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Russia has had a bad reputation in the West for most of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine in February 2022 reversed any lingering optimism that followed in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost reform programs at the end of the 1980s. Western Pentecostals not only have shared this negative view of Russia but also have viewed Russia in a negative eschatological light. This article aims to show, however, that Western Pentecostal perceptions have not always been negative, at least in early Pentecostalism. By a historical analysis of Western Pentecostal periodicals from the last years of the Russian Empire (1910–1917), through the Russian Civil War (1917–1922), to the initial years of the Soviet Union (1922–1929), the article demonstrates that perceptions of early Western Pentecostals fluctuated quite significantly in this period and were due to a changing historical situation and the efforts of influential leaders like William Fetler. The article concludes with an analysis of the reasons for the shifting perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of religion is a fundamental human right protected by international law and many national constitutions. In China, the Constitution guarantees freedom of religious belief, but the implementation of this right, particularly for Tibetan Buddhists, has been complex and controversial. This study aims to analyse how the socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists are ensured in 21st century China, considering current legislation and political realities. The research employs a comprehensive analysis of official legal documents. The historical-systematic method was employed to examine the interrelated sociocultural systems shaping cultural aspects and national identity. The study reveals a complex and evolving relationship between the Chinese state and Tibetan Buddhism. The research identifies state interference in monastic affairs, including restrictions on the size of monastic communities and their political and economic roles. Government attempts to control the reincarnation process of Tibetan Buddhist leaders and the dispute over the selection process for the next Dalai Lama is ongoing, with both the Chinese government and the current Dalai Lama asserting their right to determine the succession. The study notes some instances for compromise, such as the Chinese government's consideration of allowing the current Dalai Lama to visit China and Tibet under certain conditions. The research highlights the need for further studies on the long-term effects of China's religious policies on Tibetan Buddhist culture and identity, as well as the potential for adaptive strategies within the Tibetan Buddhist community in response to these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of religious exemptions is a major feature in contemporary debates over religious freedom and equality rights. This article presents evidence of Confucianist religious exemptions in law dating back to 200 BCE in ancient China. Even with this large disparity in time, there are some surprising parallels between ancient and contemporary religious exemptions in law and the debates that have accompanied them. The article argues that religious exemptions — whether modern or ancient — run to the relationship between rights and responsibilities. It suggests modern approaches towards religious exemptions may profit from greater attention to concepts like human dignity that do not allow duties to be overshadowed by rights.

In a previous article, I argued that section 109 of the Australian Constitution would prohibit State laws imposing different and more demanding requirements on religious schools than requirements imposed by Federal laws. In a subsequent rejoinder, Nicholas Butler reached the opposite conclusion. In this surrejoinder, I return to a discussion of the High Court’s jurisprudence on section 109 and conclude that Butler’s critique is well-written but ultimately unconvincing.

This piece deliberates on Rola El-Husseini’s contribution to contemporary debates on double standards and dissonance at the intersection of women’s rights and religious freedom in the Global North by highlighting similar performative contradictions of the past. In exercising thinking through current dilemmas with Mark Twain’s commentary on non-dyadic marriages in the Ottoman Empire and the United States, this reaction suggests that across time and space, whoever the manufactured “other” may be, the processes and mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion generally favor the interests of those who hold and seek to maintain the greatest martial, economic, and political power.

In the contemporary world, the topic of women’s rights has often been employed and manipulated in debates on religious freedom. In her article Rola El-Husseini shows that whereas Western politicians have promoted liberal values, including religious freedom, internationally, they have rarely uphold these principles domestically. Often, these values have been applied selectively, leaving Muslim communities—especially Muslim women—without the protections usually afforded by liberal democracy. This contribution discusses how opposition to women’s rights unfolds in contemporary Poland, where the Catholic Church has been instrumental in opposing women’s and minority rights. In the conclusion, it poses the question of whether we truly need more freedom of religion, or whether maybe what we should strive for is more freedom from religion and a firmer division between the state and the church, indiscriminately of what type of church or religious belief this may be. Such a perspective is rooted in the recognition that so far every religion has contributed to infringing women’s rights, and establishing and reinforcing social hierarchies.

This article aims to analyze the relevance of the multicultural values contained in the Medina Charter within the context of contemporary Islamic politics. The method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative approach, involving a literature review on the Medina Charter and political policies in majority-Muslim countries that adopt pluralistic values. Data collection was conducted through library research, which included reviewing primary texts and academic studies on multiculturalism in Islamic politics. The analysis was carried out using content analysis to understand how the multicultural values in the Medina Charter can be applied in modern politics. The results show that the Medina Charter offers relevant solutions to address the challenges of multiculturalism, particularly in terms of social justice, equal rights, and religious freedom. This research concludes that the values within the Medina Charter can serve as a foundation for political reform in Muslim-majority countries, emphasizing intergroup dialogue and inclusive policies that respect diversity. Thus, the Medina Charter can serve as a model for Islamic politics in the era of globalization, capable of creating a more just and harmonious society.

The article analyzes the relationship between family and religious freedom in Uruguay, highlighting the constitutional protection of the family as the basis of society. It discusses the evolution of the definition of family and the influence of the Catholic religion on marriage legislation. It emphasizes the importance of harmonizing legislation with the evolution of the notion of family in Uruguayan society, including topics such as marriage equality and religious freedom in the educational sphere. [Extracted from the article]

This paper argues for the need to discuss religious freedom in stable countries as a means to enhance religious literacy and engagement through mutual respect. This paper explores the confrontations that occurred between the church and the people in the colonial era, as well as the disputes between the church and the state in postcolonial Malawi, focusing specifically on the persecution faced by Jehovah's Witnesses. The study highlights the importance of implementing principles of covenantal pluralism to address the historical persecution of religious minority groups in Malawi, which has often been overlooked due to the country's stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay relates the history of the South African Charter of Religious Rights and Freedoms. It summarizes its content, highlights a few challenges facing the Charter, and comments on the future of the Charter as an expression by civil society of the content of the right to freedom of religion and belief. Inevitably, the Charter also speaks to its context, namely the diverse South African society within which it came into being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the South African legal principle of "reasonable accommodation." It posits that this principle is a way to balance and harmonize the country's various enshrined constitutional rights when these rights appear to conflict with each other when simultaneously exercised by different persons in the public realm. The essay further argues that the principle of reasonable accommodation achieves the South African constitutional value of tolerance and satisfies the state's duty to respect, protect, promote, and fulfil all the constitutional rights. It concludes that reasonable accommodation allows persons to peacefully and constructively co-exist in the public realm, despite deep differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the interconnected world of the twenty-first century, dialogue between Islam and Christianity is an essential necessity, not a mere option. This paper examines the important role of interfaith dialogue by analyzing its historical evolution, contemporary challenges, and its transformative potential for fostering global peace and cooperation. Muslim-Christian relations have profoundly influenced socio-political dynamics throughout history. Today, the increasing complexities of globalization, political conflicts, and the rise of extremism highlight the pressing need for dialogue as a means to bridge divides, remove stereotypes, and build trust. Grounded in the principles of mutual respect and shared ethical commitments, interfaith dialogue enables collaborative efforts to address critical global issues such as poverty, climate change, and human rights. Drawing on the works of Leonard Swidler, this paper aims to show that interfaith dialogue is not merely a moral obligation but a pragmatic strategy for shaping a harmonious future. By embracing dialogue as a tool for understanding and action, Muslims and Christians can work together to address the challenges of the modern era and build a world founded on mutual respect, solidarity, and cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seit der Jahrhundertwende betrifft die Forderung nach religiös-weltanschaulicher Neutralität des Staates immer mehr Akteure und Räume, was zu einer Verschiebung der Grenzen der Neutralität führt. Frankreich und Deutschland werden zwar häufig als zwei Länder gegenübergestellt, die jeweils durch eine "laizistische" Kultur und eine christliche Leitkultur gekennzeichnet sind. In jedem der beiden Länder ist aber eine deutliche Entwicklung der spezifischen Regulierungsweise religiöser und kultureller Pluralität zu beobachten. Der vorliegende Artikel analysiert aus einer vergleichenden Perspektive die Dynamiken, die seit etwa zwanzig Jahren zwei umgekehrte Ansätze zur Regulierung religiöser Pluralität geprägt haben. Ziel ist es, herauszufinden, welche Artikulation sich in dieser Hinsicht zwischen Kultur und Religion herausbildet. Depuis le tournant du XXIe siècle, l'exigence de neutralité confessionnelle de l'État concerne des acteurs et des espaces de plus en plus nombreux, conduisant ainsi à déplacer les frontières de la neutralité. Si on oppose souvent la France et l'Allemagne comme deux pays marqués respectivement par une culture laïque et une culture de référence chrétienne, on constate une évolution significative des modes spécifiques de régulation de la pluralité religieuse et culturelle dans chacun des deux pays. Le présent article analyse, dans une perspective comparative, les logiques qui ont façonné depuis une vingtaine d'années deux approches inversées en matière de régulation de la pluralité religieuse et vise à déterminer quelle articulation se dessine entre culture et religion de ce point de vue. Since the turn of the 21st century, the demand for denominational neutrality of the State concerns more and more actors and spaces, thus leading to shifting the boundaries of neutrality. Although France and Germany are often contrasted as two countries marked respectively by a secular culture and a culture of Christian reference (Leitkultur), there has been a significant evolution in the specific ways in which religious and cultural plurality is regulated in each of the two countries. This article analyzes, from a comparative perspective, the dynamics that have shaped two inverted approaches to the regulation of religious plurality over the past twenty years and aims at determining the emerging articulation between culture and religion in this respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the usage of different phrases naming "religious freedom" in international treaties and European Union member states constitutional texts in order to identify traces of contemporary ideological polarization in relation to the main political ideologies, socialism, liberalism and conservatism. Considering the methodological approach, I theorize the meaning of "religious freedom" as the right to believe or not in a higher power or divinity, while also discussing the positive and the negative aspects of religious freedom together with the three major political doctrines. The results present clusters on the way each phrase used to name "religious freedom" is tied up with each of the three major political doctrines: freedom from/within religion (socialism), freedom of religion or belief (liberalism), and religious freedom (conservatism). The main conclusion of the paper is that within the contemporary political and administrative democratic spectrum, the three different phrases used at international level to name "religious freedom" and corresponding to socialism, liberalism and conservatism are describing religious freedom in a polarized manner, from liability to asset: in socialism as liberation from the negative and discriminatory power of religion, in liberalism as an civic attitude, while for conservatives religious freedom stands is coined a political value within the nation building process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advertisers in Israel routinely omit representation of women and girls as a form of adaptation to norms prevalent among ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities, by which the representation or allusion to a woman's body, voice, or garments is considered immodest and distracting. What, if any, should be the response of antidiscrimination law to exclusionary advertisements, and why is this question worth exploring? This article argues that laws banning discrimination in the provision of products and services should also apply to advertisements that categorically refrain from presenting women. Beyond protecting individual members of vulnerable groups, antidiscrimination law should partake in freeing the public sphere of messages that reinforce discriminatory values. The intended, overt, and complete denial of women's existence merits the law's intervention in commercial speech. After conceptualizing the harm caused to unspecified individuals and defining discriminatory advertisements, we outline the considerations that should guide the designing of rules against discriminatory ads and apply them to a set of real-life incidents of exclusionary advertisements, demonstrating how to assess the severity of discrimination in each case. Finally, we consider the free speech implications, as well as the argument that liberal multicultural accommodation renders "modest" advertisements legitimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of religious freedom within Islamic law, as emphasized by the Qur'an and Hadith. The Qur'an advocates for justice, mutual respect, and the right to choose one's beliefs without coercion. The Hadith further supports religious freedom through the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, who emphasized respect for other faiths and upheld the rights of non-Muslims. The practice of religious freedom in Islamic law encompasses every aspect of human behaviour including maqasid (objectives), aqidah (fundamental beliefs), ibadah (worship), and muamalat (social and economic transactions) to minimize deviations. The main argument in this article is that Islamic law prioritizes the principle of protection of benefit and prevention of harm in relation to religious freedom. It emphasizes the importance of preventing deviant practices and purifying religious beliefs to affirm Allah (God) as the sole object of worship. Islamic law has evolved based on Qur'an and Hadith to maintain the principle of religious freedom as a benefit, but promoting prevention of harm, purity of belief and piety, justice and fairness, and ethical conduct in all aspects of life. The overall aim of religious freedom in Islamic law is to bring the Muslims community together as one nation (ummah). Islamic law uses preventive methods to sanction those who deviate from these principles of religious freedom. The article concludes that all these elements of theory and practice of Islamic law command individual autonomy and fairness and justice in conduct, which is essential for realizing religious freedom in Islamic law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of religion is a fundamental human right protected by international law and many national constitutions. In China, the Constitution guarantees freedom of religious belief, but the implementation of this right, particularly for Tibetan Buddhists, has been complex and controversial. This study aims to analyse how the socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists are ensured in 21st century China, considering current legislation and political realities. The research employs a comprehensive analysis of official legal documents. The historical systematic method was employed to examine the interrelated sociocultural systems shaping cultural aspects and national identity. The study reveals a complex and evolving relationship between the Chinese state and Tibetan Buddhism. The research identifies state interference in monastic affairs, including restrictions on the size of monastic communities and their political and economic roles. Government attempts to control the reincarnation process of Tibetan Buddhist leaders and the dispute over the selection process for the next Dalai Lama is ongoing, with both the Chinese government and the current Dalai Lama asserting their right to determine the succession. The study notes some instances for compromise, such as the Chinese government's consideration of allowing the current Dalai Lama to visit China and Tibet under certain conditions. The research highlights the need for further studies on the long-term effects of China's religious policies on Tibetan Buddhist culture and identity, as well as the potential for adaptive strategies within the Tibetan Buddhist community in response to these policies.

Sweden has a long history of being a monoconfessional state. However, in the 20th – 21st centuries the composition of Swedish society has changed, leading the country into a crisis caused by the policy of ignoring the needs of ethnic and religious minorities. In recent years, multidisciplinary research works have been focused on finding a ground of the current social and political destabilization in this country caused by on-going religion- and ethic-based conflicts between its nationals. Some of them suggest that Sweden is not a secular but a clerical state, others – that there is a gap in its legislation.The author of the article offers another point of view, according to which, the Swedish law enforcer distorts the constitutional and legal meaning of the provisions on religious freedom that occurs under the influence of historical specifics of the development of Swedish law, hence the lack of uniformity in law enforcement practice for the implementation of this fundamental human right.The subject of the study is the norms of the legislation of Sweden, including historical legal acts and documents, as well as relevant court cases and key findings of domestic and foreign research works.Objective: to prove the influence of historical specifics of the development of Swedish law on the current legal enforcement practice under which the distortion of the constitutional and legal meaning by the Swedish law enforcement takes place.Methods: the author employs a combination of general (content-analysis, case-study, formal logical method, generalization etc.) and private scientific methods (formal judicial methods, concrete sociological method of studying state and legal phenomena etc).Results: The obtained results demonstrate that Swedish law enforcement has been given an opportunity for a broad interpretation of constitutional norms. The author identifies the distortion of the constitutional and legal meaning in provisions that provide a special status to followers of the evangelical faith, on the one hand, and a partial ban on religious and ethnic minorities from expressing their confessional affiliation, on the other. The analysis of specifics of the development of Swedish law demonstrates the possible ground of the existing constitutional inequality is the historically discriminatory nature of the legislation in relation to followers of other religious cults. These results can be used as a foundation for future research in the field of realization of religious liberty in multicultural states.

Transjudicial conversation refers to the domestic court's judicial practice of cross-citing foreign decisions on common and shared human rights issues. Scholars have argued that this phenomenon facilitates the cross-fertilisation of rights norms and standards across territories. While this has been documented and studied in various jurisdictions, its incidence and effect in the Philippine context is yet to be fully understood. The paper thus seeks to explore the extent of such influence in the Philippine setting, specifically in the development of domestic human rights jurisprudence. In order to examine its impact, this research employs a qualitative research design. Select cases on free speech and religious exercise rights were analysed using doctrinal and content analysis approaches. These cases were purposively chosen, considering that Philippine provisions on these rights have shown close affinity with foreign constitutions. The analysis reveals that the participation of the Philippine Supreme Court in the transjudicial conversation phenomenon generally causes the cross-border fertilisation of human rights norms. Particularly, the impact of this engagement contributes to filling the gap in the domestic understanding of human rights concepts, expanding existing legal systems such as human rights and penal laws, and aligning national human rights systems with international laws. Such impacts enrich the domestic understanding of free speech and religious rights, specifically drawing bright lines between legitimate state intervention and individual enjoyment of the rights.

To operate legally, religious groups must be legally recognized in Vietnam. However, as of 2023, only twelve Protestant groups had been officially recognized, and a few more religious leaders had registered their organizations for legal recognition. Our research data indicate that a significant number of Protestant groups operate without legal recognition, and this article analyzes the reasons for this situation. Based on 49 interviews, the authors argue that legal recognition is particularly important for large Protestant churches, which require legal status to obtain certain administrative powers and to become eligible for material support from the state. However, the administrative process for legal recognition is very complicated. Furthermore, obtaining legal status often implies increased surveillance of religious activities by local administrators, which may inhibit their evangelistic activities. Consequently, many representatives of Protestant religious groups have decided to operate without legal status, even at the risk of legal sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the continuities between Fascist Italy and the early republican period in terms of anti-Protestant policy. To this end, it analyses three main issues: the ideology behind Catholic anti-Protestantism and the role played by Catholic hierarchies and Holy See itself; Italian legislation and norms in religious matters, with reference to minority denominations; and the concrete attitudes of State organs at central and peripheral levels. Drawing on extensive archival documentation (from Italian, Vatican and international archives), this article shows the profound continuities, but also the differences, in anti-Protestant legislation and practice between Fascist period and the early Republican era, marked by a strong Catholic and Christian-Democrat hegemony. Thanks to this extensive documentation, this article highlights the role played by various State actors (government, central ministerial apparatuses, local administrations, judiciary) in determining the contrasting side-lining of anti-Protestant policies, which took place in the mid-fifties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can constitutional law contribute to the justification of political power? Quite a lot, Frank Michelman argues in Constitutional Essentials. It can establish a publicly known framework for addressing the deep disagreements that are inevitable in any free society. Michelman's analysis has powerful attractions, but he overclaims the clarity with which rights can be defended within the Rawlsian framework he contemplates. The interests that courts must defend will vary from one society to another, depending on what the locals happen to value. They cannot therefore be derived abstractly from the moral powers. In John Rawls's four-stage sequence, writers of constitutions, legislatures, and courts necessarily consider contestable ideas of the good. Deep disagreement even about political fundamentals is a permanent condition of political life in a free society. Social unity is possible, but it is a more unstable unity than Rawls and Michelman imagine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the pivotal role of psycho-social support in bolstering the mental and spiritual well-being of migrant and refugee children. It highlights the necessity to shield these vulnerable groups from spiritual abuse within humanitarian efforts. Remarkably, an estimated 117 million people are currently displaced by conflict, violence, war, and natural disasters, and as of 2023, nearly half of them are under the age of 18. The call, therefore, for culturally sensitive, effective interventions is manifestly urgent. Our research underscores, in order to highlight, the significance of professionalizing faith-based and local faith actors to advocate for standards that mitigate the risks of religious exploitation and safeguard the children's spiritual identity, practices, and beliefs. We highlight the existing gaps in the literature and propose a framework for further research. Our focus is on the effectiveness of the Global Compact on Refugees and the impact of local versus global policies on the protection and well-being of migrant and refugee children. Our analysis extends to humanitarian agencies' and caregivers' best practices and prevention strategies. It further emphasizes the importance of safeguarding neutrality at all times and promoting community reintegration. Our findings call for a concerted effort to enhance professionalism among those working with refugees in humanitarian frameworks, prioritizing children's spiritual, mental, and physical well-being. This study seeks to contribute to the ongoing discourse on the rights of children on the move. It advocates for policies and practices that recognize their vulnerability and potential for resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Respect for Marriage Act (RFMA) and its connection to abortion rights and religious freedom in the United States. The RFMA was passed in response to Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas's concurring opinion to the Dobbs v. Jackson case which revoked federal abortion rights and suggested the Supreme Court reevaluate similar decisions based on due process, like Obergefell which guaranteed the federal right to same-sex marriage. This article showcases how the passage of the RFMA is a masterclass in U.S. policymaking and discusses the implications of the RFMA as well as considerations should Obergefell go the way of Dobbs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Muslims in Spain have suffered from persecution for centuries, but political and cultural transformations have led to religious freedom. Laws and agreements such as the Associations Act of 1964, the Freedom of Belief Act of 1967, and the Constitution of 1978 recognized freedom of belief and organized freedom of worship, considering Islam as part of Spain's cultural identity.Many Islamic associations were established, facing challenges such as fragmentation and difficulty in obtaining funding, while achieving accomplishments like building mosques and spreading Islam.The 1992 agreement between the Spanish Islamic Commission and the Spanish state recognized the rights of Muslims, including the organization of associations, management of mosques, Islamic marriage, religious education, and religious care. Despite ongoing challenges such as Islamophobia and discrimination, Muslims in Spain enjoy much greater religious freedom than in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article articulates similarities and differences regarding policies on religion and religious minorities in contemporary Georgia and the country's early Soviet era. A comparison between developments in legislation and state apparatus shortly after 1921 (during the Soviet occupation) and 1991 (the restoration of independence) uncovers the policies and mechanisms limiting religious minorities in Georgia today, including the setting up of a State Agency for Religious Issues in 2014, as echoes of a painful past. In contrast to the Soviet regime, however, the main carrier of the dominant ideology responsible for this situation today is not the state itself, but the Georgian Orthodox Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The citizenries of some countries that already enjoy freedom of religion fail to use that freedom effectively to rid their societies of crime, violence and anomie. This paper examines Venezuela and South Africa as two case studies. Although both countries have experienced significant political unrest, given the similar values shared by the majority of their populations, their citizenries should have engaged in dialogue with their compatriots to establish common moral ground. Upcoming generations should be guided to use their freedom of religion to engage with compatriots of other religious persuasions, thereby contributing to greater religious tolerance, understanding and morally justifiable behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schools should be places where all children are welcome to receive education. Yet sometimes they are a battleground for political conflicts amongst adults, as schools are often used to inculcate common values. It is therefore particularly demeaning for children to be excluded from schools. In Canada, children have been excluded from school on the basis of religious practices, thereby violating their religious freedom. Little legal scholarship exists on children's rights to religious freedom. This article reviews international law regarding the religious freedom of children in relation to education and then examines three legal cases involving successful challenges to the exclusion of students based on religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the shifting landscape of religious freedom, focusing on the growing population of religiously unaffiliated individuals, or "nones." It delves into the complexities of this diverse group, which extends beyond atheism to include a range of beliefs and practices. The article highlights the legal and social challenges nones face, particularly the lack of recognition and accommodation within existing religious freedom frameworks. It also examines how inadequate research methodologies contribute to the misrepresentation of nones in policy and public discourse. The article advocates for more inclusive policies and educational efforts to protect the religious autonomy of this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious groups endured great angst during the COVID-19 pandemic due to, among other things, temporary restrictions and prohibitions on group assemblies. Responses by Christians in the United States, in particular, varied from acquiescence to innovation to non-compliance. Religious groups should carefully consider the theological and practical merits of these approaches so they can respond in ways that are reasonable and consistent with their faith should circumstances lead to future curtailments of their freedoms to assemble for public worship. In most cases, reasonable expectations and legal recourse will resolve concerns. Outright defiance of government restrictions on assemblies during crises is rarely necessary and appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from a brief comparison between the declaration Dignitatis Humanae and the document of the International Theological Commission on Religious Freedom (2020), the article intends to discuss the current meaning of religious freedom, in an environment of strong transformation of religious experiences. In this environment, the discussion on the notion of freedom serves as inspiration for a criterion of distinction between the various more or less sacralizing religious experiences. From a possible relationship between freedom and religion, the notion of “religion of freedom” is reached, which will condition not only the religious experience, but also a deep meaning of religious freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary world, the topic of women's rights has often been employed and manipulated in debates on religious freedom. In her article Rola El-Husseini shows that whereas Western politicians have promoted liberal values, including religious freedom, internationally, they have rarely upheld these principles domestically. Often, these values have been applied selectively, leaving Muslim communities - especially Muslim women - without the protections usually afforded by liberal democracy. This contribution discusses how opposition to women's rights unfolds in contemporary Poland, where the Catholic Church has been instrumental in opposing women's and minority rights. In the conclusion, it poses the question of whether we truly need more freedom of religion, or whether maybe what we should strive for is more freedom from religion and a firmer division between the state and the church, indiscriminately of what type of church or religious belief this may be. Such a perspective is rooted in the recognition that so far every religion has contributed to infringing women's rights, and establishing and reinforcing social hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece deliberates on Rola El-Husseini's contribution to contemporary debates on double standards and dissonance at the intersection of women's rights and religious freedom in the Global North by highlighting similar performative contradictions of the past. In exercising thinking through current dilemmas with Mark Twain's commentary on non-dyadic marriages in the Ottoman Empire and the United States, this article suggests that across time and space, whoever the manufactured "other" may be, the processes and mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion generally favor the interests of those who hold and seek to maintain the greatest martial, economic, and political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion is one of those ubiquitous intellectual and spiritual values, with a significant presence in every part of the globe, revealing the cognitive nature of human personality and distinguishing humans among living beings. It grants a set of essential values to individuals, considered "ut singuli" (as singular entities), as well as to society as a whole, seen as a heterogeneous structure of visions and composite elements -- some of patrimonial nature, but most of a spiritual nuance -- that provide religious faith with a strong sense of identity cohesion. The most integral element, from the perspective of fulfilling the need for cohesion, as mentioned earlier, within a society is religion. It structures large groups of people from different origins, social statuses, mentalities, or educational backgrounds, yet they are united by the shared religious faith or, conversely, by the refusal to embrace the dogmas of a particular religious belief. However, "religious freedom" is more of a modern concept than a longstanding achievement of human thought. This notion crystallized later in the consciousness of legal subjects and, especially, in the integrative vision of decision-makers, rather than emerging at the time of the individualization of enduring legal values. This article aims to highlight a series of conceptual elements, such as the evolution and multiple dimensions of this fundamental institution of universal law, within a dual functional structure. In the first part, we will focus on the historical and ideological relevance of the term "religious freedom". In the second part, we will aim to outline the intrinsic, ideational structure, as well as the structural dimensions of this fundamental legal value, inherent in a democratic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since in recent decades, some European countries have placed restrictions on Muslim women's clothing, it is necessary to explain the status of women's freedom of clothing in the context of international law. This study using the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and international instruments and obligations in this field, tries to challenge the inconsistency of restrictions on the religious clothing of Muslim women and explain the need to ensure the right to freedom of religious clothing. The main question of the present paper is that the opposition to religious clothing and hijab of women in European countries is contrary to international law and human rights or not? This paper concludes with a descriptive analytical method and library resources including the examination of existing instruments that the prohibition of religious clothing is a violation of human rights and their religious freedom, and such a prohibition is based more on political and social pressures than on solid legal principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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