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The relations among United States of America and People’s Republic of China have historically survived several bouts and rounds however the approach employed by the Trump Administration for a program involving reprisal hefty tariff-trade war against China has given a new face to the bilateral relations between the two states. The paper demonstrates that domestic and international agents played a vital role in initiating and nurturing the trade clash between Washington and Beijing since 2018 to date. The aim of the study is to ascertain that how the political climate and past pursuits of one country conditions policy outcomes in another, and how domestic political pressures on politician’s conditions their relations with foreign counterparts. The paradigm of rational choice theory is adopted to provide a conceptual understanding to the triggering of the trade war between the economic giants., As relações entre os Estados Unidos da América e a República Popular da China têm sobrevivo aos históricos altos e baixos, mas a abordagem empregada pela Administração Trump envolvendo represálias e uma pesada guerra comercial-tarifária contra a China concedeu uma nova face às relações bilaterais entre os dois Estados. O artigo demonstra que agentes domésticos e internacionais desempenharam papel vital no início e fomento do confronto comercial entre Washington e Pequim desde 2018 até o momento. O objetivo do estudo é verificar como o clima político e interesses passados de um país condicionam os resultados da política em outro, bem como de que forma as pressões políticas internas sobre os políticos condicionam suas relações com suas contrapartes estrangeiras. O paradigma da teoria da escolha racional é adotado para fornecer uma compreensão conceitual ao desencadeamento da guerra comercial entre os gigantes econômicos.

Centuries before being included in Hugo Grotius’s De iure belli ac pacis and De iure praedae, the subject of reprisal was already being discussed in medieval literature. The aim of this paper is to examine the medieval and early modern practice and theory of reprisal as it developed before and during Grotius’s lifetime. Its first part investigates a number of important foundational elements, such as the issues of definition and terminology, and the common characteristics of a reprisal case. In the second half, the author explores why reprisals were deemed to be a ‘perversus mos’ or ‘bad custom’ and how continued reliance on this practice was nonetheless justified by inserting it into the medieval just war doctrine. The paper does not provide a systematic study of Grotius’s own engagement with medieval reprisal sources. Rather, it should be read in conjunction with another publication in this same volume, ‘Grotius on Reprisal’ by Randall Lesaffer.

General population growth and an increase in the number of farmers, environmental degradation, disruption of conditions for resolving land and water disputes, and the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the Sahel and West Africa have exacerbated the struggle for the survival and security of economic livelihoods, and in particular negatively affected relationships between shepherds and farmers in several communities in Africa. This kind of conflict between farmers and herdsmen mainly applies to Nigeria, but is also present in other African countries, especially in Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Senegal, Cameroon, and Côte d’Ivoire. Such conflicts are not triggered by a single reason, but are driven by a set of multi-causal factors, such as scarce resources in the face of greater need, reprisal attacks, land and climate change, etc. Obviously, in case of Nigeria this kind of conflicts have a disintegrative impact, as they lead to the inimical effects to the country’s unity. The need for fostering value reorientation and restoring earlier interactive ties between herdsmen and farmers seems vital today, so that Nigerians can learn to appreciate the values that unite them more than those that separate the society.

In San Jeronimo, Chihuahua, on the outskirts of Ciudad Juárez, a beige monolith of placid architecture hovers over the newly reconstructed US-Mexico border wall. Looking like a mix between a prison and a city built entirely of suburban Walmarts, this is in fact Foxconn's largest assembly plant at the US-Mexico Border; a shrine of sorts to over fifty-five years of low-cost export manufacturing in the region. And in 2010, it was where a decade of labor struggle was about begin. On a cold night in February 2010, around three hundred night workers at Foxconn's San Jeronimo factory on the outskirts of Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, anxiously waited for company buses to finally deliver them home after a long shift. Soon enough however, managers filed out of the factory to inform the workers that the due to technical issues, the buses were not coming. According to worker accounts, the managers explained that the best thing these workers could do was work an extra shift, and wait for the buses to arrive later in the morning. Realizing that they were essentially being held against their will at the remote factory, and perhaps fueled by recent lay-offs on the assembly line and consistent pressure to work extra shifts, anger erupted in the crowd. By the end of the night, workers had set fire to the cafeteria, smashed the managers’ dormitory windows, and collided more than once with security guards. Days later, despite Foxconn's assurance to the press that there would be no reprisal, around 75 night-shift workers were identified and fired from the company.

Objective To determine the prevalence of sexual harassment and perceptions of gender disparities affecting the careers of physicians in gynecologic oncology. Methods We conducted a survey of US physician members of the Society of Gynecologic Oncology. Participants were queried about demographics, sexual harassment experiences during training/practice, and perceptions of gender disparities in compensation and career advancement. Responses were categorized as “never” versus “ever” and compared using Fisher's exact test. Results The survey was sent to 1566 members—405 (255 females, 147 males, 3 other) responded (response rate 26%). Sixty-four percent reported having experienced sexual harassment during training/practice. Sexual harassment was experienced by 71% of females and 51% of males. Of these respondents, only 14.5% reported it. Reasons for not reporting included: “incident did not seem important enough” (40%); “did not think anything would be done about it” (37%); and “fear of reprisal” (34%). Female respondents were more likely to report gender affected their career advancement (34% vs. 10%; p ≤ .001) and compensation (64% vs. 19%; p ≤ .001); males were more likely to report no gender income disparity (91% vs. 57%; p ≤ .001). Conclusions Sexual harassment during training/practice appears common among male and female gynecologic oncologists. Although most are aware of how to report an incident, few do so, mostly for fear of reprisal or concern nothing will be done. Despite practicing in a field defined by caring for women, female physicians more often perceive gender influences their compensation and career advancement. Awareness of these issues can lead to their elimination from our specialty.

This study was conducted to critique and asses the institution of Jirga and its practice of Swara. The data was collected through vis-à-vis semi-structured interviews from the Jirgees and Swaras, the two most proximate stakeholders of the institution of Jirga. For the analysis of data, the tool of Thematic Analysis, developed by Braun and Clarke (2015), was used. The findings of the study show that Jirga — besides being unconstitutional — is involved in multifarious inhumane practices and its members are mostly uneducated. Its decisions are completely void of the canon international law and human rights. Jirga is involved in the felonious practice of Swara. Swaras — women atoned by Jirga in reprisal for an offence — are living wretched lives facing multifarious forms of violence, discrimination, humiliation and other forms of inhumane behaviors. Besides, they are suffering from depression, inferiority complexes, suicidal attempts, malnutrition, verbal abuse, etc. The findings also imply that illiteracy, passivity and condonement of the judiciary and law enforcing agencies, and the higher rate of crimes in the area are the factors contributing to the practice of Swara. In the light of the findings, the researcher recommends that the practice of reprisal reiterated by Jirga should be completely extirpated. Education should be disseminated and the government and law enforcing agencies should work in proximity to mitigate the rate of crimes in the area. The government should frame inclusive economic policies in order to promote peace and prosperity in the area.

This study analyzed the effect of insecurity on socioeconomic development in Osun state Nigeria, from 20018 to 2019. Based on the incidents of farmers and herders conflicts with the major interest in the experience in Osun state, Nigeria. Through the application of frustration – aggression theory of John Dollard (1939). The study delved into thorough investigation of the causes, the effects of conflict and to look inward the issue of security standard of the state with the interest of providing information on the outbreak of the conflicts in Osun state. The researcher employed a descriptive method in carrying out the findings, a random sampling through the distribution of questionnaire to 65respondents; the data obtained from survewere analyzed through the uses of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software. More so, the use of secondary data such as books, relevant articles, news papers and government publications in Nigeria was used, after conducted the data analysis, it was found that the conflicts between farmers and herders are stimulated by multi – causal factors due to limited resources to satisfy greater needs, reprisal attack, and shortage of pasture land couple with climate change among others. From the findings, it was revealed that farmers – herdsmen conflicts poseda disintegrated consequence on the state which affect socioeconomic development in the state. It was also revealed that trans-movement of Fulani pastorialist-herders from far north to the Osun state, Nigeria because of desertification. Therefore, the study recommended that the government at all level should constitute a forum to seeks for previous peaceful coexistence and trace for adoption.

Modern states have built burgeoning detention facilities like immigration centers, prisons and police cells that engage in torture and other cruel, inhuman treatments. The law enforcement agencies engage in torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment in the name of counter- terrorism, security threats and soon. The state uses torture and makes it clear that enhanced interrogation techniques makes a person from kidnapping to extra-ordinary rendition, from citizen to unlawful enemy combatant and from human to terrorist. The valley of Kashmir faces torture and other cruel inhuman treatments since insurgency began in 1990’s, with violent uprising and have elicited terrorism. Methods like torture is used as a tool of counter- insurgency by Indian security forces. The government of India used all efforts to crush the movement of self- determination of Kashmir. The strong response from India violates the human rights and international humanitarian laws. The law enforcement agencies, army and para- military forces have engaged in reprisal attacks against civilians resulting in indiscriminate firing, search operations, gang-rapes and burning of houses in the valley. After 1990, the situation in the Kashmir valley deteriorated and Kashmir was declared a disturbed area and laws like Disturbed Area Act (DAA) 1990, Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) 1990 and Public Safety Act (PSA) 1978 were imposed. The purpose of the paper is to examine the concept of Torture in Kashmir valley and bring to light the plight of the victims in the valley.

Psychological trauma is a silent epidemic which presents as a global public health issue, often in the form of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Eye Movement Desensitisation and Reprocessing (EMDR) Therapy is an empirically supported treatment intervention for PTSD and has been used as part of trauma-capacity building, particularly in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). For some survivor’s, their trauma experiences cannot be spoken of: they may be alluded to, suggested and though not directly expressed. There are several factors as to why these implicit trauma experiences are ‘unspoken’, for example, when the trauma involves a deep-rooted sense of shame or guilt, a distorted sense of over-responsibility or when to speak of the trauma engenders fear of retribution, reprisal and consequence. This paper will explore the effectiveness of using two protocol variations of EMDR Therapy—standard versus a ‘Blind 2 Therapist’ protocol version as part of a quasi-experimental study which took place in Northern Iraq. The study contains two projects and subsequently tested several hypotheses regarding safety, effectiveness, efficiency and relevance of the ‘Blind 2 Therapist’ protocol within EMDR Therapy. Results indicated support for the B2T protocol intervention with various trauma populations including Yezidi survivors of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)—also known as Daesh.

Purpose In March 2019, Facebook updated its security procedures requesting ID verification for people who wish to advertise or promote political posts of adverts. The announcement received little media coverage even though it is an interesting development in the battle against fake news. This paper aims to review the current literature on different approaches in the battle against the spread of fake news, including the use of computer algorithms, artificial intelligence (AI) and introduction of ID checks. Design/methodology/approach Critical to the evaluation is consideration into ID checks as a means to combat the spread of fake news. To understand the process and how it works, the team undertook a social experiment combined with reflective analysis to better understand the impact of ID check policies when combined with other standards policies of a typical platform. Findings The analysis identifies grave concerns. In a wider context, standardising such policy will leave political activists in countries vulnerable to reprisal from authoritarian regimes. Other victims of the impacts include people who use fake names to protect the identity of adopted children or to protect anonymity from abusive partners. Originality/value The analysis also points to the fact that troll armies could bypass these checks rendering the use of ID checks less effective in the battle to combat fake news.

The article was submitted on 01.11.2021. Систему наказаний в древнерусском праве нельзя считать детально разработанной. Исследователи выделяют виды наказаний, которые не встречаются в памятниках права, однако, очевидно, применялись на практике. Наказания можно с некоторой долей условности разделить на судебные и внесудебные. Однако наказать может и Бог, причем как в этой жизни, так и на Страшном суде. Статья посвящена проблеме «соперничества» земного и небесного суда в представлениях людей домонгольской Руси. В ней решен вопрос о применимости принципа «non bis in idem» в рамках поставленной проблемы, а также рассмотрены ключевые сюжеты из Повести временных лет и Киево-Печерского патерика, анализ которых позволяет выделить вопросы, решавшиеся земным судом, и те, наказание за которые современники видели в бедствиях, постигавших общество и отдельных людей. Среди правовых источников использовались Русская Правда, уставы князей Владимира, Ярослава и Всеволода. Автор сопоставляет различные виды наказаний с тем, как их применение представлено в источниках. Поскольку предписанное правовыми памятниками наложение штрафов не отражено в нарративных источниках, акцент сделан на внесудебных расправах (сводимых к реликтам кровной мести или «потоку и разграблению»). Сделана попытка определить грань, после которой наложение наказания за ту или иную несправедливость (а чаще – по совокупности деяний) оказывалось вне прав и возможностей князей и после которой летописец видел вмешательство Бога, которое могло быть квалифицировано как «месть» или «казнь». Кроме того, выявлена связь с наказаниями пенитенциарной дисциплины таинства исповеди. Однако полностью абстрагировать земной суд и накладываемое им наказание от наказания от Бога в Древней Руси оказывается невозможным. The system of punishment in medieval Russian law cannot be considered sufficiently studied. Researchers single out types of punishments that are not found in legal documents, but, obviously, were applied in practice. Punishments can be divided, with some degree of conventionality, into judicial and extrajudicial. However, God can also punish, both in this life and at the Last Judgment. This article is devoted to the problem of “rivalry” between the earthly and heavenly courts in the ideas of the people of pre-Mongol Rus’. The article resolves the issue of the applicability of the non bis in idem principle within the framework of the problem posed and considers key plots from The Tale of Bygone Years and The Kievan Caves Patericon. This analysis makes it possible to single out issues that were decided by an earthly court and those disasters that befell society and individuals which contemporaries saw as punishment. Among the legal sources, the author refers to the Russian Pravda and the Сharters of princes Vladimir, Yaroslav, and Vsevolod. The author also compares different methods of punishment with the way they are reflected in the sources. Since the imposition of fines prescribed by legal documents is not reflected in the narrative sources, an emphasis is made on extrajudicial punishment (the surviving practices of blood vengeance or “potok i razgrablenie”). An attempt is made to determine the line after which the imposition of punishment for this or that injustice (and, more often, for the totality of acts) was beyond the rights and opportunities of the princes. This is when the chronicler saw an intervention of God, which could be qualified as “revenge” or “punishment”. In addition, the author reveals a connection with the punishments of the penitentiary discipline of the sacrament of confession. However, it is impossible to completely abstract the earthly court and the punishment it imposes from the punishment imposed by God in medieval Rus’.

Seven decades have passed since the "Scientific Session on the Problems of the Physiological Teachings of Academician IP Pavlov" from June 28 to July 4, 1950. Its main direction was the assertion of the leading role of the cerebral cortex with the subordination of all physiological processes reflected in the conditioned reflexes defined by IP Pavlov. JV Stalin's interference in the session is reflected in his comment: "In my opinion, the greatest damage to Pavlov's teachings was caused by Academician Orbeli… The sooner Orbeli is exposed and the more thoroughly his monopoly is eliminated, the better. Beritov and Stern are not so dangerous, because they oppose Pavlov openly and thus facilitate the reprisal of science over these artisan artisans… Now something about the tactics of combating opponents of the theory of Academician Pavlov.

This article examines the role of faith-based organizations (FBOs) in counter-radicalization in Nigeria, with emphasis on the Boko Haram terrorist group operating in northeast Nigeria and the greater Lake Chad region. A qualitative methodological approach is employed that makes use of primary and secondary documents, key informant and stakeholder interviews, and focus group discussions with critical religious actors and organizations. The findings of the article suggest that FBOs play a critical role in the disengagement and deradicalization process of countering the ideological and radical messages of Boko Haram. However, challenges such as the lack of effective stakeholder involvement in the various initiatives by the state in counterterrorism, fear of reprisal and attacks, lack of unison by various FBOs and clerics in countering these negative messages, and the inability of relevant stakeholders in addressing structural factors such as poverty, social and economic exclusion, and unemployment that give rise to radicalization amongst other challenges, have impeded the effectiveness of the FBO sector in its counter-radicalization efforts in Nigeria. To address these challenges, the article proposes a bottom-up approach to counterterrorism that provides room for the multi-sectoral involvement of major stakeholders, especially FBOs, to complement pre-existing initiatives and other measures to counter the negative weaponization of religion by radical and rogue clerics, and also to prevent Boko Haram from expanding its frontiers.

Acts of negative reciprocity can generate destructive sequences of reprisal. In baseball, hitting a batter with a pitch generally represents a vicarious form of retribution on behalf of a teammate. To understand a practice prone to escalation, we examine how dyadic relationships and team characteristics influence punitive aggression during games. Constructing a suite of indicator variables with data from two decades of play enabled us to track the shifting state of relational accounting between opposing teams. Even though motives to engage in further retribution may exist, logistic regression establishes that curbs limit escalation beyond an initial exchange sequence during games. Aspects of the dyadic relationship between a pitcher and his teammate enhance the intention to take vicarious retribution but relationships with the opposing batter exert a countervailing force against aggression. Our findings yield insights about the origin and evolution of intergroup conflicts with implications for theories of conflict and for organizational practice. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

H.G. Wells’s life extends the radical evolution of psychographics outlined in the Introduction, but his oeuvre also proves the inherent difficulty in aestheticizing the emergent age of social psychology—a point evinced when producer Alexander Korda demanded Wells revise the script version of his 1933 novel The Shape of Things to Come three times to make it “filmable.” While Wells’s novel imagines a peaceable future wherein social psychology becomes the “whole literature, philosophy, and general thought of the world,” the film adaptation instead symbolizes this philosophical transformation by starring a sole philosopher-king who, against the people’s will, seeks to control and colonize the universe. This chapter argues that the conflict between these two Wellsian visions is prefigured by his intimate and conflicted relationship to sociology and group psychology. As early as 1906, Wells sought out the position as the first British chair of sociology at the University of London. But Wells was immediately to become a gadfly in academia: he engaged in scathing critiques of sociology for denying its utopian impulses and refuted theories of group dynamics put forward by Gustave Le Bon and Wilfred Trotter. Incorporating readings across Wells’s literary career—including Anticipations, An Englishman Looks at the World, and In the Days of the Comet—this chapter contends that Wells’s writing captures a life-long effort to reprise the scope of sociology from outside academia, and captures the writer’s foundering efforts to aestheticize the institutional promise of social psychology—efforts that inevitably succumb to Wells’s fetishization of pseudo-authoritarian technocracy.

During the War of 1812, hundreds of private armed vessels, or privateers, carrying letters of marque and reprisal from their respective governments, served as counterweights to the navies of Great Britain and the United States. By 1812, privateering was acknowledged as an ideal way to annoy the enemy at little or no cost to the government. Local citizens provided the ships, crews and prizes while the court and customs systems took in the appropriate fees. The entire process was legal, licensed and often extremely lucrative. Unlike the navy, privateers were essentially volunteer commerce raiders, determined to weaken the enemy economically rather than militarily. So successful were they, that from July 1812 to February 1815, privateers from the United States, Britain, and the British provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia (as well as those sailing under French and Spanish flags) turned the shipping lanes from Newfoundland to the West Indies, Norway to West Africa, and even the South Pacific into their hunting grounds. In the early months of the war, privateers were often the only seaborne force patrolling their own coasts. With the Royal Navy pre-occupied with defending Britain and its Caribbean colonies from French incursions, there were relatively few warships available to protect British North American shipping from their new American foes. Meanwhile, the United States Navy had only a handful of frigates and smaller warships to protect their trade, supported by 174 generally despised gunboats. The solution was the traditional response of a lesser maritime power lacking a strong navy—private armed warfare, or privateering.

Agricultural Big Data analytics (ABDA) is being proposed to ensure better farming practices, decision-making, and a sustainable future for humankind. However, the use and adoption of these technologies may bring about potentially undesirable consequences, such as exercises of power. This paper will analyse Brey’s five distinctions of power relationships (manipulative, seductive, leadership, coercive, and forceful power) and apply them to the use agricultural Big Data. It will be shown that ABDA can be used as a form of manipulative power to initiate cheap land grabs and acquisitions. Seductive power can be exercised by pressuring farmers into situations they would not have otherwise chosen (such as installing monitors around their farm and limited access to their farm and machinery). It will be shown that agricultural technology providers (ATPs) demonstrate leadership power by getting farmers to agree to use ABDA without informed consent. Coercive power is exercised when ATPs threaten farmers with the loss of ABDA if they do not abide by the policies and requirements of the ATP or are coerced to remain with the ATP because of fear of legal and economic reprisal. ATPs may use ABDA to determine willingness-to-pay rates from farmers, using this information to force farmers into precarious and vulnerable positions. Altogether, this paper will apply these five types of power to the use and implementation of ABDA to demonstrate that it is being used to exercise power in the agricultural industry.

Approximately half of Americans are employed at firms where employees are forbidden or discouraged from discussing their pay with coworkers. Employees who violate these rules may be subject to punishment or dismissal. While many employees are legally protected from reprisal under the National Labor Rights Act, the law exempts managers from these protections. Eleven states have passed laws banning pay secrecy policies for managers. In this paper, we explore what effect these state laws had on the wages and employment of managers. We find pay secrecy bans increased the wages of managers by 3.5% but had no effect on the gender wage gap, job tenure, or labor supply. The effects are heterogeneous along a number of dimensions. Below the median wage, female managers experienced a 2.9% increase in their wages relative to male managers. Above the median wage, male managers experienced a 2.7% increase in their wages relative to female managers. The wage gains were concentrated among managers employed at firms with fewer than 500 employees.

In the colonial period of American history, the British Crown reviewed, and sometimes nullified, acts of colonial assemblies for “repugnancy to the laws of England.” In this way, Crown review established external, legal constraints on American legislatures. I present a formal model to argue that Crown legislative review counteracted political pressure on imperial governors from colonial assemblies, to approve laws contrary to the empire’s interests. Optimal review in the model combines both legal and substantive considerations. This gives governors the strongest incentive to avoid royal reprisal by vetoing laws the Crown considered undesirable. Thus, review of legislation for consistency with higher law helped the Crown to grapple with agency problems in imperial governance, and ultimately achieve more (but still incomplete) centralized control over policy. I discuss the legacy of imperial legislative review for early American thinking about constitutional review of legislation by courts.

Historically, healthcare has accepted a culture of individual blame and punishment following an adverse event. Blame leads to under-reporting of errors due to the fear of reprisal. Consequently, under-reporting results in missed opportunities for nursing leaders to recognize and improve system breakdowns in mitigating recurrence. A quality improvement effort targeting staff's fear of reporting was launched to improve the culture of safety.

This article analyzes historical sources devoted to the “Beria case”, in which it is suggested that the true version of the arrest and execution of L. P. Beria is far from the official one. They also give opinions that the so-called “Beria’s letters from imprisonment” are fakes created to conceal the truth about extrajudicial reprisal against this prominent figure of the CPSU and the Soviet government. The study of the materials of the investigative case and historical and literary sources made it possible to formulate a hypothesis that these documents were written after the death of L. P. Beria alone by his regular speechwriter V. N. Merkulov or a group of authors, which included Merkulov, also a victim of repression. To carry out an authorship examination of Beria’s letters to the CPSU Central Committee, a text attribution method was applied based on the measure Burrows’s Delta with Eder’s Delta and Cosine-Delta modifications, and Ward’s clustering algorithms allowed visualization of solutions in the form of dendrograms. As a result, it is shown that the intellectual authorship of the documents under investigation, which date back to the period between June 28 and July 2, 1953, belongs to speechwriters who previously took part in writing the texts of Beria’s public speeches, including V. N. Merkulov, who is very likely the main author of these texts. Merkulov, both by his own admission and by the confession of L. P. Beria himself, beginning in the 1930s, was the author of the texts of his public speeches and official documents, since Beria himself had a poor command of the written form of the Russian language.

This chapter explores the camp landscapes as depicted in the material culture produced during the years of captivity. The Channel Islanders were deported from their homes in two waves as a reprisal for British action in Persia in the autumn of 1941, during which German subjects working in Iran were rounded up, deported, and interned in Australia. Landscapes are multi-vocal, seen in different ways by different people in the same moment. The Red Cross located the Islanders in December 1942, reversing increasing problems with malnutrition. The campscapes and homescapes created in internment camps were fashioned from recycling the raw materials of Red Cross parcels.

The purpose of this study was to understand student nurses' perceptions and experiences of witnessing and responding to risks to patient safety during their integrated learning experiences. This qualitative study's two-phased approach included individual semi-structured interviews, followed by focus group discussions with students. Participants included 53 pre-registration nursing students recruited from the first, second, and third years of study at two Australian universities. All had attended at least one clinical placement experience. Interpretive Description was used as a framework to guide the study. The findings highlight that students engage in specific and deliberate strategies when attempting to speak up. Students weigh up the risk to the patient and themselves. They use questioning techniques and their knowledge, experiences, and resources when speaking up. Students highlighted the need for caution and persistence while aiming to reduce the risk of reprisal. Exposing the challenges and successes students experience will provide educators, managers, and clinicians with the understanding necessary to better support both students and clinicians to achieve safe outcomes for patients as well a students.

This chapter delves into recent events whereby the Luxembourgian performance artist, Deborah de Robertis, faced criminal charges for nudity and disobedience in her performance art. Drawing from a continental and Marxist tradition of feminist political philosophy into the status of the body and its relationship to state and institutional power, the chapter turns to the work of Silvia Federici (via Foucault) and Adriana Cavarero on the historical punishability of “rebel” or exiled figures within key foundational texts of European political philosophy and literature. The chapter considers how the repeated attempts at criminalisation of Deborah de Robertis might be read through the lens of ‘second-wave’ feminist perspectives on biopower and biopolitics, while also showing how a reading of de Robertis’s artistic nudity as biopower via Federici can dovetail with and be re-invigorated by the work of queer transfeminist philosophers Paul B. Preciado and Sam Bourcier—for whom Federici is a key figure.

General population growth and an increase in the number of farmers, environmental degradation, disruption of conditions for resolving land and water disputes, and the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the Sahel and West Africa have exacerbated the struggle for the survival and security of economic livelihoods, and in particular negatively affected relationships between shepherds and farmers in several communities in Africa. This kind of conflict between farmers and herdsmen mainly applies to Nigeria, but is also present in other African countries, especially in Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Senegal, Cameroon, and Cote d’Ivoire. Such conflicts are not triggered by a single reason, but are driven by a set of multi-causal factors, such as scarce resources in the face of greater need, reprisal attacks, land and climate change, etc. Obviously, in case of Nigeria these kinds of conflicts have a disintegrative impact, as they lead to inimical effects to the country’s unity. The need for fostering value reorientation and restoring earlier interactive ties between herdsmen and farmers seems vital today so that Nigerians can learn to appreciate the values that unite them more than those that separate the society.

Between May 1940 and August 1944, at least 900 prisoners were executed in German-occupied Belgium and northern France following a death sentence; 420 others were shot as hostages in reprisal for unsolved acts of violence against members of the Wehrmacht or their local collaborators. According to German military law, all convicts and hostages facing execution could ask for the assistance of a clergyman. In occupied Belgium and northern France, it was Monsignor Otto Gramann, head chaplain to the German military administration, who assisted most of these inmates during their last hours. Gramann kept detailed records of his encounters with the executed, documents which have never been studied before. They do not only give an insight into the study of execution of the death penalty in occupied Belgium and northern France from a grass-roots perspective. The case of Otto Gramann also provides the opportunity to research the complex relationship between the military chaplaincy and the Nazi regime in general.

The events that surrounded the short squeeze of various downtrodden stocks such as Gamestop (GME) allude to a counter-hegemonic financial effort, with small-scale investors pooling in to sabotage the short-positions of large Wall Street players such as hedge funds. This paper frames these events in terms of public reprisal for the 2008 Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and public contempt for insular financial private interest. The discussion suggests that such people-power initiatives, abetted by powerful elite sympathizers, have a powerful signalling effect on the public in terms of highlighting fundamental vulnerabilities in an extractive financial system.

If there has been a conspiracy of silence about involvement of the Soviet Union and other governments in international terrorism, that is perhaps understandable. The creation of an independent Palestinian Arab state on the West Bank under Palestine Liberation Organization domination would not simply constitute the addition of one more terrorist state to the already lengthy list: it would represent a quantum leap in capabilities of the international terrorist movement. It is possible to imagine Soviet cargo planes and helicopters moving in arms on the pretext of an Israeli reprisal for terrorist actions. It is also possible to conceive of a direct appeal to Moscow from the new Palestinian Arab leadership to put troops on the ground to make a West Bank state an inviolable sanctuary for terrorism. A climate conducive to terrorism is one in which the terrorists are depicted as representatives of legitimate political cause, while the societies they attack are depicted in pejorative abstractions, their leaders ridiculed and dehumanized.

A challenging issue in contemporary Canadian Medicare is the evolution of end-of-life care. Utilizing data from the 2016 and 2018 Health Care in Canada (HCIC) surveys, this paper compares the support and priorities of the adult public (n = 1500), health professionals (n = 400), and administrators (n = 100) regarding key components for end-of-life care just prior to and post legalization of medical assistance in dying (MAiD) in Canada. In 2016 and 2018, the public, health professionals and administrators strongly supported enhanced availability of all proposed end-of-life care options: pain management, hospice and palliative care, home care supports, and medically assisted death. In 2018, when asked which option should be top priority, the public rated enhanced medically assisted death first (32%), followed by enhanced hospice and palliative care (22%) and home care (21%). Enhanced hospice and palliative care was the top priority for health professionals (33%), while administrators rated enhanced medically assisted death first (26%). Despite legalization and increasing support for MAiD over time, health professionals have increasing fear of legal or regulatory reprisal for personal involvement in medically assisted death, ranging from 38% to 84% in 2018, versus 23% to 42% in 2016. While administrators fear doubled since 2016 (40%-84%), they felt the necessary system supports were in place to easily implement medically assisted death. Optimal management of end-of-life care is strongly supported by all stakeholders, although priorities for specific approaches vary. Over time, professionals increasingly supported MAiD but with a rising fear of legal/regulatory reprisal despite legalization. To enhance future end-of-life care patterns, continued measurement and reporting of implemented treatment options and their system supports, particularly around medically assisted death, are needed.

All healthcare staff must be empowered to question the decisions of colleagues at every level and to have their concerns heard without reprisal, write Philip Darbyshire and David Thompson