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ANTON NOVAčAN AND HIS IDEA ON THE BLOOD BROTHERHOOD OF SOUTH SLAVIC NATIONSIn her contribution the author examines the idea of the blood brotherhood of South Slavic nations, which was the basic integration element and criterion of their unification in the context of the official (unitarian) ideology of the first Yugoslav state. On the example of the political activities of Anton Novačan and his Agrarian or Republican Party, which built on the idea of blood brotherhood, the author shows how soon after the establishment of the state the attempt to implement this idea into the Yugoslav political reality was destined to fail.

LEON NOVAK - FELIKS’S TIME IN MARIBORIn her contribution the author focuses on the political activity of the composer and communist Leon Novak from Maribor in the 1930s and during the first months of the German occupation. In the spring of 1941, after the occupation authorities had been established in Maribor, he became one of the organisers of the Partisan resistance. In the autumn of 1941 Gestapo arrested him and he was shot after being severely tortured. In the Party documents his role was labelled as treacherous, which is why Novak was completely overlooked by the post-war historiography. In her contribu- tion the author focuses especially on Novak’s activities in the Association of Young Intellectuals (1935-1936), his role in the organisation of the large textile strike in Maribor (1936), his political activities related to the National Assembly elections (1938), and his underground activities in the months following the occupation of Maribor until his death. The contribution is based on the preserved archive sources, memorial literature and oral sources.

A LOOK AT POVERTY: FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF IVAN PUCELJ, MINISTER OF SOCIAL POLICY AND NATIONAL HEALTH OF THE KINGDOM OF YUGOSLAVIAIn her contribution the author focuses on poverty in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the first half of the 1930s, when the global economic crisis also affected the first Yugoslav state profoundly. The author attempts to capture the perception of poverty in the time before World War II from the correspondence of Ivan Pucelj, Minister of Social Policy and National Health, who used to receive requests for monetary aid or help with finding employment from people with various social and educational backgrounds. The contribution focuses on the letters from General Rudolf Maister, painter Rihard Jakopič and cartoonist Hinko Smrekar, dating back to 1932 and 1933, which the author discovered in the legacy of the former Minister.

Between both World Wars, the Slovenian People's Party retained its distinctive political position in the Yugoslav political reality, also (and especially) by establishing political links with the largest Serbian party – the National Radical Party. In the 1920s the peak of their political cooperation was reached with the signature of the Bled Agreement of 1927, which enabled Anton Korošec, the leader of the Slovenian People's Party, to take over the Ministry of the Interior and the post of the President of the Government in 1928. However, the relations between the National Radical Party and Slovenian People's Party acquired a new dynamics already after the descent from power and then death of the head of the radicals Nikola Pašić in 1926. In the following discussion the author will focus mostly on the latter period and on certain aspects of the complicated political relations between Nikola Pašić and Anton Korošec., Slovenska ljudska stranka je med obema svetovnima vojnama ohranjala svoj prepoznaven politični položaj v jugoslovanski politični stvarnosti tudi (in zlasti) s političnim povezovanjem z največjo srbsko stranko − Narodno radikalno stranko. V dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja je bil vrhunec njunega političnega sodelovanja dosežen s podpisom Blejskega sporazuma leta 1927, ki je vodji Slovenske ljudske stranke Antonu Korošcu omogočil prevzem ministrstva za notranje zadeve in mesta predsednika vlade leta 1928. Vendar so odnosi med Narodno radikalno stranko in Slovensko ljudsko stranko dobili novo dinamiko že po sestopu z oblasti in nato smrti radikalskega staroste Nikole Pašića leta 1926. Avtorica se bo v razpravi ukvarjala predvsem s tem slednjim obdobjem in z nekaterimi niansami težavnega političnega odnosa med Nikolo Pašićem in Antonom Korošcem.

In the following discussion the author focuses on the role of Anton Korošec in the railway strike of April 1920, when as a Head of the Slovenian People's Party he was the Minister of Transport in Stojan Protić's government. After the government of the Kingdom of SHS abolished the collective labour agreement for transport workers, in April 1920 transport all over the state was brought to a halt by a railway strike. The workers on strike were joined by the communists, who saw the mobilisation of the workers as a strong political potential. In the years after the establishment of the Kingdom, the communists represented an influential political factor. In November of the same year, after the Constituent Assembly elections, they became the third most powerful party in the country. On 24 April the strike on the streets of Ljubljana transcended any democratic norms. After the police and military intervention, 13 workers died on the Zaloška cesta street. A few days before that, at the assembly of the Slovenian People's Party confidants in Ljubljana, Korošec had cautioned against the danger of the communist movement, while during the strike he refused to communicate with the railway representatives, claiming that the strike was illegal - that is, unannounced., Avtorica se v razpravi ukvarja z vlogo Antona Korošca, ministra za promet v vladi Stojana Protića in načelnika Slovenske ljudske stranke, v stavki železničarjev aprila 1920. Potem ko je vlada Kraljevine SHS razveljavila kolektivno pogodbo za delavce v prometu, je aprila 1920 promet po državi hromila stavka železničarjev. Stavkajočim so se pridružili komunisti, ki so v stavki prepoznali močan mobilizacijski potencial. Komunisti so bili v letih po oblikovanju kraljevine vpliven politični dejavnik in so novembra istega leta na volitvah v ustavodajno skupščino postali tretja najmočnejša stranka v državi. Stavka je tako 24. aprila na ljubljanskih ulicah prerasla meje demokratičnega diskurza. Po posredovanju policije in vojske je na Zaloški cesti umrlo 13 delavcev. Korošec je nekaj dni prej na strankinem zboru zaupnikov v Ljubljani svaril pred nevarnostjo komunističnega gibanja.

The author of the contribution sheds light on various aspects of politicisation of the Roman Catholic and Otrhodox Church, used in their political practice by the Slovenian People's Party and the National Radical Party. She discovers that the Churches in the Yugoslav State between both World Wars entered conflicting relations regardless of the relations between the biggest Serbian and the Slovenian political parties, which were otherwise effective in drawing from the mobilisation potential of both Churches; however, they subordinated the inclination towards the Church interests to the interests of their own parties. That was especially obvious in the time of the so-called Concordat Crisis (1935-1937), when, among other things, it became apparent that the political antagonism between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches in the context of the Yugoslav political space translated into antagonism between the Croatian and Serbian parts of the state., Avtorica v prispevku osvetljuje različne načine politizacije Rimskokatoliške in Pravoslavne cerkve, ki sta jih v svoji politični praksi uporabljali SLS in NRS. Ugotavlja, da sta Cerkvi v jugoslovanski državi med svetovnima vojnama vstopali v konfliktne odnose neodvisno od razmerij med največjo srbsko in največjo slovensko politično stranko, ki sta sicer učinkovito črpali mobilizacijski potencial obeh Cerkva, vendar sta naklonjenost cerkvenim interesom podrejali lastnim strankarskim interesom. To je bilo zlasti vidno v času t. i. konkordatske krize (1935-1937), ko se je med drugim izkristaliziralo, da gre v političnem antagonizmu med Katoliško in Pravoslavno cerkvijo v okviru jugoslovanskega političnega prostora za antagonizem med hrvaškimi in srbskimi deli države.

In the paper, the author presents the policy of national agreement exercised after the 1923 parliamentary elections by the Slovene People's Party and other opposition parties in the framework of the Federalist/Opposition Bloc against the government of Nikola Pašić. In Summer 1924, the said parties formed a government under the leadership of Ljubomir Davidović, which has been labelled 'a government of the bourgeois left' by the author because of its programme orientation., Avtorica je v razpravi prikazala politiko Slovenske ljudske stranke in opozicijskih parlamentamih strank, ki jih je v okviru Federalističnega/Opozicijskega bloka od skupščinskih volitev leta 1923 proti vladi Nikole Pašića združevala politika narodnega sporazuma. Poleti 1924 so na čelu z Ljubomirjem Davidovićem sestavile vlado, ki jo avtorica zaradi nekaterih programskih poudarkov imenuje vlada meščanske levice.

The author deals with the policy of the Slovene People's Party prior to the agreement concluded at Bled on 11 July 1927, which represented a climax in the Party's tactical rapprochement with the National Radical Party and government policies. She deals in greater detail with the significance of the visit by Anton Korošec, leader of the Slovene People's Party, to Bulgaria (Sofia), on 16 June 1927, one day after the call for the election to the National Assembly., Avtorica obravnava politiko Slovenske ljudske stranke pred sporazumom, sklenjenim na Bledu 11. julija 1927, ki je pomenil višek strankinega taktičnega približevanja Narodni radikalni stranki oziroma političnim usmeritvam vlade. Podrobneje se ukvarja s pomenom potovanja načelnika Slovenske ljudske stranke Antona Korošca v Bolgarijo (Sofija) dan po razpisu volitev v Narodno skupščino 16. junija 1927.

Examined is the relation of the Slovene People's Party to the ratification of the Treaty of Nettuno. In the 1920's, the ratification was one of the primary objectives of the government of Anton Korošec and was his most important contribution toward the solution of Yugoslav foreign policy problems. Closely connected the ratification of the Treaty of Nettuno was the raise of an Anglo-American state investment loan in order to stabilize the dinar and renovate the traffic infrastructure in Yugoslavia. The Slovene People's Party was first confronted with the issue of the investment loan when it took over the Ministry of Traffic in the government of Ljubomir Davidović. Avtorica v prispevku obravnava odnos Slovenske ljudske stranke do ratifikacije Nettunskih konvencij, ki je sodila med prednostne naloge vlade Antona Korošca in je bila njegov najpomembnejši prispevek k reševanju zunanjepolitičnih vprašanj jugoslovanske države v dvajsetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Z ratifikacijo Nettunskih konvencij je bil pomembno povezan tudi najem angleško-ameriškega državnega investicijskega posojila za stabilizacijo dinarja in obnovo prometne infrastrukture v Kraljevini SHS. V Slovenski ljudski stranki so se z njim prvič neposredno srečali ob prevzemu ministrstva za promet v vladi Ljubomirja Davidovića.