lecturers and students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Esensia: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin is the property of Esensia: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how representations of Islam in the media influence religious education. Reporting from a case study of religious education in an upper secondary school in Norway, the article analyses the way aspects of Islam are approached and structured by ongoing media debates. Based on research into media coverage of Islam in Norway, the article argues that when teachers adopt the polarized structure of media debates, they also come to privilege the more extreme actors in their teaching. Although the debates commonly present opposing views in order to give a balanced representation of the issue, the observed lessons often revolve around the most controversial side of the debate. This happens through what is called binary teaching and negative identification. In this way, lessons aimed at nuancing what is seen as biased media coverage of Islam, favouring controversial issues and extremism, may come to revolve around these same issues. The article claims that religious education in some instances reinforces the strong focus on controversial issues prominent in media coverage, confirming the 'normality' of extremism in Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in radicalisation, extremism and terrorism generally focus on the most visible and dangerous groups or attacks, frequently leaving smaller cases overlooked. This article looks at the case of one country that has no publicly known terrorist group and has not experienced a single terrorist attack (Slovenia) and shows that this 'non-case' is actually an example of a very broad spectrum of basic and supportive forms of Islamist extremism. The article identifies and studies instances of the transit of foreign Islamists, their finances and arms, provides examples of local foreign fighters and their return, identifies NGOs with radical agendas and attempts at recruitment, as well as threats made to local authorities, training under the cover of a social event, the deportation of extremists, and a foiled terrorist attack. Most of these indicators are linked to Jihadi and Islamist sources of power based in Bosnia. Overlooking and underestimating cases like Slovenia could have serious consequences in terms of prevention and preparedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Jesus of Tinyiko Maluleke and the Christ of deep incarnation represent two radically different christological trajectories. While the deep incarnation theologians extend Jesus's body into social and cosmic bodies, Maluleke locates Jesus's body in the bodies of his fellow Africans. Each of these christological moves is interpreted as a manifestation, albeit in a different sense, of God's radical embodiment through Jesus in our world. African appropriations of Jesus stand out as a warning that even christologizing centered upon the category of "flesh" is at risk of remaining purely visionary unless it is done by and/or with those in whose own bodies Jesus is being crucified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of education for Muslim women has become central to many global discourses and policies focusing on Muslim countries. These paradigms present education for Muslim women as the solution to issues ranging from poverty to religious extremism. Embedded in these narratives is not only the image of Muslim women as oppressed victims of their culture, but also the image of Islam as a patriarchal religion. Education becomes an instrument to empower these women through enabling them to challenge their "oppressive" cultural and Islamic traditions. In other words, education becomes a site, tool, and institution to arrange the empowerment of Muslim women against their families, communities, and Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The upsurge of religious extremism in many of our societies not only poses a strong hazard and intimidation to people's lives and security but also to the consolidation of a more democratic and pluralistic political life. Religious extremism has reached an amplitude where terror reigns and solutions have become difficult to achieve through government machinery. This article examines aspects of civil society and its role in religious extremism in Pakistan with more emphasis on the post 9/1 1 era. The paper utilizes a social survey to establish links between civil society and religious extremism in Pakistan. It addresses the external threats and internal vulnerabilities, and concludes that, unless the social order of Pakistan's society is put through long term structural reforms, the menace of religious extremism cannot be eradicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the long‐term ideological vision of Jews and Israel in radical Islam. By examining, on the one hand, the animosity towards Judeo‐Israelis in the spawning and bolstering of Islamist, Salafist and Jihadist movements, and on the other hand, the sociological composition of Jihadist elites related to the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, I show the centrality of the Judeophobic discourse in the world of radical Islam as well as the importance of Israel in its reinforcement. By trying to historicize this discourse, as well as political and strategic movements linked with the State of Israel, I also question the nature of the hostility towards Judaism, and more specifically the role of the Israeli issue in the development and evolution of the most radical and violent forms of Muslim identity over nearly a century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amidst the politically-charged climate of seventeenth-century England, a small, but influential makeshift group of Baptist divines developed an eschatological system that both encouraged their congregations to greater holiness and threatened the very existence of the proto-denomination. Even as most of the nascent group of dissenting congregations known as Baptists sought acceptance by the more mainstream dissent, those divines who accepted this particular form of millenarianism garnered unwanted attention from the authorities as they pressed remarkably close to the line of radical dissidence. Three of those Baptist divines—Vavasor Powell, Hanserd Knollys, and Benjamin Keach—provide helpful insights both into the range of millenarianism adopted by this group of Baptists and into the legitimacy of the charges of radicalism. This article examines the published works of these three ministers, comparing their visions for the eschatological future and analyzing the charges of radicalism placed against them by their contemporaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Saggar's article is concerned with the use of evidence by the UK policy community to tackle Islamist-inspired terrorism. It focuses on how evidence for such terrorism is generated, interpreted and organized, in particular pinpointing the challenges of reliability and prediction facing those with responsibility for tackling terrorism and its associated causes. Counter-terrorism policy is heavily exposed to risks of bias and distortion, but it is also vulnerable to various kinds of institutional group-think and vested interests. This article scrutinizes three such aspects of counter-terrorism evidence-based policymaking. First, there are imperfections in the evidence base, mostly arising from data limitations and practical shortcomings. These include factual gaps in knowledge, difficulties in comparing evidence about Muslims with non-Muslims, methodological weaknesses and difficulties in measuring profoundly subjective feelings about alienation and grievance. Second, the scope of the problem to which policy is addressed (and the policy paradigms that are alluded to) shape the priorities placed on the evidence base. How much weight should be given to evidence about the narrative of oppression or dissent used by extremists? Background oppositional identities are extensively researched and yet policymakers may choose to concentrate instead on factors in the foreground that have to do with actual violent conspiracies. Third, important nuances in the evidence–policy nexus arise from the implicit generalizations that are held by policymakers. Evidence describing the problem of terrorism is better accompanied by an appreciation of (and perhaps evidence about) the behavioural situation of decision-makers and decision-making structures. This involves trade-offs, bargaining and accommodations to carry different constituencies, and has a bearing on the kind of evidence that is used in counter-terrorism. Saggar closes with a discussion of the above distinctions, and concludes that there is a risk of naivety in evidence-based policymaking that is not alive to the politics of radicalization and extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the factors connected with the Islamist radicalization process looking at three categories of indicators – psychological, meso-sociological, and macro-sociological ones –, in order to underline the need for designing early prevention and identification mechanisms. The proposal that these mechanisms should be at the heart of public policies to combat Islamist terrorism within the Spanish territory is one of the underlying assumptions from which this study has been undertaken. Defense policies are crucial, yet, when implemented without a profound understanding of the phenomenon being faced, might generate greater threats and spur the radicalization processes1 in the long term. Provided that jihadist terrorists constitute a global reticular network, the sociological lens through which this whole paper views this topic, despite being underpinned in Spain, will draw on insights produced abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author offers insights on the religious aspects of the Prevent counter-terrorism strategy of the British government. Topics discussed include the need for the government to consider the religious beliefs and prejudices of individuals, the response of the Muslim community to the May 2017 Manchester Arena terrorist attack in England, and the rejection of all forms of extremism in the teachings of Islam.

The author offers insights on the religious aspects of the Prevent counter-terrorism strategy of the British government. Topics discussed include the need for the government to consider the religious beliefs and prejudices of individuals, the response of the Muslim community to the May 2017 Manchester Arena terrorist attack in England, and the rejection of all forms of extremism in the teachings of Islam.

This paper deals with religious extremism as a phenomenon that concerns the whole world and not just a community or a certain space. In this paper it is concluded that extremism as a notion has no Islamic genesis and is not spread only among Muslim community, but, under the pressure of the media, whenever extremism is mentioned, it is given an Islamic religious color to this phenomenon. In this paper is taken into consideration of the issue of extremism from the Islamic point of view, namely in the light of the basic sources of Islamic religion, and based on the arguments presented, it is concluded that Islam rejects extremism, and in its teachings it promotes tolerance. As relevant arguments in support of this finding, the following is emphasized in this paper: description of the Muslim community in The Qur'an as an Moderate community; prohibition of excess in religion at all levels; a tolerant attitude towards members of other religions, which is clearly seen by the fact that Islam allows its members to marry Christian and Hebrew women and to eat the animal flesh slaughtered by a Jew or a Christian; allowing cooperation for useful things for society and humanity with all people, even if they are not Muslims; dialogue with members of other religions in the best form; no to exaggerate the fight against the enemy, whether by killings or by any other form of destruction of material goods, even in the state of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A variety of theories attempt to explain why some individuals radicalize along religious lines. Few studies, however, have jointly put these diverse hypotheses under empirical scrutiny. Focusing on Muslim-Christian tensions in Kenya, we distill salient micro-, meso-, and macro-level hypotheses that try to account for the recent spike in religious radicalization. We use an empirical strategy that compares survey evidence from Christian and Muslim respondents with differing degrees of religious radicalization. We find no evidence that radicalization is predicted by macro-level political or economic grievances. Rather, radicalization is strongly associated with individual-level psychological trauma, including historically troubled social relations, and process-oriented factors, particularly religious identification and exposure to radical networks. The findings point to a model of radicalization as an individual-level process that is largely unaffected by macro-level influences. As such, radicalization is better understood in a relational, idea-driven framework as opposed to a macro-level structural approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trial of Charles I (said mid-seventeenth-century radical Protestants) was "a Resemblance and Representation of the great day of Judgement." Situating the trial in its theological and iconographic context, viewing it as an expression of broader Puritan performance culture, this essay offers a close reading of its staging, arguing that we should view the assertion that the trial resembled Judgment Day not as an abstract theological aspiration but as a concrete description of the trial's visual, spatial, and dramatic representation of the Last Judgment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes, by using content analysis and historical-comparative methods, the causes of the emergence and development of Islamistic extremism and compares the state of affairs regarding the presence and the tendency of further growth of Islamistic extremism in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia. This means practically identifying the inspir er s and those who spread extreme Islamistic ideas, their activities, international sponsors and contacts, their active contribution to global jihad, as well as assessing the abilities of abovementioned Western Balkan societies to defend themselves against this growing danger threatening not only the lives and the properly of their citizens, but also their democratic constitutional order. The research has revealed a significant strengthening of the number of Wahhabi believers, the increase of their aggressiveness, the violent takeover of the existing and the building of a large number of new mosques, which are out of control of official Islamic communities in these societies, also the construction of dozens of Wahhabi settlements, where sharia law is applied, not the laws of the home state. The return of their financiers contributed to the intensification of religious propaganda and to the increasing of affection for Wahhabi ideas among the local Muslim population, which resulted in the departure around a thousand fighters from the Balkans to join the terrorist organizations in the Middle East battlefields. Confronting the rising Islamistic extremism in the Western Balkans is blocked by: lack of real and quality prevention, inexperience and poor results in the deradicalization of extremists, and in some areas, the lack of political will. All of the above, mentioned together implies not only intensive cooperation between the police and other security structures of the West Balkan and the surroundings countries, but also the urgent help of adequate institutions of the International community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intelligence makes errors because it does not know their meaning of words (DB psyops). Using words and understanding their meaning allows seeing the reality and distinguishing it from what is not real. As the terrorists who have committed the last terrorist attacks in Europe that, nowadays, we all called "radicalised" (extremist) but that cannot be radicalised. It is scientifically impossible to define as "radicalized" a subject that becomes interested and gets close to religion practices all dogmas in a couple of months. The cognitive process -that allows to encode the information- needs time in order to permit the writing of neural cells in the brain [for instance, choosing to start the elementary school at five/six years it is not a random choice as at this age the areas of the child's brain are formed and ready to learn). Numerous studies have proven that for a radicalised individual to actually change his/her behaviour and mind-set requires no less than 7-8years, so that s/he can intériorisé content, ways of thinking and elaborations. These individuals can be defined as "infatuated" and have different characteristics from those that a real radicalised individual would have, therefore also the security algorithms used to identify these individuals need to be based on different criteria otherwise they won't be able to early detect and identify the threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses and includes several editions of a work titled "Les Articles du traicté de la paix entre Dieu et les hommes" and written by French Catholic priest and author Artus Désiré in opposition to Protestantism during the Counter-Reformation. It is suggested that Désiré was a radical priest and that calling for an end to Protestantism through violence was a recurring theme in his work.

In the aftermath of mass shootings by violent extremists and amid increasing anti-Muslim prejudice and discrimination, many Muslim Americans have responded to these and other social, legal, and political developments with philanthropic initiatives inspired by orthodox Islamic teachings. This humanitarian impulse in Islam, which has shaped the religion since its founding, is relatively unknown to non-Muslim Americans. Humanitarian Islam is defined here in largely oppositional terms to so-called the "radical Islam." In contrast to the violence, aggression, death, and destruction commonly associated with "radical Islam," selfless volunteerism, benevolence, altruism, and charitable giving in service to others are characteristic of humanitarian Islam. This Article presents interdisciplinary research in its inquiry into humanitarian Islam and employs case studies to achieve a number of objectives. First, through the unique lens of philanthropy, it reveals the Muslim lived experience in contemporary America, from countering violent extremism to challenging discrimination. Second, it explores the minority faith community's varied contributions in geographically diverse regions of the country. Third, this Article examines the communal relations that Muslim Americans have formed with non-Muslim Americans. Fourth, it illuminates the role, extent, and influence of Islamic faith beliefs and practices among Americans who are Muslims and a distinct perspective regarding Islam in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including everyday experiences of (in)security by Central Asians, how actors frame security issues and Islamic extremism.

This article is an overview of the evolution of Islamic radicalism during the 19th - 21st centuries. It demonstrates that nineteenth century Islamic radicalism is based on the ideas of pan-Islamism, whose main representatives are J. al-Din al-Afghani and M. Abduh. In turn, Islamic radicalism of the twentieth to twentyfirst centuries is based on the ideas of Islamic fundamentalism. Its main representatives are H. Al-Banna, S. Qutb, the Deoband movement, al-Maududi and R. Khomeyni. Pan-Islamic theories of the 19th-20th centuries are based on the thesis that people who seek liberation from colonial oppression should merge. However, scholars have different views on the union of the Muslim world. It was, once, regarded as a combination of historical circumstances and the political realities of the nineteenth century. These were further shaped by the basic idea of Islamic fundamentalism in the twentieth to twentyfirst centuries, which is Salafiyya, or a return to "pure Islam", a revival of active faith traditions and the union of all walks of life under the Sharia law and strict interpretation and application of its rules. The instruments used by Islamic fundamentalists and radicals to implement it have been the Islam-related slogans for Takfir and Jihad. But in the 21st century, integration and globalization have started playing a significant role. Various geopolitical forces are using various tools, including the idea of Islamic radicalism [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using content analysis, this study investigated the coverage of the Trojan Horse news story aiming to ascertain whether its representation by the British press emphasized ‘Islamist extremism’ over ‘poor school governance’. The sample coverage was extracted from five national newspapers and ranged from 9 June (the date of release of theOfsted Advice Note) to 26 June 2014. Our analysis shows that the coverage reported evidence of Islamist ideology much more frequently (61.5%) than evidence of poor governance (38.5%). This suggests that the Trojan Horse news story was predominantly represented as a case of Islamist extremism and therefore covered in an unbalanced manner. Such a partial coverage relied on ideological dualisms and negative stereotypes to represent Islam and Muslims, and on the textual strategy of selecting some features (extremism) whilst omitting others (governors’ professional misconduct). This bias has arguably diverted attention away from systemic problems within the national school system whilst reinforcing Islamophobic discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is a non-conventional academic paper based on a live discussion organized by the Polish expert on Saudi women's issues, Professor Anna Odrowaz-Coates (2015, 2016), which took place in The Maria Grzegorzewska University in Warsaw, in June 2018. Two participating experts are known for their conflicting points of view on issues of security and integration of Muslims in Europe. In this exchange of viewpoints, they focussed on the issue of conversion to Islam in Poland and the UK, drawing upon multiple field research experiences they encountered. The main points of reference deal with the conversion of British prisoners whilst in prison and that of Polish women of diverse backgrounds. The impact of new media on the formation of public opinion, dissemination of faith and radicalization is also considered. The expert debate makes a significant contribution towards the socio-cultural and political discussion on culture clash versus coherence, integration and stability in a European context. It also concerns the use of new communication technology for the preservation of peace, radicalization and the elevation of moral panic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of the paper is to identify the Islamic Community’s methods of preventing religious radicalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The roots of radicalism and extremism are explained by examining “Islamic revival” and studied within the Bosnian context. Although BiH appears in many international reports as a potential “cradle of terrorism”, the situation on the ground is quite different and there are many instances of combined efforts by the government and religious institutions in preventing religious radicalization in BiH. The analysis focuses on the Islamic community’s efforts to contend the spread of illegal mosques that sometimes promote radical Islam in BiH. Although there are radical individuals with different and sometimes radical understanding of Islam, the majority of Bosnian Muslims oppose any form of religious radicalization. The Islamic Community plays the most important role in preventing the spread of radical Islam in BiH, and this paper analyzes its efforts to homogenize Bosnian Muslims and prevent radicalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 2015, there was a controversy with regard to a foreign Muslim preacher being “barred” from delivering a speech in Singapore. While the government did not comment directly on the incident, it subsequently expressed concern about the growing trend of Singaporean Muslims refusing to greet “Merry Christmas” or “Happy Deepavali” to their non-Muslim friends, and stated unequivocally that it would not hesitate to ban foreign preachers who promote disharmony from entering the country. This essay seeks to critically analyse this incident, not in its specificity but with regard to the broader implications. I contend that there has been a conflation of religious conservatism with religious extremism in this episode. This conflation is not unique to Singapore, as similar expressions of wariness towards conservative Islamic positions have been articulated throughout the world, especially in Western analyses of the “Islamic problem”. This paper calls for the problematization of this conflation. It seeks to comprehend the concepts of “conservatism” and “extremism” properly. I further postulate that the act of mistaking conservatism for extremism may not only be due to misunderstandings of what the two concepts entail, but it may also has its roots in the idea of “Orientalism” as described by Edward Said. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

If media outlets and political rhetoric are to be believed, then the way to counter “radical” Islam is through “moderate” Islam. Seemingly, “moderate” Islam is that which “radical” Islam is not. In appointing “moderate” Islam as an antidote to “radical” Islam, the implication is that, conceptually at least, the two terms are contradistinctive. Yet, while much is, perceivably, known about “radical” Islam, with its associated ills of an unequivocal Islamic worldview, very little attention has been afforded to this signifier, “moderate”. Inasmuch as this term is bandied around, even scholars of Islam will acknowledge that, within Islamic education, understandings of and debates on conceptions of moderation, and moderate Muslim communities, have been somewhat overlooked. What, therefore, is a “moderate” Islam? What is a “moderate” Muslim community and how would it act? What are the implications for a “moderate” community in relation to pluralist societies? And, can such a “moderate” community offer a practical response not only to “radical” Islam, but, perhaps, more importantly, to increasingly antagonistic, liberal contexts? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 9/11, the American policy towards Africa has been strongly influenced by national security interests and in particular by the fight against international terrorism and Islamic radicalisation. Traditionally, the American Africa policy has been the result of bureaucratic policymaking with the Pentagon and the State Department playing prominent roles. The paper argues that in the current century, evangelical Christian lobby groups have gained increasing influence on policymaking on Africa. Because policymaking has been influenced by a number of different actors, the American Africa policy may appear incoherent and ambiguous if judged narrowly on the expectation that it only aims to take care of US national security concerns and economic self-interests. The paper concludes that Africa was important to the United States during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama because of the combination of strong security interests and strong domestic lobby groups that have pressured to place Africa on the US foreign policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article elaborates on the initiatives by Presbyterian minister Charles Stelzle and the Protestant Federal Council of Churches to dissolve Christian socialists' religious radicalism and to draw working people to church. Topics mentioned include the creation of a Social Gospel movement, his partnership with Protestant leaders for the goal of establishing church membership, and his alliance with the American Federation of Labor for the alleviation of poverty.

There is a growing speculation that a new vista is being opened through the emerging scholarship on Islamic radicalism and terrorism in Nigeria. This new vista seeks to promote the perception that the Boko Haram radicalism and terrorism may be traceable to the Sudanese Mahdism of the early 20th century and the Nigerian Maitatsinism of the 1980s. Such a perception finds support in the emerging thinking that no historical account on Islamic extremism, radicalism, and terrorism in Nigeria can be deemed complete without an express reference to the Sudanese Mahdism and the Nigerian Maitatsinism. The purpose of this study is to explore the linkage between these two variants of Islamic extremism and the Boko Haram radicalism and terrorism. The study which is both exploratory and analytical in method attempts to answer three interconnected questions namely: what is the nature of the Sudanese Mahdism? What is the nature of the Nigerian Maitatsinism? How does Boko Haram mirror Mahdism and Maitatsinism in radicalism and terrorism? The significance of this study lies in its potential to constitute a useful addition to the scholarship of Islamic terrorism in Nigeria and to also draw the blind and eliminate some obscurity on possible sources of inspirations for the Boko Haram terrorists by the Mahdiyyah and Maitatine radicalism. In order to achieve a systematic engagement with the subject of this study, the three research questions shall be addressed in a logical and sequential fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is interested in shedding light on why a phenomenon such as Boko Haram came into existence and why it poses a threat to the very existence of the Nigerian state. The Boko Haram phenomenon, I argue, can only be understood as a reaction to more than a half century of corruption, venality, poverty, and abuse by the state predator class. My argument is that Boko Haram is the entirely logical consequence of more than five decades of the post-colonial Nigerian state ruled by a parasitic predator class that is itself a by-product of the colonial state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of Pentecostal Christianity at a time of increased religious radicalization in Africa is a disconcerting development. This problem is further compounded by the dearth of analytical research that explores the role theological education should play in preparing Pentecostalism to engage a religiously radicalized Africa. This paper offers a response in three ways: first, it reviews the legacy of missionary theological education and offers an overview of religion and state relations in Africa. Second, it discusses theological education and the implications of the rise of Pentecostalism in a context of religious radicalization. Third, it outlines how theological education could be reinvigorated to enable Pentecostalism to confront the challenges of religious radicalization in Africa. The paper concludes that theological education is a compelling stimulus that enables African Pentecostalism to promote peaceful coexistence and tolerance in ways that bear witness to the gospel of peace as well as reflect the African agency of faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zarqa Journal for Research & Studies in Humanities is the property of Zarqa Journal for Research & Studies in Humanities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While celebrated in U.S. Catholicism, Dorothy Day (1897--1980) is often marginalized in American Catholic scholarship. One of the ways this marginalization has occurred is by depicting the sources of her theological vision--particularly "the retreat" she embraced in the 1940s-- as "Jansenist" or "perfectionist." But "the retreat" has also been portrayed in other ways and this article will examine the argument that its theology is rooted in the Ignatian spiritual exercises and a strain of Jesuit spirituality that includes early modern Jesuits such as Louis Lallement, Jean-Joseph Surin, and Jean Pierre de Caussade. Such an alternative understanding not only retrieves "the retreat" from the margins; it also links Day with other kindred spirits in Ignatian spirituality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Counter-ideological work is touted as crucial in combating terrorism. This article attempts to analyse the role of counter-ideology in dealing with a particular type of terrorism: Muslim jihadist extremism. This paper reiterates findings from existing research, in arguing that counter-ideology is indispensable for three reasons: firstly, to prevent Muslims from genuinely believing that terrorism is sanctioned by the faith; secondly, it is instructive to assure non-Muslims that Islam per se, is not the problem; and finally, it can be used to ‘rehabilitate’ terrorists who are in detention. However, this paper also suggests four criticisms of many counter-ideological efforts, and posit that in order for such work to be truly effective, the following shortcomings need to be rectified: firstly, the creation of unnecessary frontiers that may alienate potential allies; secondly, the inability to ‘preach to the right crowd’; thirdly, the perils of promoting ‘moderate’ and ‘progressive’ Islam; and finally, credibility issues associated with the people spearheading such works. An underlying factor that lurks in the background of all of these is the role of theulama, or Islamic religious scholars. This article further hopes to contribute to the literature on counter-terrorism by exercising more scrutiny on the role of theulama. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The two versions of the text--the MT and the Septuagint--diverge from each other so radically in Jer 25:1-7 that deliberate editing of the text in one direction or the other must have taken place. Revisiting the passage (after VT 52 [2002]: 459-82), I would like to go through the text in detail as well as discuss methodological questions concerning the relationship between textual criticism and literary criticism in dealing with the two editions of the book of Jeremiah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is it that social movements engaged in contention sometimes experience radicalization of member factions? This article argues that relational practices of contacts, ties, exchange of information and bargaining among the contending parties mediate the influence of violence-prone ideologies as well as impulses, incentives and motives for aggression on actual engagement in political violence. A mechanism-based comparison of two similar yet different-in-outcome episodes of Jewish settler contention demonstrates the mediating role of relational mechanisms, the combined influence of which is conceptualized and operationalized as an Infrastructure of Coordination (IOC). Despite ample environmental stimuli and widespread violence-prone ideologies present in both episodes, in the Gaza Pullout radicalization was impeded through high levels of coordination established between and within the contending parties. Conversely, in the dismantling of the Amona outpost the disintegration of the IOC propelled radicalization. Supportive evidence is provided from a multi-method research design, including in-depth interviews, content analysis and contention—repression data over a series of critical events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Buddhism school Theravada Buddhism and Buddhist Nationalism in Southeast Asia. Topics discussed include Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka which was started by a lay devotee of Buddhism named Angarika Dharmapala, Buddhist dominance in Burma, and confrontation between Buddhism and Muslim.

The article focuses on violent extremism and religious leaders. Topics discussed include Islamic State, media campaign "Think Again, Turn Away" and community engagement in extremism. Other topics which includes religious militias, counterterrorism and religious aspects of extremism are also discussed.