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This paper discusses the recent texts of Helen Hester, a contemporary feminist theorist, in relation to the writings of Laboria Cuboniks, a feminist collective she was a member of. On the one hand, I critically discuss some of the main concepts underlying xenofeminism, a contemporary strand of feminism revolving around the refunctionalization of technology and the introduction of neo-rationalist tenets in feminist thought, developed by the collective Laboria Cuboniks in their 2015 Xenofeminist Manifesto. On the other hand, I want to propose that some of the shortcomings of these initial xenofeminist concepts are solved in the separate writings of one of the collective's members, Helen Hester. I begin by situating xenofeminism in the context of left-accelerationism, a philosophy upon which they build their theoretical framework, comprising ontological anti-naturalism, neo-rationalism and a counterhegemonic approach to politics. Then, I introduce the two key terms I engage from xenofeminism, hyperstition and technology, and demonstrate how Hester nuances their usage in her own works. Finally, I use the term mesopolitics to define Hester's overall recent project and to help situate it in wider debates surrounding post-work politics and reproductive work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The change in preferred work models that occurred during the pandemic and post-pandemic period has meant that both creative and reproductive work now takes place in stationary, hybrid, and fully remote conditions. Employees, both those performing creative and reproductive work, in teams or individually, increasingly have to function efficiently in virtual reality, and thus in conditions of physical loneliness. Therefore, this article aims to identify how performing work remotely contributed to changing the preferences of creative and non-creative employees towards performing professional duties of a creative versus routine nature, individually or in teams. The research was carried out using the CAWI survey method among 1,000 respondents in Poland, examining their opinions on the preferences for performing work of various types in remote conditions. The study showed that each of the four types of work examined is a challenge for employees who work remotely, with the majority of respondents declaring that each type of work (creative individual, creative team, routine individual, and routine team) is more difficult for them than in the pre-pandemic reality. Moreover, it was found that the more creative the nature of the work performed, the more negatively employees assessed the preferences for performing creative and routine work, both in teams and individually. Managing creative and reproductive work is one of the most important challenges for modern managers. Currently, many scientific discussions concern what work can be automated or entrusted to artificial intelligence, and what should remain in human hands. This article may be of interest to managers as well as psychologists and creativity educators, whose task will be to prepare work teams to perform creative tasks (work of a creative nature) in remote conditions. The original value of the presented work is such a broad approach to research issues, considering both preferences for creativity and reproduction of work in conditions of individual remote work and remote teamwork. The article takes into account aspects that are important from the perspective of human resources management, management of creative teams, and employee creativity management with the increasing use of hybrid and fully remote work models in organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exhaustion faced by academics served as the starting point for this special issue - edited, written, and reviewed exclusively by cis and trans women. We understand exhaustion as a consequence of historical and daily battles for gender equality, aggravated by the burden of reproductive work. Thus, even when exhausted, we accepted this challenge out of the conviction of the political role necessary to open spaces in the face of a masculine logic of science production. This editorial was structured based on recognizing the importance of producing, identifying, and living with the challenges necessary to disrupt oppression. These challenges come in the form of (1) bringing together female editors, authors, and reviewers from different regions, academic backgrounds, and diverse representations; (2) time, which revealed itself as an instrument of domination and gender violence; (3) the operationalization of the contradiction in producing an edition exclusively for women, considering the male logic of practicing science. This edition should be read as a pedagogical instrument to visualize the challenges experienced, and it is a call for collective responsibility in the fight to create space in everyday life, specifically in the academic field. Finally, if we are to combat injustices, we must provoke daily discomfort, and this edition set out to do just that. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: we aim to discuss the (im)productivity of reproductive work, potentialities and limits of capital expansion on this work to change the oppression that manifests itself in the conditions of exhaustion of women in contemporary times. Theoretical approach: starting from a Marxian perspective, we believe that debates about the productivity of reproductive work should overcome analyzes based on the immediacy of this work and apprehend the determinants that involve the absorption of work by capital as productive, reproductive or unproductive work. Methods: we collected secondary statistical data provided by IBGE, Sebrae and the British Cleaning Council, the analysis was based on historical materialism. Results: we demonstrate that capital has productively appropriated reproductive work, however, such appropriation has not meant changing the conditions of sexual division of labor and women's exhaustion. Conclusion: we conclude that instead of the transmutation of reproductive to productive work being an advance towards the emancipation of women, it has been a source of greater exploitation of their workforce and of exhaustion, since such appropriation does not overcome the exploitation that engenders the universality of oppression under capitalism, according to the needs of valuing value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we will show how the recomposition of the coffee market and the positioning of specialty coffees in Colombia have led to an increase in the participation of women in the production of the grain; and how said participation supposes particular and sophisticated processes of extracting the productive and reproductive work of women. The case study corresponds to the processes of linking women to the production of special coffees in the municipality of La Unión (department of Nariño). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to reflect on the interrelationship between women, reproductive work and affects in collective organization processes. From a selection of researches that address various experiences of collective organization of the working class in recent Argentina, we seek to problematize the affective dimension linked to care work–presented as an attribute of women–to think about the role that affects can play in the processes of organization and change, particularly those that express the capital-life conflict. This development led us to reflect on how these affects can reinforce gender inequalities and, in turn, drive demands and struggles for better living conditions. As a theoretical perspective for the analysis, contributions from various feminist currents that have studied the relationship between capitalism and gender relations, and contributions from the field of study of the affective turn to think about the link between emotions and reproductive work are taken up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTMonterrey Metropolitan Zone (Mexico) is characterised by industrial activity and its proximity to the border with the US. In 2010, its 13 municipalities provided infrastructure and services that allow people to live, work or rest, but also a specific function (housing, work, or leisure) due to the prevalence of one of these, impacting the daily life of the population by gender. This article explores the relationship between travel distance to work and reproductive work for working women. Using data by the Extended Questionnaire of the Census Sample of the 2010 Population and Housing Census, home-work commuting routes were mapped at the municipal level, combined with four variables of reproductive work. Our study demonstrates that as the reproductive work increases for working women, they experience spatial segregation since they cannot travel as far as the ones with lower reproductive work because they are expected to take care of the reproductive work.

The article critically examines intersectional feminism, which today is one of the most widespread and popular methodologies in the field of gender, race, and class studies. A reconstruction of the main axes of the discussion held since the 1970s about causes of women’s oppression exposes the intersectional perspective’s weaknesses, which provides us with no reliable tools for analyzing the relationship between different systems of oppression. The article focuses on feminist social reproduction theory, whose analysis – focused on examining relations through the lens of reproductive work – is an approach that allows us to transcend the limitations of identity discourses in which contemporary feminist theories, including intersectional feminism, have become embroiled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Covid-19 pandemic had a particularly severe impact on people in a vulnerable position, such as solo mothers living alone with their children. In this article I use an intersectional approach in order to understand how their different positions in life affected their ability to cope with the crisis situation. I present a longitudinal qualitative study of the situation of solo mothers in the Czech Republic during the Covid-19 crisis, based on repeated interviews with women from three Czech regions. The preliminary findings indicate that a crucial factor in the women's ability to cope with increased care responsibilities was the kind of job they had before the pandemic hit. Women with higher qualifications and stable jobs faced a decline in income coupled with stress resulting from a conflation of paid work and care. In response, they reduced their professional ambitions. Women who were unemployed or lost their job during the pandemic faced long-term unemployment, and the jobs that they were offered on the labour market were forms of precarious employment. For all of them, irrespective of their work situation, the pandemic deepened their sense of vulnerability, and all of them experienced some form of economic hardship. The lack of any systemic support and the ignoring of the needs of (solo) parents (and children) were accompanied by the individual responsibilisation of the mothers. As a consequence, old inequalities deepened and new ones emerged.

The article aims to analyze the gender relations present in the care policies aimed at workers at the Rheingantz Factory. Located in the south of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, with its foundation in 1873, the Rheingantz factory was the first textile company in the state. It is investigated that working women, in addition to being the main labor force in industry, were also responsible for the reproduction of the working class. Through the documentation of the administrative sector of the factory and the methodology of Oral History, the care policies that encouraged women to start a family were explored. The research problem is related to how the incentive to establish a family nucleus (with implications for care and reproductive work) was present in the daily life of the factory from social assistance policies aimed at working women, structuring gender inequalities in the Rheingantz Factory. For this, the time frame comprises different moments of the national and local conjuncture, from 1920 to 1968, the year in which the company ended its activities.

This study explores Middle Eastern men's narratives on how they adapt their fathering to new circumstances during resettlement in Sweden. It is based on individual interviews and diary notes collected over three years. Swedish policies encourage mothers as well as fathers to participate in paid labour and to be involved in household and child-care duties. Migrants who have been granted residency as refugees are entitled to extensive social welfare benefits, but they are also required to participate in language studies, accept trainee positions, and actively search for employment. The results of the present study suggest that the refugee fathers come to share daily chores and childcare with their spouse more equally than prior in their home countries. This new fatherhood is referred to in several ways: as a necessity to make family life work; as positive for the father–child relationship; and, as very time- and energy- consuming. Emerging masculinities and caring masculinities evolve in the analyses, and the results show comprehensive fathering, that is, fatherhood characterized by care, intimacy and love that are the result of hard, straining (reproductive) work that takes place with limited financial and/or cultural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The debate about care has intensified in the COVID-19 crisis. A consensus appears to be emerging that care work—mostly provided by women—is not only essential to our societies, but also undervalued, reputationally as well as—for the paid work—regarding its remuneration. As care is essential for the cohesion of societies, there is an urgent need to improve the situation. However, care comes in too many forms for general recommendations for improving the situation to be effective. Its majority in terms of working hours is unpaid, but the paid part of it in health, caring or education, is indispensable for any society built upon a division of labor. Finally, not every activity is work, and not every work is care—thus leisure activities are not necessarily care work. Care can be motivated by a plethora of reasons, and take a diversity of forms. To allow for effective suggestions for improvement to be formulated, we deem it necessary to more systematically distinguish different classes of care (each class of course being an ideal type including a wide range of activities). We suggest doing so by first using the “potential third party” criterion to distinguish work and non-work activities, secondly classify work according to the beneficiaries (which is closely linked to but not the same as organizational characteristics), and thirdly characterize the specific role of care work in these categories. The beneficiaries also reflect the motivation held by agents why care work is undertaken, although rarely any motivation comes in isolation. Starting from the proximate causes, the first class of care is caring for oneself, be it in terms of health care, hygiene, or the self-production of consumer goods, both short and long lived. The second class we suggest is caring for the family (native and chosen family including friends). It again includes caring for their health, but also their household (either the common one, or the one the caretaker is managing for the care receiver). It often includes nursing the elderly, disabled or young children, but can also be a kind of neighborhood support, from joint gardening to mutual help in building or renovating a flat or house. Extending the reach of care even wider, we come to care for the public good, with the community from village or city district to higher levels being the beneficiaries. This includes the volunteers working with environment, development, feminist, trade unions, food banks or belief organizations. Finally, there is a whole range of professional care activities, with the possibility to take over any of the previously mentioned activities if there is a financial benefit to be expected, or one is offered by (government) subsidies. We observe a permanent process of substituting professional, exchange value oriented care work for voluntary, use value based care, and vice versa. This dynamic, in combination with the ongoing changes of technology, social security systems and work organization in the remunerated work sets the framework conditions which will determine the future of care, commercial and societal. However, such trends are no destiny; they can be shaped by political interventions. Whether or not a professional or voluntary approach is preferable, depends on the assessment criteria applied which in turn represent political, ethical and cultural preferences.

This research reviews the commons paradigm as a framework for understanding the positive contribution of older cohorts to society. The commons, thought as instituting praxis that provide social goods based on autonomy and reciprocity, can help in understanding the role of this age group in providing care to the rest of society. This approach overturns the way economic literature approaches the aging phenomenon. What is understood as a “common evil”—or a problem that needs to be solved—can be analyzed as a “common good.” From this perspective, older people (population aged 65 and over) are essential to European society and the economy to carry out informal care activities that enable and facilitate the “productive” activities of working people.

Monterrey Metropolitan Zone (Mexico) is characterised by industrial activity and its proximity to the border with the US. In 2010, its 13 municipalities provided infrastructure and services that allow people to live, work or rest, but also a specific function (housing, work, or leisure) due to the prevalence of one of these, impacting the daily life of the population by gender. This article explores the relationship between travel distance to work and reproductive work for working women. Using data by the Extended Questionnaire of the Census Sample of the 2010 Population and Housing Census, home-work commuting routes were mapped at the municipal level, combined with four variables of reproductive work. Our study demonstrates that as the reproductive work increases for working women, they experience spatial segregation since they cannot travel as far as the ones with lower reproductive work because they are expected to take care of the reproductive work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research Framework: In line with materialist feminist analyses, this paper revisits the boundaries between so-called productive versus reproductive work to deconstruct their foundations and show that, behind the social organization of procreation, there is work for which women are primarily responsible. Objectives: The purpose of this introduction is to examine the production of children and the decision not to have them through the lens of procreative work, thus integrating the different tasks involved in procreation, non-procreation and child rearing. This will also demonstrate the importance of thinking about the right to the work of procreation within the social norms that frame the multiple sequences of the (non)production of new human beings. Methodology: This introductory paper is based on a review of literature that clarifies the key concepts of “procreative work” and “procreative rights” that are used to analyze the tasks associated with procreation - understood in a broad sense – in order to contextualize the various papers in this issue. Results: While demonstrating the heuristic power of the conceptual choices made, the paper highlights areas of resistance to the analysis of procreative work and opens up multiple avenues of investigation to broaden this topic for a comprehensive, international and interdisciplinary understanding of the field of procreation. Conclusion: The interpretation proposed as a framework for thinking about the production of children and the decision to not have them, and what this implies for women, allows an array of everyday tasks that are particularly time-consuming and yet unnoticed to be brought to light. It highlights the need to integrate the different approaches, including legal norms, that constitute the social framework for procreative work. Contribution: This paper synthesizes knowledge regarding the concepts used to analyze tasks related to the (non)production of children.

In the transnational fertility industry, individuals have differently positioned bodies, ranked by race, class, education, socioeconomic status, gender, and citizenship. Different forms of labor support the transnational fertility market, bringing geopolitical, and social inequities to the fore. While some people need wombs, eggs, or sperm to create their families—and have the means to pay for third‐party reproductive services—others emerge as suppliers of reproductive labor, and still others as coordinators or service agents in the international fertility industry. Building upon contemporary feminist social science and postcolonial research on reproductive travel and labor, this article explores three intersecting components: the forces that influence reproductive travel and cross‐border egg donation; how emotion and meaning are framed in clinical settings to recruit a young, healthy, able‐bodied workforce; and the embodied experiences of women who travel across borders to provide eggs for pay. Drawing upon donor and professional interviews, and multisited online and ethnographic fieldwork in fertility clinics, we explore the linkages between emotional choreography and the creation of a bioavailable workforce for the global fertility trade. Here, we examine how local and cross‐border egg provision illuminate global reproductive hierarchies—what we call "reproductive colonialism"—in transnational reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 pandemic had a particularly severe impact on people in a vulnerable position, such as solo mothers living alone with their children. In this article I use an intersectional approach in order to understand how their different positions in life affected their ability to cope with the crisis situation. I present a longitudinal qualitative study of the situation of solo mothers in the Czech Republic during the Covid-19 crisis, based on repeated interviews with women from three Czech regions. The preliminary findings indicate that a crucial factor in the women's ability to cope with increased care responsibilities was the kind of job they had before the pandemic hit. Women with higher qualifications and stable jobs faced a decline in income coupled with stress resulting from a conflation of paid work and care. In response, they reduced their professional ambitions. Women who were unemployed or lost their job during the pandemic faced long-term unemployment, and the jobs that they were offered on the labour market were forms of precarious employment. For all of them, irrespective of their work situation, the pandemic deepened their sense of vulnerability, and all of them experienced some form of economic hardship. The lack of any systemic support and the ignoring of the needs of (solo) parents (and children) were accompanied by the individual responsibilisation of the mothers. As a consequence, old inequalities deepened and new ones emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Feministas is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The text approaches the contributions of feminism, whose epicenter is the examination of reproductive and care work, to the paradigm of the commons. Starting from the initial contributions, from the north, of female Marxist authors who participated in the campaign for the Salary for Domestic Work and from the internationalist Ecofeminism of the Bielefeld thinkers, the elaborations move and interweave in the present with perspectives that arise from the south, specifically from Latin America. The text offers a journey in which the continuities and innovations with respect to prior analysis are underlined. Among the innovations, the examination of reproductive struggles are highlighted, with a focus on the reordering developed from the perspective of the popular economy. Additionally, other approaches are noted which underline the connection between the work on the sustenance of life and the defense of the territory, the repolitization of misogynist violence, the critique of the idealization of the communal, and the reformulation of the principal of communality starting from reproduction and care. The importance of the reproductive commons, elaborated from feminisms, represents a fundamental contribution at the moment of establishing a through line for the contemporary analysis and struggles.

Gestational surrogacy is spreading across the world and it is increasingly accepted as an available way to make babies: the procreative process, the procurement of gametes, the recruitment of women and the relationships between the various subjects are administered by international agencies. At the same time there are signs of resistance such as transnational mobilizations calling for the universal ban of a practice that is viewed as a form of commodification of women and children. The author introduces the articles included in this monograph issue, which is an original contribution to a sociological understanding of an unprecedented social practice with peculiar characteristics: the presence of a new social actor, the surrogate woman, and the intentional separation of the newborn from the woman he or she identifies as their mother (although they are not genetically related). Because of these characteristics, surrogacy's impact on the social role and subjective experience of motherhood, its imaginary and narrative, as well as on the status of the child, is not comparable to other forms of assisted procreation and family formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Szopa discusses the reproduction of everyday life in two volumes of poetry published in the first half of the 1970s, namely Anna Świrszczyńska’s Jestem baba [I am a Woman] and Krystyna Miłobędzka’s Dom, pokarmy [House, Nourishment]. Exploring the two women poets’ work from the perspective of feminist theories of social reproduction, Szopa suggests that there is a close relationship between the grassroots movement of women’s emancipation in the Polish People’s Republic and women’s literary and poetic productivity. This perspective is perceptible in the two volumes discussed here, where the question of women’s reproductive labour becomes the main theme and emancipatory strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, women have been actively involved in the production of the habitat in which they live. However, this has not always been visible and recognized. In 1979, self-managed communal kitchens emerged in Lima as an organized response of women to the problem of subsistence in a context of economic crisis. However, what initially emerged as a conjunctural response became a platform that modified the agency of women in the social production of the habitat, giving visibility to the demands associated with reproduction in the public domain. This article has a double objective. On the one hand, it discusses the way in which the leaders experience the modification of their role in the social production of the habitat. On the other, it discusses the implications about their rights to the city. To achieve this, we focus on the case of the generation of founding leaders of self-managed communal kitchens in the district of El Agustino, Lima.

This last section of the issue brings together the remarks collected during talks carried out with four researchers specializing in sociology, feminist studies and history who have studied maternity in the broad sense in French-speaking societies during a part of their university career. Questioned on what brought them to work on procreation is- sues, what influenced them then, their familiarity with the concept of reproductive work, the reasons for its marginalization in the social sciences and the relevance of re- mobilizing it today, Anne-Marie Devreux, Francine Descarries, Françoise Thébaud and Louise Vandelac deliver invaluable advice and caveats/warnings for thinking ma- ternity and the tasks it involves today.

Based on a sociological survey about professionally active women undergoing an in vitro fertilization (IVF) cycle, this paper investigates how Assisted Reproductive Technology (ART), by subjecting women’s bodies to a biomedical control that takes precedence over everything else, triggers the idea of a reproductive work. The physical and mental load specific to an IVF treatment indeed disrupts the social representation of procreative tasks. Conceiving a child is no longer an obvious matter but it entails, not only physically but also symbolically and emotionally, time-consuming and costly treatments which call into question the gendered division between the productive and reproductive spheres.

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Limited attention has been given to the effects of labour migration on the reproductive lives of women 'left behind' as their partners travel for work. Drawing on two rounds of qualitative interviews with 20 women in the central hill region of Nepal, this paper examines how global economic processes that lead Nepali men to travel for work also affect women's reproductive work, including childrearing and reproductive decision-making. Women understood their husband's migration to engage in the wage economy as a response to both immediate and long-term goals for their children and family. As a result, such productive work was intrinsically linked to reproductive work. Men's migration patterns played a pivotal role in reinforcing women's immediate childrearing roles and affecting whether and when women used a contraceptive method and what methods they considered. During periods of spousal migration, women's reproductive lives became targets of gossip and rumours as their intimate and reproductive practices and use of remittances were socially monitored. This complex understanding of women's lived experiences at the nexus of (re)productive work and labour migration can be practically applied to address the reproductive health needs of women with migrant spouses in Nepal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This paper analyzes the meaning of working in Women with Productive Work (WPW) and Women with Reproductive Work (WRW) in Cali city, Colombia. To achieve this purpose, four dimensions proposed by the MOW (1987) were studied: centrality, social norm and work values, kind of work and work trajectories. Method: A qualitative research was carried out based on phenomenological design. Semi-structured interview guides. Six WPW and six WRW were chosen randomly with an age among 30 and 40 years. Results: It was found that the WPW present more centrality than the WRW; also, the WPW's rights are based on legal aspects, while WRW's rights are based on symbolic values associated to the recognition of their relatives. The duties of the WPW are focused on the specific function of their job's nature, meanwhile for the WRW their duties cover all daily tasks demanded from their household. Women with productive occupations have their work values highlighted by bigger incomes, more independency, flexible schedules and the prospect of occupying a directive position; as long as for the women with a reproductive occupation they are encouraged for getting a better income to supply their own necessities or the family's, as well as to rely on their respective partner's or family's support. Conclusion: Both groups have been permeated by a default genre perspective that empowers a sexual division of the work activities, such that it is taken for granted that women are responsible for all the household activities and reproductive work even when they are performing the same productive activities as their partners, whose participation in such household activities is usually regarded as a help or even a favor, not as a shared responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]