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Mounting evidence reveals considerable racial inequities in coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outcomes in the United States (US). Area-level racial bias has been associated with multiple adverse health outcomes, but its association with COVID-19 is yet unexplored. Combining county-level data from Project Implicit on implicit and explicit anti-Black bias among non-Hispanic Whites, Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center, and The New York Times, we used adjusted linear regressions to estimate overall COVID-19 incidence and mortality rates through 01 July 2020, Black and White incidence rates through 28 May 2020, and Black&ndash, White incidence rate gaps on average area-level implicit and explicit racial bias. Across 2994 counties, the average COVID-19 mortality rate (standard deviation) was 1.7/10,000 people (3.3) and average cumulative COVID-19 incidence rate was 52.1/10,000 (77.2). Higher racial bias was associated with higher overall mortality rates (per 1 standard deviation higher implicit bias b = 0.65/10,000 (95% confidence interval: 0.39, 0.91), explicit bias b = 0.49/10,000 (0.27, 0.70)) and higher overall incidence (implicit bias b = 8.42/10,000 (4.64, 12.20), explicit bias b = 8.83/10,000 (5.32, 12.35)). In 957 counties with race-specific data, higher racial bias predicted higher White and Black incidence rates, and larger Black&ndash, White incidence rate gaps. Anti-Black bias among Whites predicts worse COVID-19 outcomes and greater inequities. Area-level interventions may ameliorate health inequities.

The information and views set out in this document represent a summary of the interventions and discussions held during the Forum on Agriculture, Rural Development and Migration in the Mediterranean (Rome, 29 May 2018). This publication is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International License. You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Most rural areas in the Mediterranean and beyond are characterised by migratory flows, which affect local economies, societies and agroecologies. This is significant for both the countries of origin and those of destination. The implications of this phenomenon are relevant in terms of food production, natural resource management, territorial integration, social protection, diasporas and inclusive development – with impacts on the overall sustainability and resilience of our society. This work reports the outcomes of the Forum on Agriculture, Rural Development and Migration in the Mediterranean organized on 29/5/2018 CIHEAM, FAO, UfMS and EUI’s Global Governance Programme to discuss rural migration in the Mediterranean from the perspective of rural and agricultural development, with the aim to provide policy recommendations and establish a regional multi-stakeholder platform for decision-makers at different levels.

This paper aims to conduct a systematic and critical review of contemporary literature on processes of polarisation, the role they are perceived as playing in creating a matrix of adversities that can lead to increased vulnerability to what is often termed ‘violent extremism’, and the potential impact of practices that are understood as building pro-social resilience to such adversities. Through a wide-ranging review, taking in studies and practice on polarisation and ‘violent extremism’, the authors aim to identify a schema of what are broadly conceptualised as vulnerabilities – factors, operating on macro, meso and micro levels, which may either increase or decrease the likelihood that communities become fragmented and polarised within a European context. The BRaVE project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 822189

This open access book presents a cross-disciplinary insight and policy analysis into the effects of European legal and political frameworks on the life of ‘Roma migrants’ in Europe. It outlines the creation and implementation of Roma policies at the European level, provides a systematic understanding of identity-based exclusion and explores concrete case studies that reveal how integration and immigration policies work in practice. The book also shows how the Roma example might be employed in tackling the governance implications of our increasingly complex societies and assesses its potential and limitations for integration policies of vulnerable groups such as refugees and other discriminated minorities. As such the book will be of interest to academics, practitioners, policy-makers and a wider academic community working in migration, refugee, poverty and integration issues more broadly. Funded by Research by Religion, Diversity and Radicalisation (GREASE) H2020 project - Grant number 770640

Online Publication Date: 14 September 2019 According to mainstream media and political discourse, human smugglers are among the cruellest figures of our time, individuals who prey on migrants’ need for assistance. Motivated by the circulation of this pejorative view in media and political discourse, I carried out ethnographic research with Syrian refugees and smugglers in Turkey, Greece, Jordan, and Lebanon with the ultimate goal of documenting what being a smuggler entails for the very actors of this unfolding drama. Fieldwork showed me how human smuggling was rooted in patterns of cooperation and support. And yet, most if not all my interlocutors, including the “smugglers” themselves, spoke of smuggling in negative terms. What I argue in this paper is that the smuggler, a category functional to the security apparatus, is not only manufactured within law enforcement circles and mainstream media, but even by those very people who are discriminated or targeted by states’ migration policies.

Against the background of increased immigration in Germany since 2015, there is a largely negative public discourse on ‘refugees’ (especially Muslim young men), who are assumed to pose a threat to society and struggle to integrate due to their supposedly ancient, undemocratic and misogynist values. Due to the severe lack of elderly care workers in Germany, integration projects have been established that train ‘refugees’ for elderly care work in homes. The discourse on participants runs counter to the image of ‘dangerous foreign masculinity’ and constructs male ‘refugees’ as ideal elderly care workers. Based on the theoretical concept of othering, this article shows how by intermingling culture, religion and gender a subaltern masculinity is constructed to depict ‘refugees’’ suitability for elderly care work. It is suggested that these young men respect and subordinate themselves to the elderly as if they were their own relatives. The image of the devoted care worker seems to contrast the perception of young Muslim men as being dangerous, although both interpretations prompt the notion of a traditionalist value system that is assumed to be the essential and static characteristic of mi-grants from ‘Muslim countries’. Presenting the success of integrating ‘refugees’ in elderly care work allows the German society and more specifically elderly care providers to position them-selves through “welfare narratives” as charitable actors who offer ‘refugees’ a chance of integration into the labour market. Accordingly, it is de-thematised that ‘refugees’ provide extensive unpaid or low-paid work in the name of integration and training, as well as covering necessary tasks in the understaffed care system.

This publication is available under a Creative Commons license that allows copying and distributing the publication, only in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Open Society Foundations and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. The study seeks to analyse the broader framework in which the rights of migrants and workers are violated, going beyond the focus on the abuse endured by migrant workers in southern Italy—which has been reported on exhaustively over the last decade by the media and civil society organisations— and the rather narrow actions by the EU and member states to counter the exploitation. The aim is to investigate the multiple pressures on the agriculture system from the restructuring of agri-food chains and the factors pushing farmers to recruit migrant workers irregularly, profiting from their vulnerable condition.

This chapter re-examines the British Empire’s World War I alliance with Zionism as an exercise in legitimation. Unlike traditional Zionist historiography, Renton argues that the Balfour Declaration has to be understood in the context of the global imperial politics of race. From this perspective, he shows that the British Empire enlisted Zionism as a means of solving a new perceived Jewish Question: the specter of a supposed global Jewish power, opposed to the Allied cause. This policy led to the British and French empires including Zionism in the political cartography for a post-Ottoman Western Asia. The misconceived racial thought behind this re-mapping resulted in the sponsorship of Jewish and Arab nationalisms in the Holy Land, which led, he argues, to the beginnings of the Zionist-Palestinian conflict.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the idea of the Semites had become the principal manifestation in Western European thought of the Christian tradition of linking Judaism and Islam, the Jew and the Muslim. This concept posited that both religions belonged to a single race, which was bound by its own family of languages and the product of a unique geographical space: Western Asia. Since Edward Said described ‘the Islamic branch of Orientalism’ as the ‘strange secret sharer of Western anti-Semitism’ in 1978, a significant body of scholarship has been produced on the idea of the Semites—though it pales in comparison to the explosion of writing on Orientalism more broadly.1 Yet even within the specialised field of post-semitic studies, as we might call it, few have examined precisely when and why the idea ceased to be common currency in Western thought—for fallen from grace it surely has.2 The end of the explicit use and naming of the Semitic category, however, is of enormous significance for understanding the trajectory of the relationship between Islamophobia and antisemitism; it is the start of the story in which the European ideas of the Jew and the Muslim splintered into two separate sides of global politics: the West versus the Islamic East.

A prevailing notion of racial/ethnic discrimination is that it is rooted in racism and ethnic prejudice. In fact there are many 'types' of racial/ethnic discrimination, and direct racist discrimination is only one of them. However, whilst direct racist discrimination is perhaps the easiest type to understand, some of the other types are contested in their meaning and used inconsistently in the academic literature. The paper begins by listing the types of discrimination related to the area of employment that are most commonly found in the literature, and attempts a clarification of the conceptual content and boundaries of each type. The paper highlights areas where discrimination concepts have been used inconsistently, and where the same concept has been taken by different authors to mean widely different things. To assist in this exercise the paper draws on examples and cases of employment discrimination which have come to light in recent years, whether by research, by NGO activity or in legal cases. Finally, through the use of a typology and a process of cross-classification, the paper suggests ways of reducing the ambiguities surrounding the understanding and use of concepts relating to racial/ethnic discrimination.

El artículo versa sobre el uso de la violación sexual como arma de guerra en la política contra-insurgente en Guatemala, su vínculo con el racismo y la discriminación manifiesta en este país que vivió 36 años de conflicto armado, registrando el período de mayor represión en los años de 1980 a 1983. La paz se firmó en diciembre de 1996. Una particularidad en este artículo es que aborda la experiencia del colectivo guatemalteco « Actoras de Cambio » que propone integrar la “sanación” como mecanismo reparador con mujeres sobrevivientes de violación en el contexto de la posguerra. L’article traite de l’utilisation du viol comme arme de guerre dans la politique contre-révolutionnaire au Guatemala, de son lien avec le racisme et la discrimination patente dans ce pays qui a vécu 36 ans de conflit armé, dont la période de plus forte répression correspondait aux années 1980 à 1983. La paix a été signée en décembre 1996. Une des spécificités de cet article est qu’il aborde l’expérience du collectif guatémaltèque “Actoras de Cambio” (actrices du changement) qui propose d’incorporer la “guérison” comme mécanisme réparateur pour des femmes survivantes de viol dans le contexte de l’après-guerre. This article deals with the practice of rape as a war weapon in the counter-insurgent policy in Guatemala, its relation with racism and obvious discrimination in this country that lived a period of active military operations for 36 years, reaching the fiercest repression level between 1980 and 1983. Peace was signed in December 1996. This paper specifically presents the Guatemalan group “Actoras de Cambio” (Agents of change) who proposes to integrate “healing” as a restorative mechanism for rape survivors in the post-war context.

In Australia today, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience significant ongoing disadvantage around employment, education, health, housing, and social inclusion. Local government agencies and others often now have roles for Aboriginal people to work and deal with relevant issues. Ten people working, or formerly working, in Aboriginal-related roles in local government were interviewed about the issues and benefits of such roles. Themes to emerge included the importance of properly resourcing the positions, having wide-ranging Aboriginal employment policies, providing mentoring and support for Aboriginal workers, and continuing to build cultural awareness in councils. Many of those interviewed described cultural awareness training as valuable for councils, but also questioned the efficacy of the way they are commonly run. Implications for local government include the need to ensure that what is already known about the effective implementation of policies in organisations is being applied; for example, by making Aboriginal employment policies the responsibility of each work area. Refereed/Peer-reviewed

(in English): Vítová Tereza. Gypsy children and youth in difficult position in Mladá Boleslav. Prague, 20014. 91 pages Extended essay. Charles University in Prague, Department of social work. Head of essay: Jaroslava Šťastná Extended essay deals with gypsy children and youth in difficult life position in Mladá Boleslav. Theoretical part of essay is about history of gypsy nation, their social elemination, racism and discrimination, gypsy education in Czech republic, their adoption and about Gypsies in Mladá Boleslav. Target of empirical part of this essay was found out in which difficult life position gypsy children and youth are and if services of organizations in Mladá Boleslav dealing with this problems are sufficient for them. The essay can be helpful for workers who work with Gypsies and factual arrangement offering services for this target group. Experimental investigation is made by qualitative researching stratégy. There are taking methods of analysis, synthesis, questionaraire and halfstructural dialogies of complementary analysis of documents.

In today’s Europe, migrant domestic workers are indispensable in supporting many households which, without their employment, would lack sufficient domestic and care labour. Black Girls collects and explores the stories of some of the first among these workers. They are the Afro-Surinamese and the Eritrean women who in the 1960s and 70s migrated to the former colonising country, the Netherlands and Italy respectively, and there became domestic and care workers. Sabrina Marchetti analyses the narratives of some of these women in order to powerfully demonstrate how the legacies of the colonial past have been, at the same time, both their tool of resistance and the reason for their subordination. -- Introduction; 1. Keywords; 2. Differences and similarities in history; -- Part I: POSTCOLONIAL MIGRANTS; 3. Colonial Acculturation and Belonging; 4. Paramaribo and Asmara as ‘Culture-Contact Zones’; 5. Postcolonial Encounters: Arriving in Italy and the Netherlands -- Part II: MIGRANT DOMESTIC LABOUR; 6. A Labour Niche for Postcolonial Migrant; 7. Narratives and Practices of Work and Identity; 8. ‘Ethnicisation’ of Care and Domestic Skills; 9. Racism at Work, Under Colonial Legacies; -- Conclusions; Appendices; Bibliography; Index.

Today, when comes to racism and ethnicity-based discriminations, the attention of European media and policymakers is predominantly on discriminations against Muslims, Roma and other minorities. Instead, the preoccupation of people who consider they are oppressed because of their skin colour generally remains without a response. This paper thus contributes to the discussion around the specificities of discrimination based on people’s skin colour, and what this means for society in general and, especially, for the people who experience it in person. These are also the concerns of the scholars who have elaborated the notion of a ‘Black Europe’ that I am choosing as reference framework with the aim of drawing attention to the question of blackness and to the way it affects the experience of migration to Europe. In order to do this, I will refer to the subjective experience of a group of women who migrated from Suriname to the Netherlands during the 60s and 70s. As I will show, this group shares the common self-identifications of Blacks and at the same time of postcolonial migrants – as was the case for many of those who migrated to Europe from former colonies. Moreover, these women have in common the fact that they found employment in the domestic work sector in the city of Rotterdam. Their memories are a small and yet significant example of the negotiations that Black migrants in Europe have made in order to resist the race-based discriminatory attitudes they encountered after their arrival.

Published online on October 28, 2014 In Greece, the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn entered parliament in 2012 after receiving 7% of the national vote; at the same time, anti-migrant rhetoric and racist violence was transformed into an everyday phenomenon, tolerated by the authorities, and mainstreamed in official political and media discourse. Departing from a series of racist attacks in the center of Athens (May 2011), this article examines how far-right ideology became normalized in terms of public discourse. Speaking on behalf of the “average citizen” and against the political establishment, the actors interviewed feel free to castigate immigration and naturalize racism.

Situated within the framework of the ILO’s Decent Work Across Borders Project, this study is primarily intended to investigate the recruitment experiences and the working conditions of migrant workers in the health sector. In particular, this study explores the experiences of Filipino-born and Indian-born nurses in the United Kingdom (UK). The objective is to understand the intersections between the institutional framework, which has evolved across time in response to changes in the political and economic priorities, and the work experience of the Internationally Recruited Nurses (IRNs). The review of policy documentation and literature in the field is combined with interviews with 13 key informants who were identified among trade unions, professional unions, employers association, immigrant associations and governmental bodies. An on-line survey was also developed to hear from IRNs working in the UK; a total of 433 valid questionnaires were collected from March to June 2013. Information and data collected during the fieldwork indicate a positive relation between satisfaction about recruitment experiences, motivations and working conditions of nurses. Respondents hired directly by the NHS tend to report more positive assessments than other respondents and especially compared with the ones recruited by private agencies to work in care and nursing homes. The recruitment process is only one factor influencing IRNs’ working conditions, however. Changes in the situation of IRNs must be interpreted within the wider leverage of working conditions of healthcare workforce stemming from the economic crisis and consequential cuts in NHS funding starting in 2008 as recent surveys in the UK and in Europe demonstrate. Concerns about losing the job are common among nurses in the UK. IRNs interviewed in our survey also reported concerns; only 1 in 10 of them considers that job security has increased over the years. Many also feel operating in increasing unsafe working conditions. Most of the respondents arrived in the UK before 2006 as the result of NHS expansion and have therefore been witnessing cuts in NHS funding and structural reforms of the whole public health sector started after that period. Overall, empirical evidence suggest that the easiest way for employers to deal with funding cuts in the public health sector has been reducing the personnel and intensifying work shifts and workloads. IRNs seem to be in a vulnerable position to such pressure. Changes in immigration rules, cuts in NHS funding and the progressive privatization of the health care system in the UK combine and shape employers’ utilization of migrant health workers in ways that may increase risks of unequal treatment in the workplace. A substantial proportion of IRNs who participated in our survey reported lacking professional and career prospects, their professional identity not adequately recognized and valued by the manager and lacking cooperation and solidarity from colleagues in the team. These feelings correlate with what IRNs reported about equality issues in the workplace – i.e. unequal treatment and discrimination in the workplace driven by ethnic considerations. The consequences of such a situation are not limited to the working conditions of the IRNs but also extend to the quality of care as demonstrated by the correlation between disappointment reported by respondents about their working conditions and the quality of care they are able to provide to patients. Results of the fieldwork indicate a significant relation between the worsening of working conditions, experiences of ethnic discrimination and unequal treatment in the workplace. Empirical evidence also suggest that differences between IRNs in terms of working conditions significantly cut across issues of access to opportunities, equality and diversity management in the workplace. Finally, differences in working conditions reflect different IRNs’ orientations towards the UK labour market. Namely, disappointment about working conditions combined with a general feeling of uncertainty about the future in the UK turned out to be an important factor in influencing the decision of many IRNs interviewed of leaving the UK.

This paper looks at European trade unions and employers, their awareness of racial/ethnic discrimination, and their receptiveness to legislation against it, focusing both on differences among EU member states, and on changes that have occurred since the 1990s. It draws specifically on two research projects carried out by two EU agencies: the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, and the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), published 14 years apart. The comparison indicates that the ‘no problem here’ stance regarding racial discrimination, common in the early 1990s, is no longer dominant amongst the EU15 unions and employers, but could still be found amongst respondents in some of the 12 member states that had joined the EU in after 2004. In general, trade unionists and employers in these newer member states are significantly less sympathetic to the EU’s Racial Equality Directive and its rationale than their counterparts to the west. Drawing on qualitative interviews from the FRA research, the paper contrasts the various arguments in support of and against the legislation.

This themed issue of Journalism Practice addresses the role of the media and their capacity to reflect diversity and promote migrant integration. It investigates at the European level the four main aspects that condition how the media (newspapers, TV and news web sites) represent diversity and may (or not) contribute to migrant integration. These four aspects are: the content of news; the news gathering and news making practices of the media; the recruitment and employment practices of the media; the diversity training and ethical guidelines provided by the media to journalists. The papers included here draw from the research project MEDIVA and cover six member states (Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, the UK). -- Editorial Note, Bob Franklin, 239 -- MIGRANTS AND THE MEDIA IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY : Obstacles and opportunities for the media to reflect diversity and promote integration, Anna Triandafyllidou, 240-247 -- THE REPRESENTATION OF THIRD-COUNTRY NATIONALS IN EUROPEAN NEWS DISCOURSE : Journalistic perceptions and practices, Samuel Bennett, Jessika Ter Wal, Artur Lipinski, Malgorzata Fabiszak & Michal Krzyzanowski, 248-265 -- MIGRANTS AND MEDIA NEWSMAKING PRACTICES, Eda Gemi, Iryna Ulasiuk & Anna Triandafyllidou, 266-281 -- MIGRANT WORKERS IN EUROPE'S MEDIA : Recruitment and employment, Eugenia Markova & Sonia McKay, 282-299 -- WHO NEEDS OR DELIVERS DIVERSITY TRAINING? : The views of European journalists, Neil O'Boyle, Franziska Fehr, Paschal Preston & Jim Rogers, 300-313 -- EDITORIAL PHOTOGRAPHS AND PATTERNS OF PRACTICE, Louise Grayson, 314-328 -- A SUITABLE CASE FOR TRANSPLANT? : The BBC and public service journalism in post-communist Romania, James Stewart, 329-344 -- MAPPING EDUCATIONAL ROLE DIMENSIONS AMONG CHILEAN JOURNALISM AND MASS COMMUNICATION EDUCATORS, Claudia Mellado & Federico Subervi, 345-361 -- BREAKING NEWS OR BROKEN NEWS? : Reporters and news directors clash on “black hole” live shots, Peter A. Casella, 362-376

An extract of the book, the introduction chapter, is available in PDF with permission from the publisher. With specific attention to irregular migrant workers - that is to say, those without legal permits to stay in the countries in which they work - this volume focuses on domestic work, presenting studies from ten European countries, including Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain. Offering a comparative analysis of irregular migrants engaged in all kinds of domestic work, the authors explore questions relating to employment conditions, health issues and the family lives of migrants. The book examines the living and working conditions of irregular migrant domestic workers, their relations with employers, their access to basic rights such as sick leave, sick pay, and holiday pay, as well as access to health services. Close consideration is also given to the challenges for family life presented by workers' status as irregular migrants, with regard to their lives both in their countries of origin and with their employers. Through analyses of the often blurred distinction between legality and illegality, the notion of a ‘career’ in domestic work and the policy responses of European nations to the growth of irregular migrant domestic work, this volume offers various conceptual developments in the study of migration and domestic work. As such, it will appeal to sociologists, political scientists, geographers and anthropologists with interests in migration, gender, the family and domestic work. • Preface; • Irregular migration and domestic work in Europe. Who cares?, Anna Triandafyllidou; • Domestic work in Belgium: crossing boundaries between informality and formality, Marie Godin; • Migration careers and professional trajectories of irregular domestic workers in France, Karin Sohler and Florence Lévy; • Three different things: having, knowing, and claiming rights: undocumented immigrant domestic workers in Germany, Lisa-Marie Heimeshoff and Helen Schwenken; • ‘With all the cares in the world’: irregular migrant domestic workers in Greece, Michaela Maroufof; • The home as a site of work, Sally Daly; • Undocumented domestic workers in Italy: surviving and regularizing strategies, Paola Bonizzoni; • Regulating migrant domestic work in the Netherlands: opportunities and pitfalls, Sarah van Walsum; • Globally interdependent households: irregular migrants employed in domestic work in Spain, Tania González Fernández; • Irregular migrant domestic workers in Europe: major socioeconomic challenges, Anna Triandafyllidou and Thanos Maroukis; • Index.

Support for welfare in the US is heavily influenced by citizens’ racial attitudes, especially citizens’ attitudes toward Blacks. Indeed, the fact that many Americans think of welfare recipients as poor Blacks (and especially poor Black women) is a common explanation for Americans’ comparatively low support for redistribution cross-nationally. In this study, we extend existing work on how racialized portrayals of recipients affect attitudes toward redistribution. The data for the analysis are drawn from a new and unique online survey experiment, implemented by YouGov with representative samples (n=1200) in each of the US, UK and Canada. Relying on a series of survey vignettes, we manipulate program type (welfare vs. unemployment insurance) as well as the ethno-racial background of recipients (through morphed photos and common ethnicized names). In doing so, we seek to make three specific contributions. First, we test whether support for a means-tested program like welfare is lower than support for contribution-based program like unemployment insurance. Second, we extend the American literature to explore whether there is an anti-Black bias in other countries. Third, we examine whether citizens respond to other minority groups (Asians and Southeast Asians) in a similar manner. Parallel survey designs allows for an unprecedented comparative analysis of the underlying political-psychological sources of support (or lack of support) for redistributive policies across Anglo-Saxon democracies. The paper concludes by considering the implications of this study in light of growing immigrant-driven diversity in North America and Europe.

This project report exists in nine different languages: en, al, fr, de, gr, it, ro, ua, pl In the light of the MEDIVA project findings we have built a set of Media Assessment Indicators aimed at monitoring and evaluating a media outlet's capacity to reflect migration related diversity and promote migrant integration. Such monitoring and assessment can take the form of self-evaluation and self-monitoring (by the management of a media outlet) or it can take the form of an institutional monitoring and assessment mechanism, performed by the state, by a media ombudsman or by a media professional association. The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU This report was first published in November 2011. This is a revised version, prepared in February 2012. This thematic report provides a comprehensive critical discussion about the ways in which the production of migration related news takes place and the special factors that affect it. Drawing on the literature on the subject as well as on the analysis of the sixty-eight interviews conducted with journalists and media professionals from six European countries: Italy, Poland, Ireland, Great Britain, Greece and the Netherlands, we argue in favour of a fair and balanced portrayal of migrants in the media and also highlight the current tendencies in news-making and programme production practices adopted in the outlets in the six European countries under examination pointing to positive features as well as shortcomings. The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute. 1. Introduction 2 2. Definitions 3 3. State of the Art: News Making and Production Practices vis-à-vis Migrants Representation in European Media 5 4. Analysing the Fieldwork Findings in Six E.U Countries 10 4.1 Definition of Migration News 10 4.2 Migrants News: Perspectives of Coverage 12 4.3 Political Agenda and Migrant News. Migration News out of Political Agenda 14 4.4 Migration News and Sources 16 4.5 Migration News and Language 18 5. Concluding Remarks 19 6. Bibliography 21 7. ANNEX 25 List of Interviews 25

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU A number of researchers in recent years have focused on the changes in employment patterns within the media industry that have resulted in the decline of what was seen as relatively secure full-time employment substituted by an increase in informal, temporary and freelance work, raising concerns about the increased precariousness of media work, with strengthened polarisation between core and peripheral jobs. Yet there has been very little research into the impact of these changes on the recruitment of migrant workers and on the cultural diversity of the workforce. -The main objectives of the study were (a) to examine the issue of workforce diversity in the European media, with specific reference to migrants; (b) to highlight the many aspects of the recruitment process which can pose barriers to those outside the mainstream of society; (c) to explore whether policies in relation to anti-discrimination measures in recruitment were evident within the media sector and the extent to which they have improved employment opportunities for migrants; (d) to establish whether media companies adopted outreach schemes with the aim of recruiting migrant workers and whether they had monitored their implementation; and, (e) to ascertain the issues of discrimination in the industry. -There is no agreement in Europe on what constitutes the ‘economy of culture’, with the media being part of it. Economy of culture is defined for the purpose of this study in terms of David Throsby’s understanding of ‘cultural activities’, which are those characterised by creativity in their production and their output potentially embodies at least some form of intellectual property. When the creative sector enters into the production process of other economic sectors and provides the inputs for the production of non-cultural goods, the resulting activities are referred to as the ‘creative sector’. The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU This report presents findings and key recommendations in respect of current diversity training practices (or lack thereof) in newsmaking organisations in the following European Member States: Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, the UK. In general, and allowing for notable exceptions (e.g. The Netherlands), this report finds minimal evidence of diversity training across the abovementioned Member States. Attitudes towards diversity training vary considerably. While on one hand journalists are broadly in favour of ongoing professional "education" in a variety of forms, many are hostile to the very notion of training, regarding it as an unnecessary intrusion on their own professional "know how", garnered through lengthy experience "on-the-job". Those in favour of diversity training remain cautious about its potential impact, with some suggesting that such initiatives are unlikely to succeed without increased diversification of the media workforce (though most are also critical of employment quotas). The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU Content and discourse analysis of media coverage about migration and migrants in European societies reveals that the representation of third country nationals (TCNs), i.e. ‘new’, first generation migrants without nationality of the EU Member States, in the 2000s is still problematic. This finding, based on a review of over 150 publications in five languages, and on 68 interviews with media professionals in six EU Member States, is shown through the predominance of negative and stereotypical portrayal, the negative themes often associated with migrants, and the lack of participation by TCNs in the definition of news and news agendas. These general findings can be differentiated for specific national contexts, media types, types of coverage, and migrant groups. The questions raised relate to selection of news themes and frames, the preferred genres for reporting or programming, the definition of news and main news actors, the sources used and quoted, the labels, the group categorisations, evaluations, news frames and discourse elements such as topoi used in media contents. These elements together are the building blocks for media portrayal of migrant groups that ultimately contribute to the perception of migrants and migrant issues in the public sphere. Besides providing a detailed analysis of relevant research findings and fieldwork, explanations, remedies and positive examples provided therein are also discussed in this report. The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

MEDIVA project. Media For Diversity and Migrant Integration: Consolidating Knowledge & Assessing Media Practices across the EU Studying and Evaluating the Role of the Media in Migrant Integration: Introductory remarks for the MEDIVA project Europe has experienced important tensions between national majorities and ethnic or religious minorities, more particularly with migrants and their offspring during the past ten years. These tensions largely understood as an ethnic or religious issue have been however exacerbated by the global financial crisis that has hit all EU countries (even if at varying degrees) since 2008. Indeed at these times of economic crisis, rising unemployment and increasing insecurity, non EU citizens who reside in EU countries tend to become the target of xenophobic and racist attitudes. In this context, the question of third country nationals’ (TCN) integration becomes all the more pressing to preserve social cohesion and also to help EU societies overcome the crisis. The media have a role to play under these circumstances in promoting policy discourses and media representations that are pro-integration and not immigrant-phobic. The importance of this role is acknowledged by politicians, policy makers, scholars and migrants/minorities themselves. There have been several initiatives initiated by European institutions such as the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), Directorate General for Employment and Social Affairs (DG EMPL), the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), which have aimed at strengthening the capacity of the media to reflect diversity. Several studies have identified best practices and have presented these with a view to raising awareness among media companies and media professionals. Hard facts and figures are needed to assess and plan pro-integration policies and practices. These should be derived from both qualitative and quantitative measurements. Regular and thorough analysis of different aspects of media production can lead to re-balancing of the output in favour of negatively stereotyped immigrant groups. The MEDIVA project adopts this view and capitalizes on the work done so far by combining it with a series of in-depth interviews with senior journalists across six member states (Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, the UK) with a view to understanding better how journalists and other media professionals assess the tools they have so far in dealing with migrant diversity (recruitment/employment conditions, training provided, codes of ethics, knowledge about diversity and how all these are combined in everyday work in news making and programme production). The MEDIVA project will use this added knowledge to create a set of Indicators of Media Capacity to Reflect Diversity and Promote Migrant Integration. This project builds on the existing work but also goes a step further from the studies that exist so far which have generally provided for best practice knowledge, training tool kits and media content analysis but have notyet created a tool for self-/otherassessment and monitoring of the media on reflecting diversity and promoting TCN integration. This paper provides definitions for key terms used in the project, demarcating the field of study and clarifying the project’s objectives. The MEDIVA project (2011-2013) is co-funded by the European Commission, DG HOME, European Integration Fund for Third Country Nationals, Community Actions 2009.(Grant Agreement no: HOME/2009/EIFX/CA/1814). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.

The views of minority groups who speak on behalf of adopted children in Western countries like Sweden have relevance with regards to enriching the international adoption discourse; and to inform adoption policies in both sending and receiving countries. This study aimed at seeking the views of African immigrants in Sweden on intercountry adoption with the objective of bringing out the meanings they create on the major themes involved to enrich the international adoption debate and to inform policy formation. In all, twenty (20) participants who were grouped into Six (6) focus groups participated. There were mixed opinions on various themes involved. Some of their perspectives were consistent with previous political discourses on adoptions and others were not. These were discussed in the analysis accordingly. Contrary to international conventions, participants showed much relevance to intercountry adoption as against incountry adoption. However, there were predominant views in support of child adoption that is well regulated.