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Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ateşin beslenme ve barınma açısından önemi kadar inançlarda, mitoloji ve etnografyadaki sembolik değeri, din ve kültür tarihi çalışmaları açısından uzun zamandır araştırma konusudur. Bu çalışmalara göz atıldığında onun kutsal, sağaltıcı ve arındırıcı özelliğinin neredeyse tüm antik inanç sistemlerinde yerini aldığı görülecektir. Ateş kültünün, halk hekimliğinden tütsü ve ot kullanımına; ocak ve ata kültüyle ilişkili olarak bireysel sunak ve adaklardan; Eski Antik Yunan ve Roma’nın düzenli tapınak ritüellerindeki kutsal ocaklarına; Urartu tapınaklarındaki ateş sunaklarından, Hitit büyü uygulamalarına geniş bir uygulama alanına sahip olması, bu kültün Eski Anadolu’nun en eski kültürel pratiklerinden biri olarak öne çıkmasına ve yoğun ilgi uyandırmasına neden olmaktadır. Bu çalışma Anadolu’da halen “tütsü/mum yakma, kurşun dökme, nevruz ateşi, sin sin oyunu, ocaktan ateş vermeme inancı” gibi pratiklerde varlığını sürdüren bu kültün tarihsel temellerini çivi yazılı ve arkeolojik belgelerin yardımıyla ortaya koymak amacı ile kaleme alınmıştır.

Throughout history, societies have addressed fertility issues in different ways. Although involuntary childlessness, also known as barrenness/infertility, touches upon various dimensions including psychological, social, economic and cultural, its biological aspect has gained prominence in the last quarter of the 20th century with the advancements in medicine. Meanwhile, holistic approaches grounded in bio-psychosocial understanding have emerged recently, and values and beliefs have begun to be part of treatment process. Accordingly, a growing literature on involuntary childlessness, emphasizing its psychological, social and cultural dimensions as well as its medical dimension has been observed. In this study, involuntary childlessness is addressed within the context of faith and spirituality. Different belief practices related to the desire of a child are observed both globally and in Türkiye. The social construction of these practices may vary based on historical era, region, religion or set of beliefs. Therefore, it is crucial to depict the ritual in a way that preserves its originality. In this study, the belief ritual performed at the tomb/shrine of Şücaeddin Veli in Eskisehir will be examined as an example of a ritual practiced with childless couples. Şücaeddin Veli holds an important place in Alevi-Bektashi faith. The Şücaeddin Veli Ocağı is also a significant center of Western Anatolian Alevism. Over the years, many couples have come here with the desire of having a baby and the presence of both Dede and Ana in each ritual as the practitioners of the ritual in addition to the couples, has enabled them to have a rich accumulation of experience. These experiences are important to understand and elucidate the relationship between the social construction of involuntary childlessness and the ritual of belief. In this study narrative analysis, one of the qualitative research methods, was used. In-depth interviews were conducted with the ritual practitioners, Dede and Ana. The findings of the research are evaluated within the framework of the practices related to the performance of the ritual, the meaning of the practices, its relation with faith, cultural and the psychosocial outcomes.

Dijital teknolojilerin gelişmesiyle birlikte gerçek uzamdan farklı bir alan olarak dijital uzamın ortaya çıkması gündelik hayat pratiklerinin sunuluş biçimini etkilemiştir. Bu açıdan gündelik hayat içerisinde önemli bir role sahip olan kadim ritüeller de dijital uzam üzerinden aktarılmaya başlanmıştır. Ritüelin dijitalleşmesi üzerine yoğunlaşan bu çalışmanın temel problemi, kadim ritüellerin dijitalleşme ile birlikte seyirlik meta haline gelmesi sonucunda auradaki dönüşümün anlaşılmasıdır. Zoom Cinemas isimli YouTube kanalında canlı yayınlanan ölüm ve evlilik geçiş ritüelleri ile dini tören ve ibadet ritüelleri videolarından rastgele örnekleme yöntemiyle seçilen her kategori için 5 video metin analizi yöntemi ile analiz edilmiştir. Örneklemde bir metin olarak ele alınan videoların açıklanabilmesi için de betimsel analiz yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Araştırma sonucunda ölüm ritüellerinin aura yitimi açısından en çok erozyona uğrayan ritüel biçimi olduğu, buna karşılık evlilik ritüellerinin doğası gereği gösteriye daha uygun olduğu anlaşılmıştır. İbadet ve dini törenlerin dijitalleşmesi sürecinde ise dinsel deneyimin canlı yayın aracılığıyla aktarılamaması ‘oradalık’ üzerine kurulu maneviyatı dijital üzerinden sekteye uğratmaktadır.

In the fall of 1810, two young Acadian women exhibited signs interpreted by their predominantly Catholic community as a possession or enchantment by threatening spiritual forces. Family and neighbours banded together and performed unorthodox rituals that offer historians of religion and of Acadia the opportunity to analyze several Atlantic influences on this rural parish. It is an intriguing case in the religious and social history of Nova Scotia that demonstrates multiple cultural aspects in convergence. The Acadian community's history and its location on a colonial fringe connected its members with diverse ritual knowledges. This article argues that the nature of the girls' symptoms and the methods that the Acadian community used to bring healing reached beyond lay Roman Catholicism. The Acadians were influenced by New Light evangelical theology and baptismal spirituality from New England, as well as African diaspora spiritual elements from a nearby Black Loyalist settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious rituals are historical events performed in certain forms at certain times. There is a distinction between religious rituals guiding practice with their event character and religious and philosophical meta-narratives positioning rituals mentally/ideologically. This distinction also leads to some ambiguities regarding the meaning of rituals. Since Ancient/primitive thought considered human existence within the whole (cosmos), it interpreted the ritual as a representation of cosmology. This wholeness has made the experience of boundaries, both within and beyond human limits, visible at its most fundamental level. From this perspective, ritual has dimensions such as formation, deformation, and transformation as a process of delineating boundaries and then transcending them. In this article, we will emphasize that ritual, in its event form, provides an opportunity for individuals to understand and transform themselves by considering various dimensions of human existence. In this context, we will discuss different aspects of the Mawlid, Alawi samah rituals, and the Mawlawi sama ceremony in Turkish-Islamic culture. We will explain how participants in the Mawlid ritual undergo a transformation process through the narrative of supernatural. In Alawi samah, we will focus on the ritual as a spatial representation of bodily formation. In comparison to the local-universal dichotomy of Alawi samah, we will draw attention to the symbolic formation of the city concept in the Mawlawi samah ceremony. In the Mawlawi ceremony, we will attempt to analyze the mutual interaction between the city and the ritual as a symbolic manifestation of cosmic unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the evolution of Taiwanese popular religion amid the backdrop of social modernization. The emphasis on orthopraxy in Taiwanese popular religion offers a unique perspective on how religion adapts to modernization. It argues that the significance attributed to rituals in Taiwanese religions not only underscores a long-standing tradition but also serves as a fundamental aspect of popular religion. The materiality of rituals establishes heterogenous connections between the religious and non-religious, enabling popular religion to thrive and evolve in contemporary society. The study focuses on the ritual practice of 'incense-offering pilgrimages' by a local lay group, highlighting how the public visibility of deities is rooted in ritual observance rather than faith alone. Through detailed case studies, this article underscores the multifaceted 'diversion connections' between religious and non-religious domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türkbitig Journal of Cultural Studies is the property of Turkbitig Journal of Cultural Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The iconic Dupljaja chariot model from the Carpathian Basin informs us on cosmologies and technologies of Bronze Age societies in Europe between 1600 and 1200 BC. It communicates key elements of religious imagery and ritual practice alongside technical features of working chariots. Through a detailed reappraisal employing use-wear, compositional, and iconographic analyses as well as 3D modelling of the chariot model, the authors explore the social context of its creation and use. Integrating functional wheels with four spokes and iconographic depictions of the similar cross-in-circle symbol, the Dupljaja chariot combines and cross-references motifs with pan-European relevance in the Bronze Age. The study aims to better understand the interplay between the local and regional context of the Dupljaja chariot and how its distinct features arose from the material and ideological networks defining later Bronze Age Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although eating and drinking was done to fill the stomach in the early ages, it has turned into a culture by gaining new forms over time. In this cultural environment people saw opening the table as a social status or as a means to reach God. That's why they offered the best food or animals as offerings. Votive, which is seen in many religions, has survived to the present day as a practice used to ask God's help in any matter. Having a child, eliminating diseases, getting rid of debts, ensuring family happiness, eliminating difficulties, etc. votive applied for purposes; It is done by sacrificing various animals, as well as by planting candles, giving or distributing money, reading Yasin, having mevlit read, table vowing or opening a table. Opening a table is a kind of votive that is made by meeting the difficulties and needs, and by offering various meals if wishes are granted. The practice of this vow, as it does in many Turkish communities, continues to exist among the South Azerbaijani Turks living in the north and northwest of Iran. South Azerbaijan Turks, who have been exposed to many difficulties throughout their lives, sought solutions for their own situation and needs by taking refuge in religious beliefs. Since they are generally committed to the Twelve Imam Shia understanding, they have made a vow to overcome the difficulties by following the paths of the imams who belong to this understanding or their descendants. In the study, it was examined with the culture analysis method, which is one of the qualitative research models; document analysis analysis was also used as a data collection tool. As a result, it has been determined that opening a table in Southern Azerbaijan is a kind of votive and it has turned into a practice for the elimination of wishes, difficulties and troubles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Architecture & Life Journal / Kocaeli Üniversitesi Mimarlık ve Yaşam Dergisi is the property of Architecture & Life Journal / Kocaeli Universitesi Mimarllik ve Yasam Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Motif Academy Journal of Folklore is the property of Motif Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article builds on a powerful statement by Hans Joas regarding creativity, with which he claims 'the self escapes its bounds and loses itself in pursuit of the forces of sociality that make it up'. To develop this argument, we propose a hermeneutic approach that centres on myths and rituals that narrate how subjective and collective orders are dissolved within the indeterminate (apeiron). Although this question has been further explored within theoretical frameworks that discuss the death drive, the body without organs, the inoperative community and so on, these approaches do not refer to the subsequent rebirths, which the logos seems incapable of tackling but which traditional wisdom manages to address. The lesson that this ancient wisdom can pass on to sociology is that the communitas can act as the apeiron of the social from which the self and society itself escape their bounds to be reborn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When the historical processes of societies are followed, it is seen that rituals have a very important place, and many practices that have survived to the present day as social values are of ritual origin. Despite the formalities created by urban institutionalization processes, traditional ceremonies have maintained their place and continued to live in new beliefs. These activities, diversified mostly with the influence of mythic periods, are thought of as a mysterious spell, a blessed offering or an auspicious gift rather than a religious concern. The path of futuwwat, the boundaries of which we have not yet fully defined today, has also emerged as an area of spirituality that brings together the traditions of multicultural societies that have lived for hundreds of years after they met Islam. One of these traditions is the ritual of drinking salt water, also known as sherbet. Beings, objects and actions carry symbolic meanings and symbolic associations in addition to their conceptual equivalents. Unraveling the mystery of symbolic meanings not only enables us to reach beyond the visible, but also helps us to make sense and concretize. The rituals of drinking holy water and holy water, which we encounter since mythological texts, are kept alive in the form of drinking sherbet / salty water in the tradition of futuwwat. The aim of this study is to determine the origin, practice, and symbolic meanings of water and salt in the ritual of drinking salty water in futuwwatnames. It has been observed that sherbet, the combination of water and salt, which is indispensable for all societies with its symbolic meanings since mythic times, has also played an important role in many aspects of the initiation and initiation ceremonies of futuwwat.

Copyright of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı is the property of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tahiri Tilligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Motif Academy Journal of Folklore is the property of Motif Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Stith Thompson's Motif Index of Folk literature includes the motif of making one riding a donkey backwards as a form of punishment. Emine Çakır, in an unpublished essay titled, "Why did Nasreddin Hodja mount the donkey backwards? Who knows...", gives some definitions of the equivalent of this motif in Türkiye. The motif in question, which is frequently encountered in Western and Eastern cultures and used in different fields such as literature, history, law, art, apart from folklore (especially in the carnival tradition), varies according to the context in different countries. Hence, while working on the perception of the motif in question, it is necessary to consider the following distinction: "Riding a donkey backwards" and "being forced to ride a donkey backwards" are two different acts. The former is related to an idea of "will", while the latter is related to an idea of "involuntary". One is active while the other is passive, respectively. In the active, the subject is the real subject of the action; in the passive, the real subject is someone else (the people); the apparent subject is the one which is exposed to the action. The active one should be evaluated from the perspective of ethics, morality, tolerance, belief (religion); the passive one is suitable to be evaluated from the perspective of morality, belief (religion) as well as violence (humiliation, ridicule, punishment), and therefore justice. The motif of mounting a donkey backwards in Nasreddin Hodja is suitable for the first definition. In Western cultures, the recurring similar motif (mainly action) fits the second definition. Different subjects and different actions naturally open the door for the differentiation of motivations. For example, while the motif comes to the fore in Nasreddin Hodja more of a respect/disrespect dilemma, in Western cultures (especially in France) it appears as an image/act (and ritual) of "punishment" from the Middle Ages until the end of the nineteenth century. In this article, it will be focused not on the question of why Nasreddin Hodja mounts the donkey backwards (a lot has been said about it), but rather on the applications and meanings of the motif of mounting the donkey backwards in France as well as in some other countries and works. Accordingly, by focusing more on the signified, we will emphasize that a form of social punishment is transformed into a ritual during carnival periods. Undoubtedly, a ritualized action has its counterparts in the literary context. Some writers (for example, Ségur) did not hesitate to rewrite the essence of the ritual in the context of a narrative by transforming it with one function or another. It can be seen that there are differences according to the region and country between the implementation of an institutional event recurring in a synchronic as well as diachronic perspective in different periods. Apart from its counterpart in Nasreddin Hodja, the ritual of putting the donkey back on the agenda in Western cultures with social practices such as uproar, carnival and crazy's feast is not only social but also political, ideological, moral, etc. in the Western imagination. As a reflection of common sense with an orientation, the perception of established values in the eyes of the society also informs about social reactions. In addition to those who work on social habits, those who went to another country and witnessed the ritual of putting the donkey upside down, as well as artists, give information about the practice of the ritual. In this article, some determinations will be made in order to examine the perception of the ritual of riding the donkey backwards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies / Türkiye Din Eğitimi Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Language & Literature is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ölüm, her toplumda görülen ve inanç sistemlerine göre farklı yaklaşımları olan sosyolojik bir olgudur. Ölümden sonraki sürecin belirsizliği, toplumların ölüm ritüellerine ilişkin farklı pratikler geliştirmesine neden olmuştur. Birincil ilişkilerin hâkim olduğu geleneksel kapalı toplumlarda taziyeler önemli bir ritüel haline gelmiştir. 2019 yılında ortaya çıkan Covid-19 salgınında, toplum sağlığı açısından risk oluşturan kalabalık grupların tüm etkinlik ve oluşumları sağlık tedbirleri kapsamında yasaklanmıştır. Bu durum, taziye ritüellerinin düzenlenmesini de sekteye uğratmıştır. Bu çalışma, geleneksel kapalı toplum özellikleri gösteren ve taziyelerin önemli bir değer olduğu Van kentinde, ölüm olgusu ve yas tutma süreçlerinin, sosyal ilişkileri ve toplumsal yaşamı ne yönde etkilediği ve taziye geleneğine yüklenen anlamın bu süreçle birlikte nasıl bir değişime uğradığını konu edinmektedir. Bu bağlamda nitel bir araştırma olarak yürütülen çalışmada salgın nedeniyle birinci derece yakınını kaybeden ve çoğu bir aşiret mensubu olan 15’i kadın, 15’i erkek olmak üzere toplam 30 kişi ile yüz yüze görüşmeler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Araştırma sonucu, sosyo-kültürel bağların oluşturduğu örgütlenmenin, toplum sağlığına ilişkin tehditlerine rağmen salgına karşı bir direnç geliştirdiği ve taziye ritüellerinin güç koşullarda bile olsa yas sürecine ilişkin uygulanması gerektiği düşünülen toplumsal ritüeller olmaya devam ettiğini ortaya koymuştur.

Günümüzde bir eğlence unsuru olarak görülen danslar ilkel zamanlarda bir ibadet unsuru olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. İlk başlarda tanrıları memnun etme veya onların gazabından korunma amacıyla icra edilen bu danslar, daha sonraki aşamada tanrıya ulaşma ve onunla bir olama amacı taşımıştır. İnsanlar, bu amaca ulaşabilmek için de dinî danslarında tabiatı ve hayvanları taklit etmişlerdir. Hayvanların davranışlarını gözlemleyen insanlar onlara karşı kimi zaman bir korku kimi zamansa hayranlık duymuşlardır. Bu korku ve hayranlık hissi insanın hayvan ile özdeşleme ve onun meziyetlerini edinme çabasını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu özellikleri edinmenin de ancak hayvan hareketlerini taklit etmekle olacağına inanmıştır. Nitekim bu durum, günümüzde sergilenen dinî dansların figürlerinde, ilahilerinde ve bu ilahilerin içerdikleri sözlerle de desteklenmektedir. Anadolu’da görülen dinî danslar antik dönemden beri birçok uygarlıkta yer almıştır. Genellikle dairesel bir form şeklinde icra edilen bu danslar Anadolu’nun Türk İslam egemenliğine girmesiyle farklı bir boyuta taşınmıştır. Çünkü Türklerin Orta Asya’dan getirdikleri Bozkır kültürü ile Anadolu da karşılaştıkları Akdeniz ve Mezopotamya kültürlerinin kaynaşması ile dans geleneğinde de bir takım değişimlerin gerçekleşmesi kaçınılmaz olmuştur. Bu nedenle çalışmada Anadolu sahasında yer alan Türk dinî danslarının hangileri olduğu? bu danslarda sembolize edilen hayvanlar ve bu hayvanların Türk İslam kültüründe ne anlama geldiği? gibi sorulara yanıt bulmayı amaçlamıştır. Bu amaca ulaşmak için de nitel araştırma yöntemine başvurularak konu ile ilgili yazılı ve görsel materyallerin incelenmesini ve çözümlenmesini içeren doküman incelemesi ve eleştirel söylem analizi teknikleri kullanılmıştır. Ayrıca söz konusu dinî dansların görüntüleri Kare kod (QR kod) sistemi ile çalışmaya eklenmiştir. Çalışmamızda genel olarak Anadolu sahasındaki Türk dinî dansları ve bu danslarda görülen hayvan sembolizmi tartışılacaktır.

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Motif Academy Journal of Folklore is the property of Motif Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the study is to qualitatively/historically examine and compare the characteristics of China's traditional "Hanfu" and Japan's traditional "Kimono" garments. A survey model was adopted based on a literature review of these traditional garment characteristics. In the findings, it is explained that the Chinese Han traditional garment hanfu has not been able to preserve its features until today. With the help of sources and visuals, it is stated that the kimono, which is derived from hanfu, has not undergone changes in cultural exchanges, unlike China, and thus many basic elements of the original hanfu have been preserved. Hanfu, the traditional dress of the Chinese before the 17th century, includes all kinds of traditional clothing worn by the Han Chinese ethnic group. The teachings of Confucius, which enlightened Chinese society for thousands of years, recognized the hanfu as a very important part of Chinese ceremony and ritual. This traditional garment has a history as long as the history of the Han Chinese. The hanfu, with its ethnic and aesthetic characteristics, was eradicated in the 17th century due to repression by the Manchu invaders. When the Manchus ruled China during the Qing dynasty (1644-1912), they thought that they would have great difficulty ruling the Han Chinese. Thus, all Han Chinese in the Manchu system were forced to wear a garment called "Gipao". Over time, the traditional Han Chinese dress, the hanfu, was completely replaced by Manchu-style clothing. Today, the historical Chinese hanfu is usually only worn at festivals, religious ceremonies and movies. The hanfu is usually wide and long-sleeved. The hanfu is a long garment because in ancient Chinese thought it was impolite to show the feet. The kimono has been recognized as a traditional Japanese garment since the 12th century, although it was adapted from the hanfu. Historically, the hanfu has had a significant influence on the traditional costumes and styles of many other Asian countries. Wearing the kimono, like wearing the hanfu, signifies both the spirit and the garment. Passed down from generation to generation, traditional kimonos, with their fabric characteristics and patterns, express the age, social status and style of the wearer. From the 1600s onwards, Japan had a period of two hundred and fifty years in which it closed its doors to all foreigners. During this period, the Japanese continued to focus on their own tradition and art, advancing the art of kimono patterning and weaving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Son dönemin önemli isimlerinden filozof ve kültür kuramcısı Byung Chul Han, günümüz toplumu ile ilgili çözümlemeleri ve eleştirileriyle dikkat çekmektedir. Han, felsefe, iktidar, dijitalleşme, şiddet, özgürlük, şeffaflık, yorgunluk, estetik, medya teorileri ve popüler kültür konuanlarında çalışmalar yürütmektedir. Yazdığı kısa eserlerde yoğun bir anlatı sunan Han, “Ritüellerin Yok Oluşuna Dair” kitabında da bu durumu sürdürmektedir. Bu kitapta bireysel ve toplumsal yaşamı yoğun, istikrarlı ve düzenli kılan ritüelleri inceleme alanına almaktadır. Bir taraftan yaygınlaşan kolektif narsisizmin ve otantikliğin toplum aidiyetlerini, diğer taraftan da dijitalleşmenin, üretim mantığının ve neoliberal kapitalist küreselleşmenin ritüelleri step step ortadan kaldırdığını ve bu durumun hem zaman hem mekân algımızı tahrip ettiğini iddia etmektedir. Kitapta her iki dinamiğin de hem insan doğasını hem de toplumsallığı radikal bir şekilde dönüştürdüğünü gözler önüne sererek tarihsel bir dönemeçte olduğumuza dikkat çekmektedir. Bunu yaparken ele aldığı konulara dair birçok isim ve olaylara yer vermektedir. Kitapta on bölüm bulunmakla birlikte ele alınan konular şunlardır: Üretim zorlaması, otantiklik zorlaması, kapanmanın ritüelleri, bayram ve din, ölüm kalım oyunu, göstergeler imparatorluğu, düellodan dron savaşlarına, mitostan dataizme ve baştan çıkarmadan pornoya.

Two inscribed bases of votive offerings to Zeus Larasios from Tralleis (Aydin), dating from the late second or early third century AD, have been repeatedly discussed ever since the first of them was published in the 19th century. The starting point of the discussion has been the fact that the women who dedicated the offerings identify themselves as pallakai (concubines), a sacred function that was hereditary and could be held only once (or in exceptional cases twice) in a lifetime. There is no agreement among scholars on the duties performed by the pallakai every four years, on the occasion of the penteteric festival of Zeus Larasios. The hypothesis that they were sacred prostitutes, put forward by W. Ramsey in 1883, has been abandoned. The proposal of K. Latte to recognize the pallakai as prophetesses (on the model of the Pythia) is also problematic. The explanation of the term pallake or pallakis by ancient lexicographers as a young girl at the beginning of puberty suggests that the pallakai of Zeus Larasios performed a ritual signaling the transition from childhood to reproductive age. Strabo records a ritual of this kind in Egyptian Thebes.

Death is a sociological phenomenon seen in every society and has different approaches according to belief systems. The uncertainty of the process after death has led societies to develop different practices regarding death rituals. In Turkey, especially in the Eastern and Southeastern regions where primary relations are dominant, rituals performed after death are not only a daily practice but also an indicator of cultural belonging. During the 2019 Covid-19 pandemic, all activities and formations of crowded groups that pose a risk to public health were banned within the scope of health measures. This situation has also disrupted the organization of crowded condolence and dinner gatherings, especially in tribes. This study focuses on how the phenomenon of death and mourning processes affect social relations and social life in the city of Van, where condolences are considered an important value, and how the meaning attributed to the condolence tradition has changed with this process. In this context, in this qualitative study, face-to-face interviews were conducted with a total of 30 people, 15 women and 15 men, most of whom were members of a tribe, who lost their first-degree relatives due to the pandemic. The results of the research revealed that the tight organization formed by socio-cultural ties has developed a resistance against the pandemic despite the serious threats to public health and the risk of death, and that condolences continue to be social rituals that are considered to be necessary for the mourning process, even under difficult conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is possible to express the individual's journey to the sacred space with the trio of "illness, recovery, return". These three stages contain some extraordinary events and rituals within themselves. Wells located in sacred places, each of which is fed by the life story of a charismatic personality, draws a remarkable image in this context. The reason why the ordinary individual tends to these special places is nothing but the desire to be strong and to survive the difficult tests of life. Like other holy places, the "well" functions as a springboard in the individual's effort to reach the "desired self". Wells, located in the perspective of holy places in the Southeastern Anatolia Region, come to the fore with their aspects that are fed by the narratives and beliefs of charismatic religious figures. Wells are resorted to with the intentions of realizing the desire for a child, facilitating birth, increasing breast milk, treating paralysis and itching, and opening the mind. It is seen that the visits of Sunni, Alevi and Assyrian communities in the region with a focus on "sacred place and well" take place in the axis of similar purposes and rituals. Located in holy places such as mosques, tombs, churches؛ It is used by drinking the water of the wells that refer to the miraculous life stories of religious people such as prophets, saints, sheikhs and eren, or by taking a bath with its water. At the same time, rituals such as lighting candles, stacking stones, and leaving votive objects are also encountered in the wells. The "first case study" is repeated with the well visits made in connection with the holy place and it is hoped to reach healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I contribute to the development of the sociology of prayer focusing on the practice of bhaktiyoga, or yoga of devotion, within the largely influential, although substantially understudied, Mooji's neo-Guru movement. Methodologically, I rely on the tools of reflexive sociology, autoethnography, and discourse analysis while theoretically I advance a preliminary theorization of praying interaction rituals through a coupled reading of Mauss' early insights, Randal Collins' Interaction Ritual Chain Theory (IRC), and the concept of spiritual capital. The article conceptualizes collective prayer as an interaction ritual chain through which the collective identity of the community is continuously reconstituted around shared rituals, and which is in turn aimed at the acquisition of spiritual capital, the most valued type of capital within Mooji's community of devotees. Within this framework, prayer becomes essential also in the process of becoming a 'good devotee'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Death, which is accepted as the last of the transition periods, is an inevitable end for all humanity. The fear of death has led to the emergence of various beliefs and rituals about death in societies. According to African local beliefs, life expectancy does not end with death. On the contrary, life continues in another realm. On the other hand, although death is a feared event, it is accepted as the beginning of communication between visible and invisible beings. The concepts of life and death are interrelated and even complementary. Although the majority of African local beliefs accept death as part of the life cycle, they agree that death has a connection with supernatural forces. In African local beliefs, care is taken to carry out funeral ceremonies in accordance with the rules. Although there are different practices in funeral ceremonies in African communities, it has been determined that similar customs are also observed. In this study, the beliefs and rituals of many communities in Africa about death will be examined. The article data obtained by the literature review were written using the descriptive method of the History of Religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Myths are the efforts of human beings trying to understand the world to make sense of natural events. These myths, which were created as a result of fears, needs, the desire for eternal life and the effort to make the gods happy, are documents reflecting the beliefs of the time. Sometimes they appear as regular and measured poems with the name of epic, and sometimes as exaggerated stories of heroes. The main feature of the myths that describe the birth of the gods, their struggles, the creation of the universe, and worldly issues is that the events described are transformed into extraordinary and supernatural features. Myths, which were given a sacred status while being transmitted through certain rituals, have survived to the present day by turning into symbols over time. Although the gods in its content usually take the lead role, the supernatural creatures sometimes seen as fighters and sometimes as helpers are the products of a unique imagination. In this study, in which different and similar versions of the human-headed bird item, which is frequently encountered in the cultural inventory of many societies, are investigated, the data obtained by making literature reviews are brought together within the scope of the subject. The characteristics of these mythical creatures, which are known by different names in the myths of societies, were evaluated within the framework of beliefs, and the changes and transformations they acquired in their intercultural journeys were examined. It is aimed to contribute to science and art by bringing together the data obtained in this study, in which the cultural belonging of supernatural creatures with female heads and bird bodies is investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evil eye which means gazing, glancing, looking is commonly defined as a bad effect of people whose glances are believed to bring bad luck and damage on living and nonliving creatures. It is believed that people or a variety of objects that are touched by evil eye will face a negative situation and the effect of evil eye will lead to bad events. In Alanya where yuruk culture prevails, beliefs and practices related to evil eye continue to exist especially in mountain villages and highlands. Alanya nomads call the evil eye to be hit. The present study will discuss the beliefs of people of Alanya related to evil eye, their ways of protecting from evil eye and their practices against evil eye. The study will give information about evil eye societies and practices performed to repel evil eye such as pouring lead, spinning salt and melting candles. In addition, the study will reveal the factors affecting evil eye belief in Alanya. In the study, the researchers used the field research method and obtained information from the resource people related to the subject via interview technic. The researchers made participatory and nonparticipatory observations, took photos of practices related to evil eye in the villages and highlands and included them in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La soule, aussi dénommée choule, sole ou chole selon les lieux et les époques en France, peut être assimilée à un jeu d'affrontement rural déployant une certaine « violence » entre deux groupes d'individus. Il s'agit de porter une « balle », par presque tous les moyens, dans une grange, un étang ou, plus généralement, dans un lieu désigné à l'avance. Le jeu se déroule alors à certains jours « marqués » (dimanche, Pâques, Noël...). Toutefois, il décline entre le XVIIIe et le XIXe siècle alors qu'il était fortement pratiqué dans certaines régions au point de s'éteindre presque complètement. Par contre, il continue à être pratiqué outre-Manche et, de surcroît, ouvre sur le rugby et le football. Pourquoi cette pratique traditionnelle ne s'est-elle pas sportivisée en France? Á partir de l'étude d'un certain nombre de sources originales, bien que rares et éparses, il est possible d'avancer l'idée que ce jeu, malgré certaines diversités locales, ne s'est pas « sportivisée » dans ce pays parce qu'une forme particulière de pratique s'est répandue développant des caractéristiques peu favorables à une transformation « sportive ». Dès lors, et par comparaison avec sa consœur britannique, quelques raisons spécifiques au contexte français d'ordre géo-politique, social et culturel limitant les modifications d'une telle pratique sont avancées. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An integrated study of the zooarchaeological, iconographic, and artefactual data from the Etruscan site of Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Italy), inhabited from the eighth to the sixth century bc, reveals intra-site differences in the distribution and disposal of animal body parts and species represented, including wild animals. Smaller mammals and birds that would be trapped are encountered more frequently in the site's workshop area and larger prey (deer, wolf, bear, and aurochs) that would be hunted are found more often in the area of the elite residence. We suggest that some of these remains are evidence that hunting was for the purpose of trophy display by the elites of Poggio Civitate and we discuss the social implications of such an activity in this community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]