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More than two million U.S. families receive home visiting services each year, yet little is known about the content and process of home visit interventions. Home visit observations are a recommended tool to address this gap in knowledge, but guidance regarding how much observation time is needed to provide a trustworthy picture of home visits is not available. This study estimated the length of observation needed to provide a reliable description of the content and process of home visits delivered through an Early Head Start (EHS) home-based program. Observations of 555 home visits involving 88 families and 17 home visitors were coded with the Home Visit Observation Form-Revised (HVOF-R). The HVOF-R describes the proportions of time spent among several subcategories within each of three major categories: Primary Interaction Partners, Content of Interactions, and Nature of the Home Visitor’s Interactions. The psychometric theory of test reliability guided use of bootstrap resampling and the Spearman-Brown prediction formula to estimate the duration of observation necessary to achieve conventional psychometric standards of reliability (r = .90 and r = .80). Results showed that 40–60 min of a home visit observation yields a reliable estimate of the proportion of time spent on most key features of home visits, especially those behaviors observed most frequently, including interactions among the home visitor, parent, and/or child. Fairly brief observations yield reliable description of home visit activities, and use of observation is recommended to guide program implementation efforts and enhance program quality.

Although there have been calls in the early childhood field for effective approaches to preparing the workforce to support optimal early child development, there is a gap in understanding how diffe...

Early childhood centres are vibrant social communities where child and adult emotions are integral to learning. Previous research has focused on teaching practices that support children’s social-emotional learning; fewer studies have attended to relevant centre-level factors, such as the emotional leadership practices of the centre director. The present study qualitatively explored the role of directors in cultivating climates supportive of social-emotional teaching and learning. Program administrators (N = 12) were interviewed to inform a model of Positive Early Emotional Leadership. Findings indicate that administrators believe that they play a vital role in creating and maintaining positive centre emotional climates. Moreover, the ways in which directors influence the climate of the centre resemble the emotion socialization processes identified previously in parenting and teaching literatures. These findings connect developmental theory to educational practice, highlighting the potential connections among centre directors’ leadership practices, teachers’ emotional experiences at work, and children’s social and emotional learning.

While there is growing evidence that early childhood prevention programs can have positive outcomes for children and families, research has tended to focus on short-term outcomes, with fewer studies of long-term benefits. In addition, evaluations of such programs rarely go beyond the question, “does the program work?” despite numerous calls over the past decade for more research that can help understand how these programs have their effects. Using longitudinal, experimental data from the Early Head Start (EHS) Research and Evaluation Project (EHSREP) linked to child welfare agency records for 2794 children, we examined the effectiveness of EHS birth-to-three services in preventing child maltreatment during children’s first 15 years of life. Following this, we assessed whether changes in specific child and family outcomes at ages 2 and 3 acted as mediators for later maltreatment prevention. Results showed that EHS has a long-term impact on the likelihood of child welfare system involvement that is driven by earlier impacts on parenting behaviors, family well-being, and child developmental status. By children’s second birthday, families randomly assigned to participate in EHS had lower family conflict and parenting distress, and more positive parent-child interactions; these impacts, in turn, led to later reductions in the likelihood of children being involved with the child welfare system through age fifteen years. Furthermore, at age three, children in EHS were more attentive and engaged in play with their parents and had higher scores on cognitive development assessments compared to controls; these outcomes were similarly associated with long-term reductions in the likelihood of child maltreatment. These findings suggest that early two-generational programs, like EHS, that are able to successfully decrease family conflict and stress and support positive, emotionally responsive parenting and child development, may reduce the likelihood of abuse and neglect later in life.

Research Findings: Adults’ attitudes about attachment relationships are central to how they perceive and respond to children. However, little is known about how attachment styles are related to teachers’ attitudes toward and interactions with infants and toddlers. From a survey of 207 students taking early childhood (EC) courses at 4 U.S. universities, we report relations among students’ attachment styles and their (a) career goals, (b) attitudes about caring for and educating infants and young children, and (c) interaction skills for responding in developmentally supportive ways. Overall, attachment security was positively associated with career goals focused on working with younger children, knowledge about infant/toddler development, attitudes that acknowledge the importance of adult support in children’s development, and developmentally supportive interaction skills. Students who scored high on attachment fearfulness minimized the importance of adults in children’s lives, minimized the importa...

Current literature indicates that risk for maternal depression is substantial in low-income families. A large body of research also indicates that when mothers are depressed, children are at risk for a number of developmental difficulties. While mutual influence between child and parental difficulties has been noted, few studies examine risk factors for both depression and child aggression within ecological models. The present cross-site study examined the unique and additive contributions of contextual factors, including SES and family functioning, on maternal depression and child aggression in Early Head Start families. A multiethnic sample of parents and their children, between the ages of 12 and 43 months, participated in this study. Families came from five Early Head Start programs across the United States, representing both urban and rural areas. Structural equation models (SEM) demonstrate mutual links between depression and aggression, mediated at least in part by ecological factors. SEM indicated that 36.4% of the variance in child aggression is accounted for in a model linking aggressive behavior to parent depression, stress, and couple-level functioning, as well as other family interaction variables. A second model focusing on maternal depression revealed that 44.5% of the variance in maternal depression was accounted for through family factors, including couple-related support and satisfaction and parenting stress. In this second model, child aggression was indirectly linked to maternal depression. These data have important implications for programs serving at-risk families.

Programs to promote children's early development are based on a set of assumptions, explicit or implicit, about intended outcomes and how the program will effect change. The “theories of change” were examined in ten home-based programs in the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project (EHSREP), using data collected through multiple interviews with program staff. All home-based programs indicated that parenting outcomes were among their highest three priorities, while only 4 of 10 programs said that child outcomes were in their top priorities. The pattern of outcome differences between randomly-assigned program and control group participants reflected the programs’ theories of change in several ways. Early Head Start home-based programs showed positive impacts on 9 of 9 parenting outcomes, including parental supportiveness, home language and learning supports, emotional responsiveness, and family conflict when children were 24 months of age. Significant program impacts on child cognitive skills (Bayley MDI scores) and social behavior (observed child engagement of parent during play) were found when children were 36 months of age. Mediation analyses showed that the 54% of the program impact on 36-month child cognitive scores was mediated by 24-month program impacts on parental supportiveness, language and learning support, emotional responsiveness, and family conflict, and 47% of the program impact on 36-month child engagement of parent was mediated by 24-month impacts on parental supportiveness, language and cognitive stimulation, and emotional responsiveness. Results from mediation analyses were consistent with these home-based programs’ theories of change, supporting the efficacy of focusing on parent change as a mechanism for child outcomes in home visiting programs.

SYNOPSIS Objective . This article identifies patterns of mothering in low-income families from three ethnic groups and explores whether those patterns yield similar associations with child outcomes. Design . A person-centered within-group approach was used to examine observed patterns of mothering among European American (n = 740), African American (n = 604), and Mexican American (n = 322) low-income mothers and their 1-year-olds who were participating in the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project. Cluster analytic techniques were employed using four dimensions of mothering coded from videotapes: supportiveness, directiveness/intrusiveness, negative regard, and detachment. Results . Three similar mothering patterns were seen within each ethnic group: Supportive (48%–52%), Directive (29%–30%), and Detached (14%–19%). Although the patterns of mothering were similar, mean scores on discrete mothering behaviors differed across ethnic groups. A fourth pattern—Harsh—was found among European American a...

SYNOPSIS Objective . To examine patterns of supportive parenting during the first three years of life in low-income families from three ethnic backgrounds and document associations between these patterns and measures of children's development. Design . Mothers' supportiveness was longitudinally assessed from videotaped parent–child play interactions at 1, 2, and 3 years of age in 1,095 low-income European American, African American, and Latin American mothers and their children who participated in Early Head Start. Links between mothering and 5-year-olds' outcomes were examined. Results . Cluster analysis performed separately for the three ethnic groups identified four patterns of supportiveness over time: High Stable, Low Stable, Increasing, and Decreasing. Similar proportions of mothers in each ethnic group displayed each pattern. Ethnic differences in mean levels of supportiveness within each pattern were found, and different correlates for each group emerged. Conclusions . The same four patterns were ...

In this paper we introduce the Collaborative for Understanding the Pedagogy of Infant/toddler Development (CUPID), a multi-disciplinary group of more than 50 scholars across 28 U.S. colleges and universities who have joined together in a Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SOTL) effort to understand how to better support the professional needs of the infant/toddler workforce. One of the goals of CUPID is to make visible key issues faced by institutions of higher education (IHEs) in the U.S. in addressing the training of the infant/toddler workforce. Challenges facing those in higher education include the U.S. policy context, and the federal and state structures for supporting and credentialing the infant/toddler workforce. This work is made more challenging by the historical context of the field, and by the changing views on the goals for early care and education including the call for increased educational qualifications for teachers.

In recent years, there has been increasing interest in using administrative data collected by state child welfare agencies as a source of information for research and evaluation. The challenges of obtaining access to and using these data, however, have not been well documented. This study describes the processes used to access child welfare records in six different states and the approach to combining and using the information gathered to evaluate the impact of the Early Head Start program on children's involvement with the child welfare system from birth through age eleven. We provide “lessons learned” for researchers who are attempting to use this information, including being prepared for long delays in access to information, the need for deep understanding of how child welfare agencies record and code information, and for considerable data management work for translating agency records into analysis-ready datasets. While accessing and using this information is not easy, and the data have a number of limitations, we suggest that the benefits can outweigh the challenges and that these records can be a useful source of information for policy-relevant child welfare research.

Persistent disparities exist between African American children and their European American counterparts across developmental domains. Early childhood intervention may serve to promote more positive outcomes among African American children. The current study examined whether and how the Early Head Start (EHS) program benefited African American children at the end of the program, when they were 36 months of age, as well as the parenting these children experienced and how this affected their developmental outcomes. The data show a wide and strong pattern of impacts of EHS for African American children and families. Path analysis yielded findings that suggested a direct effect of EHS on specific child outcomes and parenting processes within this group of African American families. Parental supportiveness and cognitive stimulation emerged as important direct influences on African American children's outcomes and as pathways through which Early Head Start benefits these children. These findings are discussed in the context of early childhood intervention practice.

This study compared behavior problems of children of mothers with elevated depressive symptoms and children of mothers with non-elevated depressive symptoms, using the same measure for mothers and teachers. Participants included 914 mother–teacher dyads of low-income children (M age of child = 62.9 months, SD = 4.0) who participated in the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project. Mothers completed a shortened version of CES-D to evaluate their own depressive symptoms. Teachers and mothers completed the Family and Child Experiences Survey Interviews (FACES) to assess children’s behavior problems. The results showed that children of mothers with elevated depressive symptoms-higher than the cut-off score for possible depression- showed higher aggressive and hyperactive behaviors than did children of mothers with non-elevated depressive symptoms according to the mothers’ rating; however, teachers rated the children no differently. Both mothers and teachers reported higher internalizing behaviors in children of mothers with elevated depressive symptoms than did those of mothers with non-elevated depressive symptoms. Maternal depressive symptoms moderated the relations between informants (mothers and teachers) and externalizing behaviours (aggressive and hyperactive) of children. These findings underscore the need for research in different settings such as at home and at school, to measure children’s behavior problems in order to gain a more comprehensive perspective on child functioning. Results suggest an emphasis on intervention or prevention programs targeting internalizing behavior problems, specifically for children of depressed mothers in low-income families.

Home visitation has emerged as a key strategy for promoting child and family well-being in the current policy context. This article examines the effectiveness of the Early Head Start (EHS) home-based program for children and families at the end of the program and 2 years later, with a particular focus on the role of program implementation in the impacts of the EHS home-based program on child and family outcomes. There was a pattern of broad, modest effects of EHS home visiting for both children and parents, which were strengthened if the programs were fully implemented according to federal guidelines. In particular, impacts for children in the cognitive and language domain were documented. Implications of these findings for policy and practice are discussed.

We are delighted to reflect on the 10 papers highlighted in this important special issue of Early Childhood Research Quarterly devoted to recent secondary data analyses of the FACES and EHSREP datasets. First, we provide some background on Head Start research and give an overview of the large-scale Head Start and Early Head Start datasets that are available for researchers to analyze. Then, we comment on the papers in this special issue from a methodological and statistical standpoint. Finally, we reflect on themes that stood out across the various papers. Throughout, we make recommendations for future large-scale data collection efforts and future research on Head Start and Early Head Start programs.

This special issue includes new analyses of data from the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation (EHSRE) study. The goal of the issue is to further delineate how aspects of programs as well as family and contextual factors are implicated in the impact of Early Head Start on school readiness and parenting. The 4 sets of authors address the complex interplay of program, child, and family factors in quite divergent ways, with results offering new vantage points on how best to ensure that low-income children enter school ready to learn and on a trajectory of lifelong adaptive functioning.

Early development is likely influenced by quality of early parenting and improvements or declines in quality over time. Little is known about how changes in different dimensions of parenting influence child outcomes, nor the relative sizes of associations when considering several aspects simultaneously. These questions are addressed in the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project (N = 1273). Assessments occurred when children were 1, 2, 3, and 5 years old. Parent supportiveness (videotaped play interactions), home learning environment (observed), and depressive symptoms and parenting stress (self-report) were assessed. Children's school readiness at age 5 was assessed via receptive vocabulary, letter–word knowledge, observed emotion regulation, approaches toward learning, and behavior problems. In this low-income sample, early parenting as well as change over time predicted school readiness. Associations mostly followed predictions from the family stress model and cognitive stimulation models; lea...

The purposes of the present study were to examine associations between risk factors and the cognitive performance from one to three years of age of children living in poverty, and to investigate the protective and/or promotive effects of EHS on children's cognitive skill performance. Analyses were conducted using data from the Early Head Start (EHS) Research and Evaluation Project, a prospective study of 3001 children and families living in poverty. There were four main findings. First, children's cognitive skill scores decreased significantly from one to three years of age in comparison to national norms. Second, children whose families were on government assistance, children whose mothers had less than a high school education, children who received lower levels of cognitive and language stimulation at home, and children who had higher levels of negative emotionality evidenced more rapid rates of decline. Third, children in families who received government assistance, children whose parents were unemployed, and children whose mothers had less than a high school education had lower cognitive skill scores at three years of age. Fourth, children who were enrolled in Early Head Start (EHS) had higher cognitive skill scores at three years of age than their peers who were not in EHS. Implications for policy and early education are discussed.

One planned consequence of the national Infant Mental Health Forum held in the United States in 2000 was the funding of five research projects conducted in Early Head Start (EHS) programs. Each project strengthened existing programs by integrating infant/toddler mental health approaches and testing the outcomes on infant/toddler development, behavior, and parent-child interactions. In two of the projects, the effect of offering enrichment for EHS staff was tested. The other three projects tested the effect of services offered directly to parents and children. This article describes the five projects and the theories, methods, and outcome measures used. In order to understand more fully the elevated risk factors in these families and the consequences for mental health in their infants and toddlers, a common set of measures was developed. Data have been used to explore the common threats to mental health and the factors that moderate the impact on infants and toddlers.

The Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project, a random-assignment evaluation, found a broad pattern of positive impacts for children and families. However, there were no program impacts on depression or use of mental health services by the time children reached age 3, at the end of the Early Head Start (EHS) program. This paper presents recent findings from the follow-up study in the spring prior to the children entering kindergarten, when a positive program impact emerged for reducing maternal depression. Results show that earlier program impacts on children and parents (when children were 2 and 3 years of age) mediated, or led to, the delayed impact on maternal depression. The combination of the most promising child factors accounted for over 57% of the later impact on depression, while the most promising parent factors accounted for over 35% of the later impact on depression. Implications for EHS programs are discussed.

One strand of home visiting research investigates efficacy while another investigates under what conditions programs achieve outcomes. The current study follows the latter approach. Using a within-program design in a sample of 11 home-based sites in the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation study, this study found that three components of home visits (quantity of involvement including number of home visits, duration in the program, length of visits and intensity of service; quality of engagement including global ratings of engagement by staff and ratings of engagement during each home visit; and the extent to which home visits were child focused) represented distinguishable aspects of home visit services. Demographic variables predicted components of involvement, and home visit involvement components were differentially related to outcomes at 36 months, after controlling for demographic/family factors and earlier functioning on the same measure. Only one quantity of involvement variable (duration) predicted improvements in home language and literacy environments at 36 months. Quality of involvement variables were negative predictors of maternal depressive symptoms at 36 months. Finally, the proportion of time during the visit devoted to child-focused activities predicted children's cognitive and language development scores, parent HOME scores, and parental support for language and learning when children were 36 months of age. Implications for home visiting programs and policies are discussed.

The Parenting Interactions with Children: Checklist of Observations Linked to Outcomes (PICCOLO) fills a critical need for an easy-to-administer and easy-to-score measure of parenting that requires minimal training to administer. Despite wide agreement about the importance of parenting, few programs assess parenting behaviors; rather, there is a focus on child outcomes in curriculum planning, program improvement efforts, and accountability activities. In large part, this is due to the very few observational assessments of adult–child interactions that can be used without major investments of time and resources. Given the adage “what gets measured is treasured,” this leaves parenting out of many policy and practice discussions. The new PICCOLO measure has the potential to add to the growing arsenal that early childhood programs have to assess the children and families whom they serve. The measure can help programs to assess parenting strengths, plan effective interventions, and monitor the effectiveness of those interventions. The developers of the measure are to be applauded for their thoughtful approach to creating the items in the measure and to their careful examination of the measure's psychometric qualities. La media PICCOLO tiene la posibilidad de contribuir al creciente arsenal que los programas de la temprana ninez tienen para evaluar los ninos y las familias a quienes les sirven. La medida puede ayudar a los programas a evaluar los aspectos fuertes de la crianza, a planear intervenciones efectivas, y a vigilar la efectividad de tales intervenciones. Debemos aplaudir a quienes disenaron la medida PICCOLO por su sensato acercamiento para crear los aspectos enumerados en la medida y por su cuidadosa examinacion de las cualidades sicometricas de la medida. Le PICCOLO peut tout a fait s’ajouter a l’arsenal dont disposent les programmes de petite enfance afin d’evaluer les enfants et les familles qu’ils servent. Cette mesure peut aider les programmes a evaluer les forces parentagles, a plannifier des interventions efficaces et a controler l’efficacicte de ces interventions. Les concepteurs de cette mesure doivent etre felicites pour la maniere attentionnee dont ils ont cree les elements de la mesure et pour leur examen minutieux des qualites psychometriques de la mesure. Die PICCOLO hat das Potenzial, dem wachsenden Wissensarsenal die Erkenntnis hinzuzufugen, dass Programme fur die fruhe Kindheit bei den Kindern und Familien ansetzen mussen, fur die sie vorgesehen sind. Das Verfahren kann Programmen helfen Erziehungsstarken zu erfassen, wirksame Interventionen zu planen und die Wirksamkeit derartiger Masnahmen zu beobachten. Die Entwickler des Verfahrens mussen fur ihren durchdachten Ansatz zur Schaffung von Items im Verfahren und fur ihre sorgfaltige Prufung der psychometrischen Qualitaten des Verfahrens gelobt werden. 抄録：PICCOLOは、早期子どもプログラムが援助する子どもと家族を、彼らが評価しなければならないという増大する備蓄に付け加える可能性を持っている。評価法によって、プログラムが育児の強さを評価し、効果的な介入を計画し、そしてそれらの介入の有効性を監視するのを助けられる。評価法の開発者は、測定法の項目を創りだすための思慮深いアプローチと、評価法の心理測定法的性質の注意深い検証に、拍手を送られるべきである。

In this article, we use data on biological fathers (n = 597) and mothers (N = 1,550) from 12 sites of the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project (EHS study) to examine the type and frequency of father involvement. We use a three-part model of father involvement to examine whether fathers participating in the EHS study are accessible to, engaged with, and show responsibility for their two-year-old children. We also examine patterns of reported father involvement by relationship status and residency. We find that more than 80% of all two-year-old children in the EHS study have accessible biological fathers, with the majority of nonresident boyfriends and nonresident friends and more than a third of fathers in no relationship with the mother seeing their children at least once in three months. These accessible fathers are engaged in a range of activities and show responsibility for their children, although patterns vary by the father-mother relationship status and father residency. More specifically, fathers who had at least a romantic relationship with the mother were more involved with their children across types of involvement than those in no relationship. Associations between relationship status and father engagement and responsibility remained after controlling for demographic variation among fathers in different relationship groups. A significant proportion of fathers who had no relationship with the mother of their child had some contact with the child, suggesting that the relationship between mother and father is not the only factor helping fathers stay involved in their children’s lives. Finally, fathers report doing a lot more caregiving than has been suggested by other studies.

Three studies examined associations between early child care and child outcomes among families different from those in the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) Early Child Care Research Network study. Results suggest that quality is an important influence on children's development and may be an important moderator of the amount of time in care. Thus, the generalizability of the NICHD findings may hinge on the context in which those results were obtained. These studies, conducted in three national contexts, with different regulatory climates, ranges of child care quality, and a diversity of family characteristics, suggest a need for more complete estimates of how both quality and quantity of child care may influence a range of young children's developmental outcomes.

The high societal and personal costs of child maltreatment make identification of effective early prevention programs a high research priority. Early Head Start (EHS), a dual generational program serving low-income families with children prenatally through age three years, is one of the largest federally funded programs for infants and toddlers in the United States. A national randomized trial found EHS to be effective in improving parent and child outcomes, but its effectiveness in reducing child maltreatment was not assessed. The current study used administrative data from state child welfare agencies to examine the impact of EHS on documented abuse and neglect among children from seven of the original seventeen programs in the national EHS randomized controlled trial. Results indicated that children in EHS had significantly fewer child welfare encounters between the ages of five and nine years than did children in the control group, and that EHS slowed the rate of subsequent encounters. Additionally, compared to children in the control group, children in EHS were less likely to have a substantiated report of physical or sexual abuse, but more likely to have a substantiated report of neglect. These findings suggest that EHS may be effective in reducing child maltreatment among low-income children, in particular, physical and sexual abuse.

Objective To examine relations between maternal depression (in pure and comorbid forms) and mother–infant interactions, infant attachment, and toddler social-emotional problems and competencies. A second objective was to explore sex differences. Method Sixty-nine mother–infant dyads were followed from pregnancy to 30 months postpartum. Depression was measured at multiple times with self-report and interview assessments. Play was assessed at 4 months and attachment status at 14 months postpartum. At 30 months, mothers completed the Child Behavior Checklist and Infant-Toddler Social and Emotional Assessment. Results Lifetime maternal depression predicted less optimal mother–infant interactions and insecure infant attachment. However, this “depression effect” was accounted for by mothers with comorbid diagnoses, who had less optimal interactions, and infants with higher rates of insecurity than either mothers with depression only or mothers with no psychopathology. Prenatal and postpartum depressive symptoms were associated with problem behaviors and lower competencies for boys. In contrast, quality of early interactions predicted problem behaviors in girls. Conclusions It is important to examine the context of maternal depression with respect to additional psychopathology and environmental risks. Maternal depression in the presence of other psychopathology confers risk to the mother–child dyad. Consistent with previous work, risk pathways appear to differ for boys and girls. Early identification and prevention efforts are warranted.

The federal Early Head Start (EHS) program began in 1995, and a randomized trial was conducted to evaluate the efficacy of 17 EHS programs. In all, 3,001 low-income families (35% African American, 24% Hispanic, and 37% White) with a pregnant women or an infant under the age of 12 months were randomly assigned to a treatment or control group (with 91% of the treatment group receiving some services). Data were collected when the children were about 1, 2, and 3 years of age, and at age 5 (2 years after leaving EHS). Research questions examined (1) impacts of EHS at ages 2 and 3 (when services were being offered) and at age 5, and (2) contributions of early education experiences across children's first 5 years of life. Child outcomes included cognition, language, attention, behavior problems, and health; maternal outcomes included parenting, mental health, and employment. Overall impact analyses at ages 2 and 3 indicated that EHS benefited children and families: impacts were seen in all domains, with effect sizes of significant impacts ranging from .10 to .20. At age 5, EHS children had better attention and approaches toward learning as well as fewer behavior problems than the control group, although they did not differ on early school achievement. Subgroup analyses indicated that cognitive impacts were sustained 2 years after the program ended for African American children and language impacts for Hispanic children who spoke Spanish. Some significant family benefits were seen at age 5. Mediated analyses identified which child and family impacts at ages 2 and 3 contributed to the child impacts at age 5 (most relevant were earlier treatment effects on child cognition and on engagement with the parent). Growth curve analyses were also conducted. Although fewer than half the children enrolled in center-based preschool programs between ages 3 and 4, almost 90% participated in the year preceding kindergarten. A higher percentage of EHS than control children were enrolled. Nonexperimental analyses suggested that formal program participation enhanced children's readiness for school while also increasing parent-reported aggression. At age 5, those children and families who experienced EHS followed by formal programs fared best overall. However, the benefits of the two experiences were associated with outcomes in different ways. Benefits in language, behavior, and parenting were associated primarily with EHS; benefits in early school achievement were associated primarily with preschool attendance.

This report highlights information from a survey of Early Head Start programs that examined management structures and program services nationally. The report describes program approaches to service delivery, management and staffing, and partnerships. It also examines the characteristics of communities in which Early Head Start programs operate, the characteristics of enrolled families, and the wide range of services programs provide. The report draws upon qualitative information from in-depth site visits to elaborate and expand on survey findings.

The federal Early Head Start (EHS) program began in 1995, and a randomized trial was conducted to evaluate the efficacy of 17 EHS programs. In all, 3,001 low-income families (35% African American, 24% Hispanic, and 37% White) with a pregnant women or an infant under the age of 12 months were randomly assigned to a treatment or control group (with 91% of the treatment group receiving some services). Data were collected when the children were about 1, 2, and 3 years of age, and at age 5 (2 years after leaving EHS). Research questions examined (1) impacts of EHS at ages 2 and 3 (when services were being offered) and at age 5, and (2) contributions of early education experiences across children's first 5 years of life. Child outcomes included cognition, language, attention, behavior problems, and health; maternal outcomes included parenting, mental health, and employment. Overall impact analyses at ages 2 and 3 indicated that EHS benefited children and families: impacts were seen in all domains, with effect sizes of significant impacts ranging from .10 to .20. At age 5, EHS children had better attention and approaches toward learning as well as fewer behavior problems than the control group, although they did not differ on early school achievement. Subgroup analyses indicated that cognitive impacts were sustained 2 years after the program ended for African American children and language impacts for Hispanic children who spoke Spanish. Some significant family benefits were seen at age 5. Mediated analyses identified which child and family impacts at ages 2 and 3 contributed to the child impacts at age 5 (most relevant were earlier treatment effects on child cognition and on engagement with the parent). Growth curve analyses were also conducted. Although fewer than half the children enrolled in center-based preschool programs between ages 3 and 4, almost 90% participated in the year preceding kindergarten. A higher percentage of EHS than control children were enrolled. Nonexperimental analyses suggested that formal program participation enhanced children's readiness for school while also increasing parent-reported aggression. At age 5, those children and families who experienced EHS followed by formal programs fared best overall. However, the benefits of the two experiences were associated with outcomes in different ways. Benefits in language, behavior, and parenting were associated primarily with EHS; benefits in early school achievement were associated primarily with preschool attendance.

Examined the associations of adolescents' self-reported anxiety sensitivity with semi-structured, interview-based anxiety and depressive symptoms and anxiety disorders. The sample included 121 adolescents and their parents who participated in a larger epidemiological, high-risk family study of substance abuse and anxiety disorders (Merikangas, Dierker,Szatmari, 1998). A series of hierarchical multiple regressions revealed the incremental validity of anxiety sensitivity, beyond the contribution of self-rated anxiety, to anxiety symptoms and comorbid anxiety disorders. Furthermore, familial risk for anxiety moderated the association between anxiety sensitivity and number of anxiety symptoms as well as number of comorbid anxiety disorders. Analyses of high- and low-risk groups demonstrated that the association between anxiety sensitivity and anxiety symptoms and disorders was evident in high-risk adolescents only. Although self-reported anxiety was associated with depressive symptoms, anxiety sensitivity was not. Results from this investigation further support the utility of assessing anxiety sensitivity in an adolescent population and suggest it as a trait marker of anxiety among at-risk individuals.