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This paper delves into the interdependent relationship between China and Pakistan and its implications for regional interests. It centers on China’s expanding economic clout in South Asia, primarily through its collaboration with Pakistan. Using the theoretical framework of “hedging,” the paper examines Pakistan’s strategy for balancing its connections with both China and the United States. It also explores the role of small powers in alliance politics and how China’s growing economic and military sway in Pakistan may affect Pakistan-U.S. relations. Ultimately, the paper contends that the United States can mitigate the perceived risk of a Pakistan-China partnership by considering Pakistan’s unique geopolitical position and its intricate association with India.

The emergence of China in the international arena through strengthening the domestic economy and investing the surplus abroad has granted it the central position around the globe. China’s aspiring plan of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has further contributed to its rise on the world stage. BRI is aimed to link various regions of Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe into the interconnected land and maritime corridors. To transform the project into reality, the Middle East is pivotal for Chinese ambitions since it is located at the crossroads of all the three continents. For this reason, the turbulent region of the Middle East is expected to witness the rise of Chinese involvement. Eventually, as the Chinese involvement would remain primarily economic in nature, the security of these economic ventures is going to transform the political role of China in the longer run. The regional drive of diversification and consolidation of the economies, by the regional states, might also assist China to actively involve politically and initiate the reconciliatory efforts between the regional foes. However, China would be required to ensure that its involvement in the region does not irk Washington, or else the region might become the new arena for geopolitical competition between two global powers.

After the cold war, some countries gradually seek to regional cooperation when they could not handle various transnational challenges alone. Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a good example. It brought Central Asian countries together. This paper applies the text-mining method, using co-word analysis, co-occurrence matrix, cluster analysis, and strategic diagram to analyze the selected articles from newspapers quantitatively and visually. In order to investigate the Chinese government’s attitude toward the SCO, this study collected data from the China Core Newspaper Full-text Database, which contains high-impact government newspapers revealing the Chinese government’s perception of the SCO. This study characterizes the changing role of SCO as perceived by the Chinese government from 2001 to 2019. Beijing’s changing expectations in each of the three identified subperiods are described.

The objective of this research paper is to observe US interests in Pakistan and the region of South Asia in the post 9/11 scenario with regard to Pakistan-US alliance using Regional Security Complex (RSC) as a framework. The Pakistan-US relationship is a litany of historically divergent perceptions and interests. Despite periods of close cooperation between both countries during the Cold War and post-Cold War, their interests have waxed and waned due to US global aims and Pakistan’s discernment on superpower’s assistance or infringement on its national interests. In the US-led global war on terrorism, South Asia proved to be a battlefield, and various major powers such as China, India, Russia, and the United States intervened in Afghanistan through the process of penetration. This penetration process occurred when security alignments were made with states inside the regional security complex by major external powers to pursue their interests, as Pakistan allied with the United States. Therefore, to explain Pakistan’s behaviour and response towards US interests and threats within the South Asian security complex, Regional Security Complex theory has been used. In addition, this study discusses the survival strategies of Pakistan in response to the US interests and threats in terms of growing Indo-US nexus and China-US power politics in the region of South Asia. Lastly, this article suggests that Pakistan and the US need to identify their objectives more clearly while at the same time seeking a way to narrow the difference between their expectations and acts in the South Asian region for better relations in the future.

This paper focuses on the evolution of China’s relations with Central Asia. The region has been of strategic importance to China. Prior to the discovery of the maritime route, Central Asia used to connect China to the outside world. The region was part of the ancient “Silk Road” that linked China with the Middle East and Europe. Therefore, various Chinese dynasties had made it a point to ensure the security and stability of Central Asia. For centuries China has been engaging the Central Asian kingdoms. However, the Chinese influence started to decline in the 19th century and eventually Russian influence monopolized the region. This study explores the resurgence of Chinese influence in Central Asia. It also discusses the growing influence of China in Central Asia within the context of the new great game which involves the power play between the major powers such as Russia and the United States. The paper focuses on China’s contemporary interest in the region especially in view of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the revival of the “Land Silk Road”. In addition, this study also looks into the prospects and challenges the Chinese BRI encounters in contemporary Central Asia, and analyses the role of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in enhancing China’s interest in the region. In conclusion, the study will look into China’s interests and challenges in Central Asia.

The purpose of this study is to examine Malaysia’s diplomatic relations with Syria through three periods: pre-Mahathir era, the first phase of Mahathir era (1981-2003) and the ‘inter-Mahathir’ years (2003-2018) - referring to the period prior to the return of Mahathir as Prime Minister for the second time in 2018. Ultimately, this study attempts to identify the key factors determining the nature of Malaysia’s bilateral ties with Syria during the Mahathir era. The methodology adopted for this study is qualitative in nature, relying on primary and secondary sources, the former being personal interviews conducted with Tun Dr. Mahathir himself and also with scholars in the field. This paper argues that during the pre-Mahathir era (1958-1981), relations with Syria were very much based on political and diplomatic considerations. However, during the Mahathir era (1981-2003) the emphasis changed due to the significant economic development and Malaysia’s foreign policy took a much more global approach. With this change, economic factors as a foreign policy determinant became more prominent as compared to the pre-Mahathir period. The inter-Mahathir years (2003-2018) did not witness any significant development except for the humanitarian support extended by the Malaysian government during the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011.

Xinjiang, home to the Uyghurs, has been the focus of intense government crackdown. China claims that the province is exposed to security threat especially from what it considers the “Three Evils” which are Terrorism, Extremism and Separatism. This article analyses the radicalisation that have happened in Xinjiang especially among the Uyghurs and its impact on the security and stability of the province. This study uses a qualitative approach. The primary sources are obtained from the Chinese official documents pertaining to the security condition in Xinjiang. Secondary sources are from books, journals, credible articles from the Internet, and local and international newspapers. This study will examine causes of radicalisation and how it has contributed to the rise of political violence. In addition, this paper also discusses the responses by the Chinese authorities which have resulted in the decline of human rights. This study concludes that if the human rights situation in Xinjiang does not improve, this may lead to more serious ethnic tension between the Uyghurs and Hans.

The First World War (1914-1918) has been widely considered as a European conflict and a struggle for dominance among the European empires. However, it is important to note that non-European communities from various parts of the world such as the Chinese, Indians, Egyptians and Fijians also played significant roles in the war. This paper intends to provide an analysis of the involvement of China in the First World War. During the outbreak of the war in 1914, the newly established Republic of China (1912) encountered numerous problems and uncertainties. However, in 1917 the Republic of China entered the First World War, supporting the Allied Forces, with the aim of elevating its international position. This paper focuses on the treatment that China had received from the international community such as Britain, the United States, France and Japan after the war. Specifically, this paper argues that the betrayal towards China by the Western powers during the Paris Peace Conference and the May Fourth Movement served as an intellectual turning point for China. It had triggered the radicalization of Chinese intellectual thoughts. In addition, China’s socialization during the Paris Peace Conference had been crucial to the conception of the West’s negative identity in the eyes of the Chinese that has remained in the minds of its future leaders. It has also reinforced China’s uncompromising attitude over territorial disputes till today. This study also highlights the contribution made by the Chinese Labour Corps (CLC). As the involvement of CLC has hardly been recognized after the First World War, this work not only elaborates China’s involvement in the war but equally important, it also focuses on the role of the CLC which has been long forgotten.

China's interest and influence in Central Asia has increased since the end of the Cold War. This has been made evident by an increase in energy deals, active participation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCQ), bilateral ties and military exercises with the Central Asian republics. China is showing its intention of expanding its influence in Central Asia through the SCO. However, since the September 11 attacks, drastic changes have taken place in Central Asia. The US military presence in Central Asia poses a geo-political challenge to China.

Since 1978 when Deng Xiaoping took over the leadership of China after the demise of Mao Zedong in 1976, the country witnessed dramatic changes in the human rights situation. These included freedom in performing religious obligations such as pilgrimage, for the Muslim Uyghurs and freedom to practice their culture and language. Hence, there was an overall improvement in human rights situation in Xinjiang province. However, in the late 1990s the Chinese Communist Party reverted to harsh policies once again. They declared the policy of ‘Strike Hard’ which sanctioned the use of torture and arbitrary detention as well as extra-judicial killings of the Uyghurs. This article examines the factors that have influenced China’s policies on the human rights condition in Xinjiang from 1978 until 2007. It also analyses the role of Uyghur diasporas in their struggle to internationalise the human rights issues in Xinjiang and China’s reaction towards the international pressures.

The Uyghurs are a Muslim minority living in Xinjiang, north-west of China. The area came under Chinese control in the mid-18th century and since then these people have encountered cultural and religious persecutions under Chinese rule, especially prior to the 1980s. Nonetheless, the reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s have contributed to economic and social development in Xinjiang, at the very least. As a result, the Muslim Uyghurs were allowed to perform their religious obligations and practice their culture. Although there was been an overall improvement in human rights conditions in Xinjiang, however, these reforms have also resulted in an influx of Han Chinese into the province, thus resulting in the rise of tensions over cultural and religious differences between these two groups. This, in turn, has contributed to ethnic unrest in Xinjiang with Beijing reverting to its harsh policies of the past. In the light of these developments, the Uyghur diaspora community has made attempts to internationalise the plight of Xinjiang's Muslim Uyghurs. This article examines the reactions of transnational advocacy networks (TANs), like-minded states, and international organisations to human rights conditions in Xinjiang as well as the responses of the Chinese government to pressure from both external and internal actors. In doing so, this article has adopted the five-phase spiral model to analyse the changes in human rights conditions in Xinjiang.

Concomitant with China’s rise as a major economic powerhouse over the last few decades has been its greater presence around the globe. More so is in the area of the maritime domain where China is currently competing with both global and regional powers for greater access such that is has successfully created what is known as the Chinese 'string of pearls’. While Beijing has constantly argued that its activities are peaceful and aimed at securing its Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC) and ensuring its trade, commerce and energy security, however, not all the global and regional players are convinced. Over the last two decades, China has been pushing for greater access and presence into the Indian Ocean region such that it has created much uneasiness and anxiety in New Delhi and Washington. The aim of this article is therefore to analyse Chinese activities and strategic ambitions in the Indian Ocean region. While the Chinese policy of creating its string of pearls is not solely confined to the Indian Ocean region alone, this article will, however, focus on the said ocean for at least three reasons. Firstly, the Indian Ocean is important for it serves as the bridge between Asia and the world, and secondly, it has witnessed heightened Chinese activity over the last decade such that it is indeed one of China’s major focal point on the global stage. Last, but not least, it has also become, to some extent, a pawn in the rivalries between major global and regional players, namely the United States, China and India. Apart from that, this article will also consider Chinese activities in the states of the Indian Ocean region, namely Myanmar, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Seychelles and Mauritius. This is followed by a discussion on the Chinese official position and rationale in creating its string of pearls in the Indian Ocean region. Further afield, the article will analyse the reaction from India as well as its growing uneasiness and anxiety towards Chinese activities in what it has long considered its own backyard. Last, but not least, this paper will also deliberate on the United States' perception and reaction to Chinese activities in the Indian Ocean region.

Central Asia, which comprises of five republics namely Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, were part of Soviet Central Asia during the Cold War era and achieved their independence after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. Since then the United States (US) has started to engage the Central Asian republics bilaterally. Initially, the region did not gain much attention in the US foreign policy as in the early years of the post-Cold War era, there were other more pressing issues in East Asia and South Asia which dominated the US intention. Hence, the US did not devise any strategy to ensure coherent actions in the region. The US engaged Central Asia as part of the former Soviet territory and was mainly concerned with issues related to de-nuclearisation and non-proliferation, energy and democratisation. Nevertheless, the region can be considered like a ‘double aged sword’ to the US because it poses a range of opportunities as well as challenges for the US. Moreover, Central Asia’s oil and gas reserves have made the region very attractive to the US business community as an alternative to the Middle East. However, since September 11 the strategic interest of the US in the region has increased and this includes initiating a strategic partnership with the Central Asian republics in its war against terror. As such, the US needs to re-evaluate its previous engagements in Central Asia. This study, therefore proposes that the US embraces a more comprehensive strategy by adopting a multilateral approach towards the region.