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How and when can religious times become focal points for communal violence? In the context of Hindu-Muslim riots in India, I argue that incompatible ritual holidays where one religion's rituals are at odds with another (e.g., sacrificing cows or engaging in processions with idolatry) help explain the positive effect of sacred time on religious rioting. Holidays with incompatible rituals provide doctrinal differences that make riots more likely. These types of holidays can be used by riot entrepreneurs to incite violence or can independently raise an individual's willingness to engage in violence. I provide support for this argument by analyzing data on Hindu-Muslim riots across 100 years. I investigate the mechanisms through additional analysis and examining historical and present-day cases of riots that occurred on holidays. By focusing on the content of religion, this paper demonstrates how particular religious holidays can provide the underlying conditions that elites use to incite religious violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing number of population-level stressors globally has raised concerns over their mental health consequences on young people. Few studies, however, have examined such factors in population-based youth samples, particularly with consideration of how different stressor types could affect mental health via their impacts on specific world assumptions. As part of a household-based epidemiological study, 766 young people (aged 15–25 years) participated in this study from June 2021 to 2022. We examined how negative world assumptions, assessed using the World Assumption Scale (WAS), and the subdomains of benevolence, meaningfulness, and self-worth, would mediate the impact of stressors on symptom expression. Stressors included population-level stressful events, such as those related to social unrest (TEs) and the COVID-19 pandemic (PEs), as well as personal stressful life events (SLEs) and adverse childhood experiences (ACEs). Meanwhile, symptoms included depressive, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. Results showed that negative meaningfulness assumptions significantly mediated the effect of social unrest–related TEs on PTSD symptoms, while benevolence and self-worth mediated the effect of ACEs on depressive and anxiety symptoms. COVID-19 PEs and SLEs showed no significant association with world assumptions. Higher overall negative world assumptions were also significantly associated with poorer functioning and health-related quality of life. The findings suggest that world assumptions play specific mediating roles between different types of external stressors and symptom outcomes, with population-level human-induced stressors and childhood adversity playing more determining roles. These observations provide opportunities for designing interventions targeting negative world assumptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Selahattin Demirtaş, head of the left‐wing pro‐Kurdish People's Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey, was arrested in 2016; his detention stemmed from fabricated charges, allegedly originating from his speeches, political statements, and purported involvement in the Kurdish riots of October 2014, known as the Kobani Protests, across northern Kurdistan. The following excerpts are derived from Demirtaş's extensive testimony before the Turkish court, spanning nine days between December 2023 and January 2024. He and his legal representatives facilitated the compilation of these statements and the subsequent exchange of edited copies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The constellation of public gatherings known as the 1992 Los Angeles Riots / Uprising included a massive multigenerational, multiracial rally in the city's Koreatown. Over 30,000 people marched through Koreatown in what some have called the largest Asian American protest in US history. This article reads the rally through a performative lens as an instance of Asian American political thought in practice. It argues that the rally unified its diverse participants as a singular, if tenuously held, force—Korean America—and enacted anew a visibility and civic membership that did not precede the gathering. In so doing, it founded a counterpublic for participants to see themselves in their collective power. That this rally is virtually ignored in hegemonic historical narratives about the 1992 events, however, indicates that such enactments are made in a social world where audiences may or may not engage our performative acts. The language of performative invitation provides a better frame for theorizing the rally's enactive force, given the plurality of the shared world, public contestation, and the possibilities of audience refusal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evidence regarding the intergenerational effects of the Holocaust points to a heightened sensitivity to traumatic and stressful events, as well as to threats. These effects were found across at least three generations: the survivors themselves, their children, and their grandchildren. More specifically, this sensitivity is manifested in increased psychological reactions to adverse circumstances, especially when such situations trigger associations with the Holocaust. During 2023 Israel has experienced unprecedented civil unrest and protests following the government's plan to promote a judicial overhaul. Many expressed fears for Israeli democracy and the integrity of the social fabric in Israel. The current study examined how Holocaust descendants (i.e., children and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors) experienced this prolonged social unrest. A web‐based random sample of 706 Israeli Jews born after World War II completed questionnaires several months before the unrest began (Wave 1, 2022) and seven months into the unrest (Wave 2, 2023). Supporting most of our hypotheses, Holocaust descendants reported higher civil unrest salience (i.e., more preoccupation with the political and social upheaval) relative to comparison descendants (i.e., children and grandchildren of those not directly exposed to the Holocaust). Relative to comparison descendants, Holocaust descendants were also at a greater risk of reporting exacerbation in anxiety since the judicial overhaul was introduced, but not in depression or somatisation symptoms. Results remained significant after controlling Wave 1 distress level, background characteristics, level of engagement in civil unrest, and participants' viewpoint on the judicial overhaul. The findings further corroborate unique reactions to stress among Holocaust descendants, this time by highlighting increased preoccupation and increased exacerbation in anxiety during a period of prolonged political and social turmoil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the frames of the Wadi Salib events in the postcolonial perspective. The aim of this article is to show how to take historic events and analyze them according to a new perspective in media research. The events of Wadi Salib were a series of street demonstrations and riots that took place in 1959 in the Wadi Salib neighborhood of Haifa at Israel. The events were a social revolt against ethnic and socio‐economic discrimination. This article uses the grounded theory method and the framing method in order to examine the coverage techniques used by three major newspapers—Yedioth Aharonoth, Haaretz, and Maariv.The findings show three main frames. The first was the assignment of blame. The second was the frame of ethnicity. The third framing pointed to binary oppositions. The conclusion is that these frames pointed that the demonstrators are dangerous felons with criminal records who will use any means to subvert the foundations of society, while the police and the government are the defenders of the public against those insurgents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a national opinion survey conducted in 2009 in Kyrgyzstan, we focused on responses from ethnic Kyrgyz respondents in the south where major riots between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks occurred in 1990 and 2010. We performed latent class analyses on these responses to assign Kyrgyz into Muslim religiosity categories and construct a social distance scale to measure Kyrgyz’ levels of acceptance of Uzbeks living in Kyrgyzstan. We discovered that, in spite of ongoing unresolved interethnic grievances in the south, Kyrgyz who were members of the highly active Muslim religiosity category exhibited a significantly higher probability for accepting the closest relations (kin through marriage) with Uzbeks than Kyrgyz who were members of the non-religious category. Because other researchers indicated that religion did not play any role in causing the riots in 2010, we believe that Muslim religiosity could potentially play a role in developing beneficial relations between these ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This historical analysis contends that the shaping of Detroit and its enduring racial character have been informed and influenced by two pivotal currents: its history of violent racial struggle (White rage) and police brutality and their imposition of subordinating place for Afro-Americans within Detroit's metropolitan color line. The current survey looks at three significant intervals: The Ossian Sweet Case and Race Riot of 1925, the 1943 Race Riot, and the 1967 "Rebellion." These decades provide a vivid story-catching that follows the racial foundations "set in stone" by the Blackburn Riot of 1833, by which we can begin to understand the patterns of White status threat and the counter-response of Black resistance with its attendant quest for universal freedom and egalitarian aspirations (Barton, (2010). Setting the record straight: American history in Black & White. WallBuilder Press; Walton et al., (2017). American politics and the African-American quest for universal freedom. Routledge.). In contrast to the narrative of "the arsenal of democracy," racial antagonism by many Whites lurked at the heart of social upheavals within Detroit's battleground of race and class from the 1920s to the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do riotous-violent protests increase the likelihood of protest success? The protest literature has largely found that riotous-violent protests (RVPs) are not effective. However, a burgeoning literature contradicts these findings. We extend this literature by exploring how waves of RVPs increase the likelihood of protest success. Protesters learn from past protest-government response dyads, which reduces the costs of continued protest in the face of repression. The temporal accumulation of riotous-violent protests exhausts the resources and collective will of the regime to continually hold out on protester demands. Thus, as the number of RVPs increases in a country-year, we expect there to be a coinciding increase in instances of government accommodation. Furthermore, we argue that democracy conditions the relationship between waves of RVPs and protest success. We conduct a cross-national observational data analysis of 119 countries from 1990 to 2019 using data from the Mass Mobilization Project. Our results support both of our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A popular form of neoliberal feminism seeks to advance gender equality in leadership and beyond by encouraging women to be resilient as individuals. By locating career advancement as within an individual's control, recent research has shown that this focus subtly shifts the blame for gender inequality onto women and reduces support for needed structural changes to tackle gender discrimination. We extend research into neoliberal feminism by examining anticipated negative effects on women's protest motivation. Across four studies in the United Kingdom (total N = 1,168), undergraduate women students and employed women with university degrees in both the control and resilience conditions first read about gender inequality. Participants in the neoliberal feminist conditions then read messages promoting individual resilience as key to women's advancement (Study 1–3) or participated in activities designed to build their own resilience as individuals to help them advance (Study 4). In Studies 1, 3, and 4, participants in the neoliberal feminist conditions compared to the control had lower collective action intentions – a negative effect that was either indirect, via reduced perceptions of gender discrimination (Studies 1 and 4) and reduced anger over inequality (Study 1), or direct (Study 3). Together, these studies provided partial support for our hypothesis that neoliberal feminism can undermine women's protest motivation. Future research can help establish how contextual and other factors contribute to the strength of these effects and explore how feminists can better harness messages of resilience. To advance gender equality, our findings suggest that advocates should focus less on individualistic solutions and more on addressing structural barriers, laying the groundwork for effective protest action and social change. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/03616843241238176. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a qualitative exploration of the thoughts of police chiefs and upper-level police administrators in New York State regarding the hiring of applicants who hold left-wing or right-wing ideological perspectives. A near equal number of respondents indicated little hesitancy to hire, while others stating they should not hire such an applicant. Some respondents offered non-committal viewpoints. Most respondents provided a more thoughtful response, indicating the complexity of this issue for police agencies. The overall conclusion is that employing officers who hold biased opinions can impact police legitimacy. Policy implications and considerations for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil disorder has always plagued humanity, with violence being triggered by real or perceived grievances, rumours and speculation, and internal or external agitators. The risk to people, communities, businesses and the rule of law is not isolated to a particular country or society. The propensity for violence and how it is incited is, however, an evolving threat with the advent of the 'modern riot'. The causes of violence centre on economic and social injustice, sports- and event-related riots, a reaction to police or security forces and political unrest. As the US nears the contentious 2024 elections, the failing trust in the three branches of government combined with external global tensions and conflict, threats from domestic extremist groups, a rising acceptance of violence as a means of settling political disagreements, hostile nation actors and international terror groups that exploit societal instability create fertile conditions for widespread violence. Exacerbating these factors are the risks from artificial intelligence (AI) deepfake, rapid mass communications, the citizen journalist, prominent influencers amplifying grievances and inflammatory media reporting. This convergence of exacerbators and accelerants for political discord offers the potential for serious security risks and significant business disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 1866 President Andrew Johnson boarded a train in Washington, DC, and headed to Chicago with a group of men he increasingly disliked. Johnson, a Tennessee Democrat, became president [...]

The 2007–08 global food crisis led to hunger riots around the world. Food prices have again risen spectacularly since the COVID-19 pandemic but have fortunately not led to major social unrest in the global South. In this research note, we argue that the difference lies, in part, in the nature of the two price shocks and, in part, in the policy response from governments and international organizations. This time round, the stability of rice prices appears to have dampened the impact of food inflation in major rice-importing countries. This pattern of global rice price is in sharp contrast to that seen in 2008 when the price tripled between January and May. The two food crises also differ substantially in the extent and responsiveness of public policy. Right from March 2020, governments began taking fiscal and administrative measures to help the populations suffering from the loss of livelihood. Nonetheless, food inflation remains a concern, and prolonged conflict in Ukraine and the ongoing inflation spiral could put in jeopardy the mitigating effects of anti-inflationary policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The maternal mortality and perinatal mortality rate in Cameroon are among the highest worldwide. To improve these outcomes, we conducted a formative qualitative assessment to inform the adaptation of a mobile provider-to-provider intervention in Cameroon. We explored the complex interplay of structural barriers on maternity care in this low-resourced nation. The study aimed to identify structural barriers to maternal care during the early adaptation of the mobile Medical Information Service via Telephone (mMIST) program in Cameroon. Methods: We conducted in-depth interviews and focus groups with 56 key stakeholders including previously and currently pregnant women, primary healthcare providers, administrators, and representatives of the Ministry of Health, recruited by purposive sampling. Thematic coding and analysis via modified grounded theory approach were conducted using NVivo12 software. Results: Three main structural barriers emerged: (1) civil unrest (conflict between Ambazonian militant groups and the Cameroonian government in the Northwest), (2) limitations of the healthcare system, (3) inadequate physical infrastructure. Civil unrest impacted personal security, transportation safety, and disrupted medical transport system. Limitations of healthcare system involved critical shortages of skilled personnel and medical equipment, low commitment to evidence-based care, poor reputation, ineffective health system communication, incentives affecting care, and inadequate data collection. Inadequate physical infrastructure included frequent power outages and geographic distribution of healthcare facilities leading to logistical challenges. Conclusion: Dynamic inter-relations among structural level factors create barriers to maternity care in Cameroon. Implementation of policies and intervention programs addressing structural barriers are necessary to facilitate timely access and utilization of high-quality maternity care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black protest events in the United States have been characterised by police use of violence against protestors during periods, such as the widespread riots of the 1960s, when many white people and police see black people as posing a special danger to the status quo. It appears that the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, which triggered widespread Black Lives Matter protests, is another such time. However, social scientific evidence that addresses the question of whether police responded with unnecessary violence to these black-led protests remains in short supply. In this study, we conducted a content analysis of protest participants’ federal court statements about their lived experience with police violence during Chicago, IL, protests. Their accounts suggest that police, rather than protestors, initiated violence and relied on it to control protestors in ways that violated Chicago Police Department policies and constitutional protections afforded citizens. Despite efforts to reform police management of protests over the last half century, our findings suggest that the historical pattern of police use of militaristic tactics and gratuitous violence to control black protest events persists today. We consider the implications of the findings for relations between the police and black communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968, President Lyndon Johnson called for a $10 million investment in a new "major model school experiment" in Washington, DC: the Anacostia Community School Project (ACSP). Examining the ACSP offers a rich intellectual history of federal education politics from which two simultaneous realities emerge. I argue that alongside the landmark legislation and case law, federal bureaucrats adopted the language of "innovation" to troubleshoot education reform in large Black urban communities in the 1960s; in doing so, they ultimately tied educational equity to riot prevention and crime politics. Black Washingtonians also understood that a properly nurtured education system could render significant social, political, and economic dividends for their communities. The community of Anacostia, located in the southeast quadrant of the District of Columbia, fashioned the project into a pathway toward social welfare, articulating a holistic vision of education attuned to the needs of the whole person and the whole community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1947, following the UN decision to divide Palestine, Bahrain's Jewish community became the target of communal violence. As crowds protested the partition plan, Manama's Jewish quarter was attacked and looted. In their aftermath, the Manama riots have been understood as a nationalist show of anger against Zionism, unfortunately unleashed against local Bahraini Jews. However, a close reading of events shows the riot as complex event involving local labour politics, anti-colonialism and Shi'a religious rituals. Drawing on British records, Jewish correspondence and personal memoirs, this paper locates the riot in its post-war Persian Gulf context and argues that it represented an encounter between regional politics of the Palestine Mandate and the post-war tensions of Manama as a late colonial oil city. While ostensibly driven by Arab opposition to Zionism, the riots also saw the culmination of socio-political tensions over labour and colonial rule, exacerbated by five years of war. As such, the Manama riots should be understood not only as an extension of emerging Arab-Jewish conflict in Palestine, but also within the local politics of the post-war Persian Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion of factors driving young people's involvement in serious violence continues to be well documented across policy, news media, and academic research. The government response to riots taking place across the UK in 2011 set a precedent for an increasingly punitive discourse surrounding young people's involvement in criminal lifestyles, as well as the Criminal Justice System's response to the overall issue. In order to develop a greater understanding of the complex breadth of driving factors behind serious youth violence and their discoursal representation, this article presents findings of a multifaceted investigation through the interpretivist paradigm, merging macro-level policy with micro-level community insights. The article commences with an argumentative discourse analysis of a selection of Government and Youth Violence Commission policy documents before drawing on three semi-structured interviews with community-level practitioners in England working within policing and youth work organisations. The findings reveal a complex interplay of socio-environmental factors, poverty, domestic trauma, cultural dimensions, and street-based exploitation positioned alongside constructs of social exclusion and masculinity. The study uncovers a broad issue of systemic marginalisation and reduction in community resources, exacerbating conditions of social exclusion that create a greater propensity for involvement in serious youth violence. The findings support calls for the framing of serious youth violence as an issue of 'public health', encouraging deeper investigation into underlying socio-economic, cultural, and political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the increasing threats to academic freedom and the safety of scholars, students, and academic staff worldwide. It highlights the expansion of Endangered Scholars Worldwide (ESW) as an online publication under the New University in Exile Consortium, which aims to create a supportive intellectual community for threatened scholars. The article specifically focuses on the decline of academic freedom in India due to repressive state policies, mob violence, and right-wing political actors. It mentions the revocation of visa privileges for critics of the ruling party, changes in school curricula, interference in university administration, and instances of mob violence targeting Muslim students. The ESW calls on the Indian government to protect academic freedom and human rights within its territories. [Extracted from the article]

This article studies the narratives of voices identifying the harrowing aftermath of the 1947 partition of India and Pakistan, and the representations of the contemporary effects of partition in Bapsi Sidhwa's novel Ice Candy Man. The narrative unfolds past experiences through the eyes of different characters and surroundings from different social, political and religious backgrounds. The novel vividly portrays the horror of violence during the partition, as communities that once coexisted peacefully become engulfed in a whirlwind of hatred and bloodshed. Sidhwa's polyphonic narrative experiences reflect the multifaceted nature of violence, from communal riots to personal tragedies creating a poignant portrayal of human suffering and resilience. The theme of partition, violence, and memory permeates throughout the novel, encapsulating the socio-political upheavals that marked the birth of two nations – India and Pakistan. This paper, therefore, attempts to analyse the novel in order to understand the ideas of the 'polyphonic narrative' of Mikhael Bakhtin's theory and many other postcolonial critic's ideas. For portraying the human experience amidst a backdrop of partition and historical turmoil in shaping narratives as presented in the text by applying the theoretical framework of Postcolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a summary of various events and developments in Western Australia (WA) during the year 2023. It highlights the impact of the Aboriginal Cultural Heritage legislation on the "Yes" vote in the Voice to Parliament referendum, with WA registering a resounding "No" vote. The text also discusses the new Premier Roger Cook's economic priorities, including plans for WA to become a global green energy superpower. Other topics covered include the troubled youth justice system, abortion law reform, planning reforms, a Cabinet reshuffle, the passing of former members of parliament, and former Premier Mark McGowan's new roles in the private sector. [Extracted from the article]

Lord George Gordon (1751-1793), was son of Cosmo George, third Duke of Gordon and Katherine Duchess of Gordon. His mother remarried Staats Long Morris, an American soldier and politician, who inculcated in Gordon an admiration of America, particularly during his naval service based in America and a long posting in Jamaica where he experienced the cruelty of slavery under British rule. Gordon left the navy under a cloud and entered parliament in 1774 under demeaning circumstances, voting for the Opposition where he launched a series of attacks on the government of Lord North. In 1780, he marched as president for a Protestant Association on Parliament in protest at the 1778 Catholic Relief Act for England, and the possibility of bringing in a similar bill for Scotland. The 'Gordon Riots' outside Westminster followed and Lord George was arrested for treason but in 1781 was exonerated. He was later charged with libel and again imprisoned. By this time he had converted to the Jewish faith and on 26 April 1792 wrote a powerful indictment of slavery to the Speaker of the House of Commons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An apparent contradiction arises when, despite the shared life in community of images, one of them stands out from the rest. In June 2011, in an insistent context of photographs arising from street disturbances, one photographer achieved space on the front pages of numerous media outlets. In that image, we saw what appeared to be two young people kissing, lying in the street, surrounded by a violent situation. We will analyse the reasons, in their context, for which this image stood out from the others, and to what point the inertia of the reiterated visual offering extends.

Julian Go's article in Diplomatic History explores the history of policing in Britain and the United States from 1829 to the present, focusing on the militarization of police forces. Go argues that the militarization of police was influenced by the imperial boomerang effect, where colonial practices were brought back to the imperial metropole. The article highlights the interconnectedness of colonial and Nazi crimes, drawing on the work of anti-colonial thinkers like Aimé Cesaire, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Hannah Arendt. The author provides a detailed analysis of the waves of police militarization in both countries, emphasizing the role of racialized threats in shaping policing strategies. [Extracted from the article]