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The new national, regional and global security environment and its trends are expressed in a synthesized way in the National Security Strategy. Our region is increasingly characterized, on the one hand, by overcoming the old mindsets of confrontation between states and the perceptible reduction of traditional threats, by the promotion of a new spirit of cooperation and the values of integration in the collective security structures and on the other hand, it is facing a new nature of challenges, dangers and threats with non-traditional, asymmetric forms and contents, on terrorist, ethnic or other grounds, initiated by nationalist-extremist elements and groups. Receiving the long-awaited invitation to the Bucharest Summit in April 2008, as well as the final moment for NATO accession at the NATO Summit in Stratsburg and Kehl, marks a qualitative stage in the complete process of Albania in the Euro-Atlantic structures. In this new perspective, the security and defense of our country will suffer qualitative effects; from the concept of individual security and protection, it will finally be passed "de jure" to the concept of collective security and protection, accompanied by all the relevant benefits and contributions. Likewise, the new states of Kosovo and Montenegro have given our region a new favorable panorama of regional security. Going forward, our assessments of the security environment, expected risks and threats, and the spectrum of FARSH combat and non-combat missions will be significantly influenced by the collective security assessments articulated in the Alliance's Strategic Concept (CSC), Policy of European Security and Defense (ESDP) and the Charter of the United Nations. In this new perspective, in full accordance with the constitutional obligations, FARSH to adopt a new defense planning system, in harmony with the standards and planning processes of the Euro-Atlantic Alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the evolution of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, commonly known as the QUAD, involving the United States, Japan, India and Australia, that aimed at developing a coordinating policy and holding strategic consultations in an attempt to balance the growing power of China in Indo-Pacific region. The author presents the reasons, goals and objectives for the emergence of the QUAD, the interests of the participating countries, as well as the arguments of some countries that do not want to turn this alliance into an Asian NATO. The new great power rivalry between the US and China is having a negative impact on the existing system of political and economic relations in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on the study, the author argues that QUAD’s activities are aimed to control the Indo-Pacific region as a single economic and space and cover a wide range of different areas, and the US-led quadrilateral partnership is likely to increase tension in the region and will not help maintain stability in the region. The results of the analysis of QUAD’s activities have made it possible to determine the controversial nature of the policy of this alliance in the field of economy and security, and that the international situation in the region in the coming years will become increasingly tense and less predictable.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has highlighted Poland's significant geopolitical role in Eastern Europe. Despite ongoing conflicts since 2014, the recent escalation has increased regional security volatility, particularly for countries like Poland. This study examines Poland's strategic position and role in the Ukraine conflict by analysing its geopolitical and geostrategic implications within the broader Eastern European framework. The research, employing qualitative content analysis and a phenomenological approach, investigates how Poland's geopolitical stance both influences and is influenced by the evolving dynamics of the Ukraine war and Eastern European geopolitics. Our findings indicate that Poland has not only reinforced its strategic importance in the area, but also shaped its role as a key player in the ongoing conflict. This engagement reflects a broader strategy to counter Russian aggression while strengthening ties with NATO and the EU, thereby enhancing its sway in the region.

The article explores and assesses the strategic initiatives of China and India in the Indo-Pacific region, identifies new geopolitical problems and strategic dilemmas, and discusses emerging opportunities and options to address evolving threats and challenges. Special attention has been paid to the policies of China, whose geopolitical interest revolves around three maritime zones such as the South China Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. China has been generally successful in achieving its regional objectives, but it is precisely because of this that it faces growing challenges for itself since defensive security measures are interpreted by regional states as offensive, which in practice converts into a rather fragile “balance of threats.” India has focused on defending its territory with a strong network of allies, which represents an advantage for the country both commercially and militarily, as well as a crucial element in containing Chinese influence in the region. That said, India is not seeking to become a balancing force in the Indo-Pacific region, but is using the current tensions between the United States and China as a real chance to counter Chinese expansion. In the author’s opinion, the steady trend of military buildup (including in disputed territories), infrastructure network densification, and “special strategic and global partnerships” formation point to the strategic competition growth and increase the likelihood of confrontation escalation in the coming decades.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a loosely organized, multi-purpose international institution. Unlike security institutions with a high level of integration, it has no integrated military structure, rapid reaction force, and a dispute resolution mechanism. This raises a fundamental question about the SCO's security role: Does the SCO have the capacity to contribute meaningfully to its members' ability to overcome the perceived threats to their security and to establish a regional order? This study suggests that this question can be answered by looking at the ability of the organization to fulfil the functions that are expected from it by the member states. For this reason, the functions that member states expect the SCO to perform in the field of security are identified in the first place, and then, it has been discussed how and to what extent the organization performs these functions under changing global and regional conditions. These security functions are ensuring an accord between the Central Asian policies pursued by China and Russia and the inclusion of Central Asian members in the accord, combating transnational threats, and the exclusion of the West from Central Asia. It can be observed that the first function has become the most important contribution of the SCO to regional security over time because China and Russia have pursued diverging policies towards the region and an asymmetry in favour of China has emerged in their bilateral relations. This study has also stated that the functions of the SCO are interconnected and affect each other. The findings of this study support the opinion that an evaluation of a security institution’s contribution to regional security should take into account the region-specific conditions in addition to the level of integration in the regional organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drones are changing the face of modern warfare and have emerged as a potent weapon of choice in recent wars, including in Nagorno-Karabakh and the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza. The success of drones on the battlefield has spurred states to acquire UAVs for intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance and targeting capabilities. In South Asia, the export of drones to India by extra-regional powers such as the United States and Israel is disturbing the regional military balance. The United States has approved the sale of 31 MQ-9B Reaper drones and missiles to India, while Israel has supplied the Indian military with Heron and Hermes 900 drones. In addition, India's DRDO has recently invested in building a home-grown industry that can design and assemble drones and indigenously make the components that go into the manufacturing process. In line with this, the Indian government has set the ambitious target of becoming a global drone hub by 2030. This research paper will employ Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver's Regional Security Complex Theory to understand how India's development and acquisition of high-tech drone technology contributes to security dilemma for Pakistan and imperils peace and stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has highlighted Poland's significant geopolitical role in Eastern Europe. Despite ongoing conflicts since 2014, the recent escalation has increased regional security volatility, particularly for countries like Poland. This study examines Poland's strategic position and role in the Ukraine conflict by analysing its geopolitical and geostrategic implications within the broader Eastern European framework. The research, employing qualitative content analysis and a phenomenological approach, investigates how Poland's geopolitical stance both influences and is influenced by the evolving dynamics of the Ukraine war and Eastern European geopolitics. Our findings indicate that Poland has not only reinforced its strategic importance in the area, but also shaped its role as a key player in the ongoing conflict. This engagement reflects a broader strategy to counter Russian aggression while strengthening ties with NATO and the EU, thereby enhancing its sway in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multidimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Shanghai Corporation Organisation arose from a set of desired ideals in the Eurasian region bolstered primarily by countries such as Russia and China. With diverging cultural, political, religious, and economic values, the security and economic values were primate on the Organisation’s Agenda giving way to the formation of a strong regional alliance that grew from a five Member State Organisation. Within the Organisation, the ideals of human security, regional security, information sharing and economic development with cooperation find common ground. Though challenged differing values, the work traverses the historical, legal, and other journeys to one that has successfully found its way into the international arena with the likes of the United Nations. This paper reviews the work.

The article examines the issues of Iran’s regional strategy in the South Caucasus and its relationship with Russia in the post-Soviet period. The important role played by these countries in the region, considering their geopolitical position and resources, is revealed. The novelty of the work stems from the upto-date analysis of events in the South Caucasus, including political and economic aspects. In light of the rapidly changing situation in the region, special attention is also given to highlighting new regional strategies and dynamics of interaction between countries. The study is conducted using methods of critical analysis of sources, a systemic approach, and comparative-historical analysis. The main facts and events related to Iran-Russia cooperation in the field of regional security, partnership relations in the energy and trade sectors are examined. When analyzing official documents, the historical context is taken into account, and regional events are considered in a logical sequence. The research results reveal the forms and methods of Iran’s policy implementation in the South Caucasus, as well as its interaction with Russia. These findings also allow for an assessment of the influence of both countries on complex political and economic processes in this region.

Why and how do African states become peacekeepers? Through a single-case study, this article accounts for a transformation in peace and security: how Ethiopia became the world's prime source of blue helmets in the early twenty-first century, having largely shunned peacekeeping in preceding decades. We propose that peacekeeping came to serve as an unexpectedly useful technology to pursue state-building agendas. Historically, regional proxy wars undermined state-building efforts in Ethiopia and mismanagement of ethno-linguistic diversity rendered it vulnerable to externally supported rebellions. In the 2000s, an evolving approach to peacekeeping dovetailed with the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front's (EPRDF) vision for recalibrating political order domestically and in the Horn of Africa. EPRDF became convinced that changing Ethiopia required changing its surrounding region. Regional intervention as peacekeeping was supported by global powers and helped bind neighbouring states to Ethiopia in new ways. This entailed the crafting of deep political ties in Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan that mitigated historical fears of Ethiopian hegemony and shielded EPRDF state-building from outside destabilization. Moreover, as Ethiopia's increasingly prominent role in United Nations and African Union missions improved the external environment for the EPRDF developmental state, it also expanded Ethiopian National Defence Force's role in the political economy, buttressing the party-state's hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a brief political review of East Asian integration in the context of regional security. It is noted that the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for more than fifty years transformed into the regional integration center. The main achievements of ASEAN in the field of economic development and integration policy in the context of contemporary international relations in the sub-region have been considered. The special attention is paid to examining the issues of institutional development of ASEAN and social modernization. ASEAN is a real embodiment of the "soft power" where the leaders of states are taking the decisions by consensus. Moreover, the ASEAN activity argued that its country-members are not going to sacrifice even a part of state sovereignty. After the long-term fight for independence any idea of its limitation or delegating to the supranational structures is being perceived by public opinion of ASEAN as the restoration of colonialism. It is noted that the strategy of East Asian regionalism provides institutional resistance to the economic pressure of developed countries. The establishment of ASEAN created favorable conditions for stable economic growth to the East Asian developing countries. An optimal variant for Asian countries is not a universal but limited economic integration under the control of the sovereign national governments. It is emphasized that economic cooperation in East Asia is continuing to exceed the limits of the economic interests and spreading now on the sphere of regional security. The current arms race in the region is a true obstacle of social and economic development of East Asian countries. Therefore, the issue of enhancing security in Pacific Asia is one of the principal items on the agenda of ASEAN and APEC summits. Meanwhile, military expenditures of the Association are becoming nonequivalent relatively the emerging threats to regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Russian nuclear sabre-rattling following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine has reinvigorated debates over NATO deterrence. One of its key components—nuclear sharing—has been in place since September 1954, but support for it within the alliance has varied over time. Indeed, although Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Turkey host American gravity bombs on their territory, there were fears during the 2010s that some of them would follow Canada, Greece and the United Kingdom's example and withdraw from the scheme. By examining why and how NATO's nuclear-sharing arrangements have changed since inception, we argue that they consistently serve deterrence, signalling, alliance cohesion and burden-sharing goals, which make them hard to dismantle. However, we also demonstrate, through our survey of post-Cold War policies, official statements and public debates, that there is more room in a low threat environment for political contestation within host states. Accordingly, nuclear sharing requires a high threat environment to escape domestic opposition, which effectively returned in 2022, cementing the nuclear status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between South Korea and NATO have been deepening at a striking pace recently. Yoon Suk Yeol became the first South Korean president to attend a NATO Summit in 2022 and in the same year, Seoul opened its diplomatic mission to NATO in Brussels. South Korea also became the first east Asian country to join a NATO Centre of Excellence, and started increased consultations with NATO's military staffs. There is a gap in the literature on South Korea–NATO relations which this article aims to fill as it examines the reasons behind the rapidly deepening relations between South Korea and NATO in recent years. To understand the dynamics that triggered the rapid development of South Korea–NATO relations, this article applies Bence Nemeth's theory on defence cooperation which focuses on the interplay of three structural and two situational factors. We argue that the constellation of these factors operating together led the two sides to deepen cooperation organically over almost two decades. Path-dependent processes accrued through prior experiences of collaboration and institutional 'stickiness', aided by the positive rapport between leaders in office, allowed the two sides to deepen cooperation when the external environment required it following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A prominent characteristic of contemporary global governance is simultaneous involvement of multiple regional and international organisations in governing a policy issue. When these organisations overlap without established hierarchy and differentiation between them, their member states can choose those organisations that are most favourable for their interests. Existing studies often approach this forum-shopping strategy as an opportunistic behaviour that prevents international cooperation. However, using insights from international relations and law scholarships, this article argues that a broad notion of forum-shopping is insufficient to account for the multiple and complex effects of forum-shopping on international cooperation. By examining the EU and NATO member states' strategies in these two organisations' overlapping crisis management operations, this article shows that the implications of forum-shopping for interorganisational cooperation depend on the type of forum-shopping taking place. As the analysis suggests, multiple and overlapping venues of governance can create opportunities for international cooperation when these venues are used based on their practical rather than political aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue examines the complex and evolving relations between Japan and Southeast Asia. Historically rich in resources, Southeast Asia attracted imperial powers, including Japan, significantly transforming the region. Post-war ecosystems were influenced by Japanese occupation during WWII, shaping leaders and industrial development. Japanese investments and Official Development Assistance (ODA) since the 1960s have facilitated regional growth. Despite Japan's cautious diplomacy due to its US alliance, it diversified support in the 1990s, including infrastructure, legal, and political aid to transitional economies like Vietnam. Japan remains a significant investor, expanding aid to address climate change and maintaining trust in ASEAN countries. Recent geopolitical shifts, including China’s rise and US-China competition, have pushed Southeast Asia to strengthen ties with both powers, positioning Japan’s evolving role as crucial for regional security and development. The issue includes analyses of Japan’s strategic empowerment of Southeast Asia, capacity building, nostalgia in foreign policy, and smart technologies in urban planning, illustrating broader trends and reducing historical asymmetries.

The paper explores state sovereignty by developing a systematic framework for categorising states based on their sovereignty status. At the heart of our analysis lies the distinction between sovereign states and satellite states – a distinction that has significant implications for global security, stability, and the balance of power. While sovereign states exercise full autonomy and control over their affairs, satellite states often find themselves in a subordinate position, heavily influenced or even dominated by external powers. A theoretical framework deconstructs the concept of sovereignty into four crucial elements: authority, legitimacy, independence, and territoriality, which provide a structured assessment of the level of sovereignty in a state and serve as the basis for our analysis. To illustrate the application of our framework, we adopt a case study approach focused on Belarus. As a nation situated at the crossroads of Eastern Europe with a history marked by geopolitical contestation and strategic manoeuvring, Belarus provides a compelling context for examining sovereignty dynamics. Through a systematic analysis of Belarus’ political, economic, and military landscape, we seek to assess its sovereignty status within the framework of our analysis. While the topic of Belarus’ sovereignty and integration within Russia has been extensively explored over the years, the innovative contribution of this paper lies in purposefully designed methodology for sovereignty assessment and the use of the latest empirical data while practically applying the model for the case of Belarus.

Copyright of Global Strategis is the property of Universitas Airlangga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The blockade imposed on Qatar changed the power dynamics in the Persian Gulf, increasing tension and insecurity in the area. Qatar’s ability to overcome the blockade was largely due to its cooperation with Iran, and the two countries’ ties grew as a result. This study investigates whether Qatar’s long-standing hedging toward Iran has changed into an alignment in the wake of the 2017 blockade. The key conclusion of the article is that, despite Qatar’s faint signals of alignment with Iran during the blockade, it did not entirely stray from its hedging strategy. Qatar-Iran relations has been selected as a case study to illustrate the effects of regional developments and security crises on the hedging strategy within the context of the Blockade Crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the paper is to evaluate the possibility of implementing a food security management system in the Republic of Kazakhstan using the concept of data-driven decisionmaking in terms of achieving the principles of sustainable development. To achieve the goal set in the study, the authors use qualitative and statistical methods for processing the results obtained. Based on the analysis of internal and external factors, the authors determine indicators of food security in Kazakhstan for basic types of agricultural products/food in 2021, factors of influence on regional food security, and indicators of regional food security, which should be considered when making data-driven management decisions. A special external factor for Kazakhstan is the current geopolitical situation caused by the invasion of Russian troops in Ukraine. The study finds that in the process of managing regional food security, the use of the data-driven decision-making concept makes it possible to adequately assess the initial state of the problem and determine the optimal methods for its solution. The study identifies key internal and external factors influencing food security in the region and proposes a data-driven decision-making algorithm for managing food security. The results highlight the potential of this approach for improving food security management in the context of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The peacekeeping became actual agenda of international relations due to increased number of internal conflicts with mass human rights violations in different regions of the world including Africa. The problems of ensuring peace and security have become priority for United Nations (UN) and regional organizations involved in constant search of conflict resolution best practices. Peacekeeping actors admitted the key role of law-enforcement agencies, and first of all the police, in ensuring security in conflict or post-conflict reconstruction. Therefore, the UN actively developing the strategy of police methods usage in peacekeeping operations. Because of this process, the number of member states contributing police contingents to the UN including formed police units increased. Joint activity of police officers from different countries with different education, professional experience and specialization requires high-quality training of candidates for peacekeeping operations. The purpose of this article is to analyze the needs of African police officers in professional development and the capabilities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation in training of African police officers for the UN peacekeeping operations. The study is based on insights from non-participant observation, interviews and analyses of the UN official documents, policies and training materials. Actual Russian and foreign scientific publications were used. Results confirmed that Russian Federation has many years of experience in African policemen training for the UN peacekeeping operations. The promising areas of Russian Federation participation in the development of the peacekeeping potential of African police, along with the provision of standardized pre-deployment training based on the UN certified programs, can be training in the crime investigation methodology and the training of special police units of the UN member states.

This article examines continuity in the transformation of the United States' security arrangements in Asia from a Cold War "hub and spokes system" focused on East Asia into a new arrangement of "networked minilateralism" across the wider "Indo-Pacific" region. It focuses mainly on the role of the United States and the policy tools it employs to coordinate the strengthening of linkages among its partners. By employing tools of defence diplomacy, standardisation in trade and infrastructure development, revamping the rhetoric of common values and inviting extra-regional actors to play a more active role in the Indo-Pacific, Washington is mobilising a "latticework" of partners that are assisting in the redesign of the regional security system and the balancing of China. At the same time, structural changes in the region's power balance have induced local partners to become part of this networked architecture and to maintain a clearer sense of ownership in the regional security system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political transition, often accompanied by several competing priorities, has brought in challenges as more and more people demanded urgent changes different from the past. This paper adopted descriptive analysis methods and presented an explanation in a qualitative approach. The study, thus, sought to analyze the merit of triggering factors necessitating the political transitions in Ethiopia, Sudan, and Somalia. It deals with undertaking a case study on each country's political transition with the intent of addressing three fundamental questions such as "what are the root causes of transitions, what challenges are there posing in the process of transition, and what implications do the political transitions have in the future of the Horn of Africa (HoA)". A change in one country may be exhibiting a challenge in another because of the national interest that relies on certain types of policies. social fissures with different manifestations, historical narrations, internal power struggles, and economic woes were the most critical root causes of the overlapping problems the three states bore to face perennial fragility. These challenges were the sources of concern, and a security dilemma was set to come into play. Problems arose from these challenges, leading to a security dilemma. The lingering dilemma that locks horns between the countries in the Horn region has long entangled them, and they have become accustomed to the political transition. The dilemma often arises from assumed or real security concerns by one or more countries over one or more countries with which natural resources or historical relations are being shared. Hence, building political development and shared understanding among the region's states is essential to foster broader regional economic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comparative analysis of different regions plays a pivotal role in comprehending the emerging era of intense great power competition. This article introduces the framework of Maritime Regional Security Order (MRSO), shedding light on intricate interaction patterns among local and extra-regional powers within specific geographical areas, where the nature of interactions ranges from conflict-driven to cooperative regional settings. Within this framework, the South Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific regions are examined as case studies of MRSO, both influenced by shared global dynamics that are facing heightened pressures due to escalating tensions between the United States and the People's Republic of China. The findings underscore that divergent regional forces are likely to contribute to a higher level of stability in the South Atlantic when compared to the Indo-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The weak sense of security that is specific to the region that our country is part of, and also at the international level, renders the membership of an alliance and cooperation a necessity. The collaboration between NATO and the EU, the main actors and guarantors of security in recent years, in Europe, with other states and international organizations is essential to address threats and preserve our security. "Those ready to give up a fundamental right in order to achieve a temporary sense of security deserve neither the right, nor the security" (Popescu 2020), said Benjamin Franklin. Regardless of our opinion about what he said, we can all agree that freedom and security are two very hot topics given the current context. This paper analyses the main themes of the relevant actors and of the existing interdependencies in ensuring security in the region and the influences that lead to destabilization in the region. The main purpose of this paper is to analyse both the internal and external factors that influence national and regional security strategy. Being given these facts, this paper underlines the risk factors that can influence and endanger peace and security, as well as the international bodies and the relations that place Romania on the regional security providers list. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkic states began their collaboration in 1992. Over time, this cooperation has grown deeper, resulting in the establishment of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), which has evolved into a comprehensive international organization. The member states of OTS have expressed their commitment to pursuing coordinated policies on security matters that are of mutual interest. As a result, the security dimension has become increasingly prominent within the multidimensional areas of cooperation within OTS in recent years. In light of this, the present study aims to explore the positive outcomes of enhanced and fortified security collaboration among Turkic states under the umbrella of OTS. Specifically, the study will focus on systemic security, regional security, and key security issues such as counter-terrorism and military capacity, shedding light on the potential benefits derived from these collaborative efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Today, specialists and decision-makers in regional and national security encounter the whether Islamic republic of Iran is capable of designing her own acceptable regional security system. It is urgent to respond to this issue from different aspects in this article. We will attempt to analyze this question based on geopolitical factors. The baseline in this article is to study present (con or pro) geopolitical viewpoint regarding the possibility of Iran’s approach towards the development of or cooperation in regional security system. According to the research findings on geopolitical factors, Iran’s regional security and consequently the formation and development of a geopolitical construct by Iran ceases to be possible due to the following reasons: Iranian authorities' failure in appropriate utilization of geopolitical potentials and capabilities to coalesce regional streamlines, geopolitical conflicts and challenges existing in peripheral and strategic environment, Iran's being situated in the center of global powers’ attention and in other words, her being positioned within the foreign powers' geostrategies as a part of a whole, Incompatibility regional target and rivalry among the adjacent countries to Iran. Therefore, the security environment of Iran is the least efficient in the search for regional procedures. From the other hand, some experts believe that Iran should take two steps in order to develop bilateral and multilateral regional security coalition: a) She should follow stabilization policy as her main security guidelines in strategic environment,

The geographic area of the Sahel is of particular interest when examining regional security issues that have negatively affected political, economic and social interaction on the African continent for decades. The region has seen a massive upsurge in lethal violence, and militant groups continue to expand their activities southward, now threatening coastal West Africa. The paper examines the links between the growing dynamics of the Sahel and the security of Liptako-Gourma, composed of groups of contiguous states rooted in historical and geographical environments. The paper empirically applies the Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s “Regional Security Complex Theory” (RSCT) as a framework for studying the discourse of security threats and the dynamics of security challenges in the region. The application of RSCT theory makes a significant contribution to understanding these regional security issues in the Liptako-Gourma region. The complex links between threats demonstrate the likely impossibility of addressing these threats in isolation, and the need for a broader approach. The study interprets the current relationship between France and Mali in relation to Mali’s withdrawal from the G5 Sahel Force as hostile. The authors argue that the regional nature of the security threats strongly supports the claim that geographic proximity is a major contributor to security interactions. The paper also reveals that the individual security of each state cannot be separated from that of its neighbors. Therefore, it is suggested that mutual interests could contribute to a stronger regional security initiative that integrates the fight against a common threat such as terrorism.

Abstract This paper explores the securitisation geopolitics around environmental sustainability, advocating for regional securitisation as a means to address environmental challenges that otherwise complicate traditional security challenges, which are foundational to a regional security complex approach. The global landscape lacks a unified approach to environmental practices, prompting the examination of regional contexts to influence state behaviour and apply a regional security complex model to symbolise this transformation as “Regional Environmental Sustainability Complexes” (RESC). The paper demonstrates that the South Asian Regional Security Complex (SARSC) concept by Buzan has evolved into the broader South Asian Regional Environmental Sustainability Complex (SARESC).

The security threats linkage policy is part of the signs of establishing security by regional and extra-regional actors aimed at limiting Iran's power. In this process, the security roles of such countries as Israel, Great Britain and the United States in organizing the linkage of strategic and tactical threats against Iran can be seen. The main question raised by this paper is: "What are the features of the policy of linkage of security threats against Iran and how does it affect Iran's security and regional situation?" The hypothesis of the paper is: "The policy of linkage of security threats against Iran is on the basis of such factors as coalitionism, expanding regional economic cooperation, and geopolitical movements from Southwest Asia to South Caucasus." The security consortium for restricting Iranian regional power has attempted to lay the foundations for creating the geopolitical triangle of "Turkey, Azerbaijan and Israel", thus paving the way for a step-bystep blockade and restriction of Iranian tactical power in the regional environment. The theory of balance of threat was used for the purpose of writing this paper. Note must be taken that such types of policy are based on a specific alliance formation by the actors that feel common and fairly similar threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of the article is to study the formation and implementation of management decisions on public relations (PR) strategies for ensuring sustainable development in the context of regional security. This study aims to will be to model the adoption of managerial decisions on PR strategies to ensure sustainable development for the security of a particular region. The object of the study is the system for ensuring the sustainable development of a particular region. As a result, we have obtained a model for making managerial decisions on PR strategies for ensuring sustainable development in the context of regional security. The novel contributions of this study include a direct technique for modeling managerial decisionmaking regarding PR strategies for sustainable development in the context of regional security, as well as a matrix for the step-by-step implementation of these processes and stages. The study is limited by taking into account regional specifics and the lack of modeling extension tools. Prospects for further research should be devoted to the concentration of sustainable development in the context of interregional security planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze how, throughout the Cold War era, Pakistan did not cultivate strong ties with Russia. It was the international structure that compelled Pakistan to join the Western bloc, addressing the security and economic needs of a newly born state. Similarly, the USSR's support for India led to strategic imbalance in the South Asian region. However, global politics is dynamic, not static. The 21st century, especially post-9/11, has transformed the global political arena. Contemporary global politics is witnessing new alliances; today, Pakistan is looking towards the East while India's focus is towards the West. Geo-political and geo-strategic changes are reshaping global politics. This study aims to highlight the changing geo-political landscape of the region, the factors responsible for policy shifts, responses to the new global geo-strategic scenario, and how these changes have helped bring the former Cold War rivals, Russia and Pakistan, closer. Gradually, Russia and Pakistan are strengthening diplomatic ties, with Pakistan securing Western support. While Pakistan has signed military cooperation deals with the USA and other European countries, it is also compelled to reassess its foreign policy weaknesses and forge closer ties with Russia and other regional states. This shift is driven by a need to build trust and move away from the hegemonic designs of Pakistan and the US in the South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the key areas of multilateral cooperation within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), as well as Uzbekistan's participation in the institutional development of these organizations. In the course of the study, empirical (observation, study of documents, comparison) and theoretical (analysis and generalization) methods based on an interdisciplinary approach were used. The authors highlight the history of the creation and formation of organizational and legal activities of the CIS and the SCO, the dynamics of the development of cooperation of Uzbekistan with the participating countries in the formation of the free trade zone in the Commonwealth space, the activities of the Republic during the chairmanship of the CIS and the SCO, role of multilateral cooperation on contesting modern threats of security in the framework of the Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS) in Tashkent. Based on the results of the study, conclusions are drawn that the participation of Uzbekistan in the activities of the CIS and the SCO is fully consistent with the foreign policy of the republic, since in the conditions of the modern world, ensuring peace, stability and sustainable development in the region requires the development of effective multidisciplinary cooperation. The republic attaches priority to strengthen the constructive interaction between the countries participating in these organizations in matters of ensuring international and regional security, expanding economic ties and industrial cooperation, developing transit and transport potential and other spheres. At the same time, the principles of compliance with the rational balance of national and regional interests, as well as the steady execution by all member countries made within the CIS and SCOs based on trust and mutual benefit, should be an indispensable condition for the further effective activity of these associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)