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Copyright of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The point of view that the international system has been formed on the basis of sovereign political units since the 1648 Peace Treaties of Westphalia is generally accepted in the literature. According to us, although the importance of the sovereign nation state continues today, it has faced a post-positivist theoretical challenge since the 1970s. However, it is seen that de jure sovereign equal nation states are not de facto equal as well. Therefore, some states are considered strong and “great”, and some states are considered weak and “small”. It is known that the distinction between great and small states was firstly seen in the 1815 Congress of Vienna. Yet the five states that shaped the system also defined as European Concert were considered great and other states were considered small. After the Vienna System, with the experience of the League of Nations (LN) and the United Nations (UN), all actors in the system began to be represented in the general assembly and hereby de jure equality was achieved. The small states concept has entered the international relations literature with the inclusion of newly independent former colonial states in the international system since the However, there are some ambiguities (geography, population, military capacity, impact on global politics) regarding the small state conceptualization as well. Despite categorical ambiguity, Armenia can be considered as a small state in terms of population and other objective criteria. However, despite being a small and weak actor, Armenia continued its maximalist and irredentist policies in the Trans-Caucasus regional subsystem between 1991 and 2020. As is known despite the imbalance between means and ends, Armenia has challenged its powerful neighbor Turkey within the framework of the ideal of “Greater Armenia”, occupied the territory of its another neighbor Azerbaijan contrary to international law and created instability in the Javakhati Region of Georgia as well. Within the framework of available information we explain generally and abstractly, Armenia’s Trans-Caucasus policy between the years 1991-2020, which will be analyzed despite the imbalances concerning purpose-means and Armenia’s nature as a small state. The main reason for limiting our study to 2020 is that the Second Karabakh War started an irreversible process in Armenia’s domestic and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Civilization Studies is the property of Kyrgyz-Turkish Manas University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkey Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Journal / Türkiye Insansiz Hava Araçlari Dergisi is the property of Ali Ulvi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bursa Uludağ Journal of Economy & Society / Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Uludag Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rusya Federasyonu ile Ukrayna arasında, özellikle son dönemde silahlı çatışmaya dönüşen bazı uyuşmazlıklar yaşanmıştır. 16 Mart 2014 tarihinde Kırım’da gerçekleştirilen referandum neticesinde ortaya çıkan hukuki durum, sonrasında her ne kadar Birleşmiş Milletler Genel Kurulu’nun almış olduğu 68/262 sayılı Karar ile tanınmamış olsa da önemli bir süreci başlatmıştır. Rusya Federasyonu’nun Kırım’ı ilhak etmesiyle başlayan bu süreç, gelinen noktada uluslararası hukuk açısından önemli sonuçları beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu sonuçların belki de en önemlisi, Rusya Federasyonu tarafından “Luhansk Halk Cumhuriyeti” ve “Donetsk Halk Cumhuriyeti” olarak adlandırılan toprakların bağımsızlıklarının kabul edilmesidir. Bu tanıma işleminin öncesinde ve sonrasında ortaya çıkan hukuki durumun; Birleşmiş Milletler Antlaşması ve uluslararası örf-adet kuralları açısından kısaca değerlendirilmesi önemlidir. İki devlet arasında yaşanan uyuşmazlıklar çok yönlüdür. Rusya Federasyonu tarafından askeri müdahalenin gerekli olduğuna ilişkin ileri sürülen üç hukuki ifade dikkat çekicidir. Bunlardan ilki, Rusya Federasyonu’nun önleyici meşru savunma hakkı olduğuna ilişkindir. Ancak, uluslararası hukukta bu argümanı destekleyen yazılı bir norm olmaması nedeniyle ilgili argümanın birçok tartışmayı beraberinde getirdiği de bir gerçektir. İkinci argüman ise Luhansk Halk Cumhuriyeti ve Donetsk Halk Cumhuriyeti tarafından yapılan çağrının karşılığında Rusya Federasyonu’nun Birleşmiş Milletler Antlaşması madde 51 düzenlemesi uyarınca kolektif meşru savunma hakkının olduğuna ilişkindir. Rusya Federasyonu’nun uluslararası hukuku ilgilendiren son temel argümanı ise Ukrayna’da bazı kesimlere yönelik olarak soykırım, saldırı gibi fiillerin gerçekleştirildiği iddiasıdır. Bu iddia ile birlikte Rusya Federasyonu, insani amaçla gerçekleştirilen askeri operasyonun uluslararası hukuka uygun olduğunu kabul etmektedir. Uluslararası hukuk açısından ortaya çıkan bu durumun; kuvvet kullanma yasağı, tanıma, self-determinasyon ve benzeri konularla genel bir çerçeveden tartışılması önemli görünmektedir.

The aim of this study is to reveal the Caucasus policy of the Russian Federation (RF). In general, RF's South Caucasus policy and North Caucasus policy are discussed separately in the literature. However, considering especially security policies of the RF, it is possible to see that the region is actually handled holistically. In the post-Cold War period, the Caucasus formed one of the most dynamic areas of RF's domestic, foreign and security policy and almost served as a testing ground for analyzing Moscow's reaction to the developments. While the RF is trying to keep the North Caucasus within its borders with a focus on Chechnya, it wants to keep the South Caucasus states under its control within the framework of the "near abroad" policy and to be the only effective power in this region. The basic assumption of the study is that the Caucasus policy of the RF includes a holistic approach, that is, the policies of the South Caucasus and the North Caucasus complement each other. Within the framework of the recent developments, the influence and control of the RF on the Caucasus has increased even more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Russian history is examined in general, there is a strong tendency about the priority of the state and it becomes possible to talk about a clear political attitude about the sanctity of the state. It is seen that this tendency and attitude has been preserved and tried to be maintained from the Knez to the Tsarist Period, from the Soviet Union to the present. When we look at the Vladimir Putin Era, we encounter the reality that the political stance of "Russia belongs to the Russians" was added to this understanding of the importance of the state by harmonizing it. In his power that started in the early 2000s, Putin tried to make this addition by considering different dimensions and to build his own understanding of the state. Putin, who started a new era in the Russian Federation in many respects, went far beyond being an ordinary politician with his style of politics that protects the state and considers the security of the state as a top priority. Because, Putin, who has been in power for nearly a quarter of a century, has determined some ideals and principles that sanctify the state, together with a handful of elites who think like him, making it almost difficult for anyone who does not adopt these ideals and principles to live in the Russian Federation. In line with his historical background, Putin also tried to be a statesman who made the ideal of being a "Great State" a state policy. In Russia, which entered into a rapid economic recovery after 2000, when it took over the power, social-scale problems were postponed, albeit partially. Problems that were postponed in the relatively prosperous environment created by the economic recovery have re-emerged in a more ingrained and enlarged state. Violations and illegal practices that have started to emerge regarding democracy, freedom and human rights have been criticized by a significant part of the society. In this study, the question of how the "state" phenomenon took place in the historical process of Russia, how it was perceived and what the origin of the sacred view developed about the state is. Then, the main subject of the study is the meaning and importance of the "state" in the Russian Federation, and the arguments related to what can be sidelined against it are examined in the light of the literature and the theoretical framework is tried to be formed in the context of these questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, the presidential system in Russian Federation, by gradually evolving, has been taking another turn. The topic of article is the evolution of Russian semi-presidential system. The article consists of three parts. First of all, different governmental systems (parliamentary system, presidential and semi-presidential system) were examined in order to comprehend semi-presidential system properly. In the second part, semipresidential system formed with the Russian Federation's Constitution of 1993 was explained diffusively. And in the last part, the article was finalized by analyzing structural process which takes Russian Federation to super presidentialism and in this context by shedding light on legislations series. The contribution of this study to the literature is to diversify the examples about political systems on the basis of the evolution of the Russian political system and to reveal the unique structure of this political system by taking into account the discussions within Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's attacks on Ukraine, contain breach of international law. Especially the headings of degradation and destroying of environment, protection of environment during war become parts international agenda once again. In Ukraine, environmental damage is attempted to be securitized by referring to the crucial concept of ecocide. If the securitization will be successful then ecocide will be fifth international crime alongside genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and aggression. Henceforth, because of giving harm to environment responsible persons will be punished. In the Ukrainian war, securitization is made by Ukraine in other words by a developing country. On the other hand, in other examples securitization is made by developed countries like the USA and the United Kingdom. Securitization by developed states, caused developing and underdeveloped states' elaboration of environmental problems and environmental problems alongside security with suspicion. However, securitization by Ukraine might change the attitudes of those states that look with suspicion to the environment's elaboration with security. Securitization of the ecocide, keeps momentum alive and fasten related process. In this article, it is aimed to analyze securitization of ecocide and it will be concluded that momentum is kept alive and there are opportunities in this direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security strategy documents are the main sources of a state’s threat perceptions, interests, and possible foreign policy steps. These documents include national security concepts, foreign policy concepts and military doctrines. In light of these documents, it is also possible to clearly predict how a state can respond to regional and global developments. In this context, these documents highlight the outlines of the policies of the Russian Federation (RF) toward post-Soviet geography and its relations with the Euro-Atlantic Bloc (NATO and the European Union). Ukraine is also one of the factors determining relations between the RF and the Euro-Atlantic Bloc. Within this frame, relations between the RF and Ukraine are generally assessed in the context of the eastward enlargement of the Euro-Atlantic Bloc. However, in addition to this enlargement, historical-symbolic and military-geopolitical relations between the two states should also be considered. In other words, the annexation of Crimea should be reduced not only to current geopolitical realities but also to the place of Ukraine and Crimea in Russian historiography. After all, the RF’s perception of Ukraine was crucial to the occupation process. Within this framework, the annexation of Crimea will be analyzed in light of geopolitical and historical developments and the context of the RF’s security strategy documents. This analysis will undoubtedly guide the study of the RFUkraine War that began in February 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system, as it has been so many times, today, is undergoing a restructuring process once again. The Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which are among the great states of world politics, have the capacity to influence the restructuring process of the system at both rhetorical and action levels. Although the alliance value of the institutionalized relations developed at the leadership level has not been confirmed by any agreement, the leaders of both countries emphasize that this cooperation is at the highest level and is very valuable. Although there are many common points that bring RF and China together, the discourse of multipolarity stands out as the most inclusive and systemic one. The article argues that the bilateral relations that developed between the RF and China, especially in the post-Cold War period, constitute a 'power center', that this power center affects the construction of the international system and exhibits a sub-system characteristic despite various weak points of the relations between the parties. In the study, the construction of multipolarity as the claim of Russia and China will be examined and the validity of these claims will be tried to be tested within the framework of subsystem analysis. At this point, subsystem analysis will be used as the scale of polarization tendency. The study will be dealt with at the regional subsystem level and will focus on the axis of Russia-China relations as a unit of analysis. The research question of this study is whether the multipolarity claim developed by Russia and China collectively has practical value. The main argument of the study is that the relations between Russia and China created their own hinterlands and increased the multicenter appearance of the system with the 'power center' they built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) is the property of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

1990’lar eski SSCB üyesi devletleri için siyasi, iktisadi, askeri, sosyal, kültürel vd. alanlarda büyük kırılmanın yaşandığı yıllardı. Bunun beraberinde başlayan buhran, toplumsal düzeyde derin bir hayal kırıklığı eşliğinde tecrübe edildi. Tek başına kaldığı hissiyle karşı karşıya kalan bireyi ayakta kalma mücadelesi bekliyordu. Bireysel ve toplumsal bağlamdaki güvensizlik ve depresyonun had safhaya ulaştığı ilk on yılın ardından 2000’li yıllarda Rusya Federasyonu umut tazelemeye başladı. Çetin zamanların güçlüklerini atlatan bireyler şimdi hangi hayat koşullarına sahipti? Yaşadıkları toplumu, ülkeyi ve düzeni nasıl algılamaktaydı? 2010’lar itibariyle neyi arzu ve umut etmekteydi? Bu sorulara yanıt bulmak üzere Rus Bilimler Akademisi Sosyoloji Enstitüsü Mart-Nisan 2012 döneminde Federasyon çapında “Rus hayali: nedir ve gerçekleşebilir mi?” konulu bir saha araştırması yaparak sonuçlarını, 2013 yılında “Rusyalılar Neyin Hayalini Kurmaktadır: İdeal ve Gerçeklik” kitabında neşretmiştir.

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Buriyad Republic is in Southern Siberia region of Russian Federation, and it has the third largest area after Saha and Komi Republics of Russia. Buryatia, located in the southern region of Eastern Siberia and the north of Mongolia, diplomatically, is a part of the Far Eastern Federal District and, economically, is a part of Far East Economic Zone. In the research, the main methods of research of geography were observed, and the database was created by providing relevant resources and publications through the source scanning method. Maps, shapes, and tables have been created to evaluate the data obtained. In order to be clear, the local, Buryat Republic cultural Tourism Centers, Buryat Republic's natural tourist areas, Buryat Republic national parks and nature protection areas maps, as well as links between topics to strengthen statements, are highlighted by the table. Despite these disadvantageous geographical characteristics, Buryatia has rich natural resources, large taiga forests, hundreds of lake and river basins, hundreds of cultural and belief centers, many thermal springs, museums, and natural protection reserves. The primary motivation of this paper is driven from the fact that Buryatia has a diversity of touristic attractions which makes it the most interesting and extraordinary republics of Russia and it has many unique natural and historical-cultural touristic centers. Thus, Buryatia is one of the richest countries in terms of touristic resources in Russia. Because of the reason that there is a knowledge gap about the touristic geography of Buryatia in our country, the primary goal of this paper is to introduce touristic resources and potential of Buryatia to Turkish readers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukraine is a very important state in the Russian Federation's perception of security in terms of its geography. This position of Ukraine also influences the shaping of Russian foreign policy. The geopolitical position of Ukraine has the potential to create regional effects when considering the regional balances. At the beginning of this strategic position, the majority of natural gas pipelines that provide energy transportation to Europe pass through this country, it has a very long border to the Black Sea, and it is above important trade routes. It is also in a transition zone between east and west. For these reasons, the Russian Federation thinks that Ukraine will enter the European Union and NATO or improve its relations with the EU, creating a security weakness for itself. Because Ukraine's membership to the European Union means that the European Union has a border with Russia. Thus, there will be no buffer zone in between. Therefore, Russia tries to maintain its dominance in Ukraine. The EU and the USA continue to expand eastward. Therefore, any interference of Russia to Ukraine is considered as an intervention made directly to the European Union. The fact that Ukraine has a vital position in Russia's perception of security makes the conflicts in the region permanent. Therefore, Russia acts by considering these sensitive balances in its foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of lnternational Journal of Geography & Geography Education is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Marmara University Social Sciences Institute / Öneri is the property of Marmara University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Diaspora, which generally means the place where any nation or members of faith live as a minority outside their home country and the branch of any nation separated from its homeland, has been an important instrument of influence in the foreign policies of states since the 20th century. The Russian diaspora, whose population is estimated to be between 20 and 30 million in the world, is also included in this group. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the direction of the Russian Federation towards the West, the Yeltsin administration did not initially want to raise issues related to the Russian diaspora, but made the protection of the rights of the Russian diaspora one of the priorities of the Russian diaspora. In this context, the Russian diaspora, which has maintained its position in the RF foreign policy since the end of 1992 and whose conceptual, geographical and legal scope has been expanded in this process serves as an important instrument and basis for the realization of the foreign policy aims of the RF to contribute to the soft power and public diplomacy through the activities of the promotion of Russian language and culture in the world and the establishment of a positive image of the RF and to maintain its own sphere of influence by influencing the foreign policies of the states in post-Soviet geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Istanbul Commerce University Journal of Social Sciences / İstanbul Ticaret Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Istanbul Commerce University Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Security Studies / Güvenlik Calışmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkish National Police Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Bu çalışma, enerji alanındaki Rusya-Türkiye-İsrail ilişkilerinde doğal gaz faktörünün rolünü analiz etmektedir. Bu nedenle çalışma, doğal gaz sektöründe, belirtilen ülkeler arasında yapılan anlaşmaları, varolan doğal gaz boru hatları ve doğal gaz alanlarının geliştirilmesi, üretimi ve nakliyesi konuları üzerine hazırlanan uluslararası projeleri ele alıyor. Üç ülkenin enerji politikalarının karşılıklı bağımlılığını göstermek için bu çalışma, Rusya-Türkiye-İsrail "Enerji Üçgeni" ile sonuçlanıyor.

Espiyonaj, kontr/espiyonaj, dezenformasyon, elektronik savaş kabiliyeti, psikolojik savaş ve propaganda, siber saldırı gibi faaliyet ve planlamaları kapsayan geniş bir siber savaş kabiliyetine sahip olan Rusya Federasyonu (RF) sahip olduğu siber etkinlik ve gücü, günümüzde dış politika hedeflerine ulaşmak amacı için baskı aracı olarak kullanabilmektedir. 24 Kasım 2015 tarihinde Türk F-16’larının hava sahasını ihlal eden bir Rus Su-24 uçağını düşürmesi sonrasında başlayan gerginlik bilindiği üzere 14 Aralık 2015 tarihinde Türkiye’ye yapılan “DDoS” saldırıları ile yeni bir aşamaya taşınmıştır. Zira bu saldırıların ardından kamuoyunda RF’nin, Türkiye ile olan ilişkilerinde enformasyon savaşı stratejisi izlediği tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda çalışmamızda bu iddialar irdelenecek ve RF’nin sosyal medya imkânlarından azami ölçüde faydalanan ve yerel enstrümanlardan da beslenen küresel bir enformasyon savaşı strateji ile birlikte Türkiye’ye yönelik ciddi ve etkili bir siber propaganda faaliyeti sürdürüp sürdürmediği analiz edilecektir.

Eurasianism, which is a movement of idea that emerged in time of crisis in Russia, gained influence in the Russian political thought at the end of the 1980s, when the USSR began to give signs of collapse. This understanding, which is called as New Eurasianism, has started to be mentioned with Alexander Dugin, who has made his voice heard outside of Russia and who has ability to direct Russian political elite. Essentially, Dugin's idea of Eurasianism is based on the competition between "land" and "sea" powers, which he borrowed from Mackinder. Dugin, who claims that this competition has came into existence in the rivalry between Russia and the USA today, has argued that the formation of a Eurasian Empire, where Russian Empire take place in its center, is vital to gain the upper hand in this struggle. Although Dugin pointed out that Turkey was an important threat to Eurasianism project in his book titled as "Russian Geopolitics", which he wrote at the end of 1990s, he has begun to mention to include Turkey to Eurasianism as a partner in the following process. However, historical geopolitical competition between the two countries, which expressed repeatedly by Dugin himself, stands as an obstacle in front of this partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Security Studies / Güvenlik Calışmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkish National Police Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the internal security actors of modern Russia after the Cold War were examined separately and compared with our country's counterparts besides their structural and institutional characteristics in order to be more understandable. The Russian Federation seeks to ensure internal security and internal order in a difficult and large geography with millions of square kilometers of land covered by it and a wide range of people living within it. Having such a diverse geography together in a wide geography has become very difficult both organizationally and financially and After the collapse of the Soviet Union in the aftermath of the Cold War, the system, which was undermined by the collapse of the Soviet Union, brought about the necessity of structuring within a new state domestic disturbances and economic crisis have slowed down the structure, and the problem of internal security has been Russia's most important problem for many years. Until the Putin period, the restructuring process was insufficient within the context of role model and the Soviet tradition continued to be felt. However, the Putin period and the state system of the Tsarist Russia were examined and a distinctive understanding of domestic security and institutions built on this understanding have emerged with the synthesis of the Tsarist Russia-Soviet. In this article, structural and functional aspects of the restructured internal security organs have been addressed and are intended to be compared with their counterparts in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1991 yılında Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği’nin resmen dağılmasıyla dünya ekonomisinde yeni şekillenmeler ve oluşumlar başlamıştır. Daha önceki yıllarda süper güç olarak nitelenen SSCB liberal ekonominin ilerlemesine karşı koyamamıştır. Hâkimiyeti altında bulunan cumhuriyetler arasında adaleti tam olarak sağlayamaz hale gelmiştir. Netice itibariyle Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği’ne bağlı diğer cumhuriyetler birer birer bağımsızlıklarına kavuşmuştur. Vakit kaybetmeden piyasa ekonomisine geçiş için reformlara başlamışlardır. Rusya Federasyonu, geçiş dönemi olarak kabul edilen 1993-2005 yıllarında ekonomisini başarılı bir şekilde sosyalist sistemden liberal sisteme dönüştürmüştür. 2005 yılından sonra ise modernleşme dönemi başlamıştır. Bu çalışmada, SSCB’nin gelişen teknolojiye ve Batılı ülkelere ayak uyduramamasının nedenleri araştırılmıştır. Sovyetler Birliği’ne tâbi cumhuriyetler arasındaki ekonomik farklılıklar incelenmiş ve bunların SSCB’nin çöküşüne zemin hazırladığı bu araştırma neticesinde ortaya çıkartılmıştır. Bir de Sovyetler Birliği’nin dağılması sonucunda en kârlı ülkeler olarak Baltık ülkeleri ve Rusya Federasyonu’nun olduğu görülmüştür. Araştırma sonucunda, SSCB’nin yerine kurulan Rusya Federasyonu’nun, nüfus ve ekonomik yükleri üzerinden attığı fakat yeraltı ve yerüstü zenginlikleri ile ayrıca toprakların büyük bölümü kendi sınırları içerisinde kalmıştır. Görüldüğü üzere dağılmanın neticesinde iktisadi kaynaklardaki en fazla payın Rusya Federasyonu’na kaldığı açıktır.

The neo-Eurasianism, which emerged after the disintegration of the USSR against the pro-Western views and which has always been effective in Russian political life, was largely transformed into a systematic ideology by Aleksandr Dugin. Dugin bases his understanding of Eurasianism on the competition between land and naval forces and claims that this situation is embodied in the struggle between naval pole led by the USA and land pole led by the Russian Federation in today's world. Dugin points out that the Eurasian Empire should be established under the leadership of the Russians because the possession of the pivotal territories in the Eurasian region is in the hands of this country. For establishing it, Dugin also points out the imperative of recapturing the "near abroad" which the Russian Federation lost after the disintegration of the USSR, of challenging the interests of the United States, the leader of the naval pole, all over the world and of finally defeating it. It can be said that Russian Federation has realized the discourses of Eurasianism movement, mostly framed by Aleksandr Dugin, by stopping the influx of the Euro-Atlantic structure to its near abroad through its intervention in Georgia in August 2008 and Ukraine in 2014, and then involving the Syria crisis in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black Sea, which is an area of tension between the two poles during the Cold War, has become a sea in which the Warsaw Pact is first dispersed and then the six countries are shrouded with the collapse of the Soviet Union. This multilateralism has given a new dimension to international relations in the Black Sea. The Black Sea Region, which has a dull position within the balances of the Cold War era, began to live in mobility with the evolution of the international system and the perceived new threat perception since the end of the Cold War years. When we look at the developments that have emerged from the last period of the Cold War to the present day, it is seen that this movement has been taking place in every dimension of security, military, political, social, economic and environmental aspects. Due to the multidimensional nature of Black Sea security, many regional and international organizations are operating on the Black Sea. Along with the changing global balances, new equilibria have been set on the Black Sea. In our article, the Russian Federation, the United States, as well as the great powers such as Turkey and the EU position in these new regional powers such as the power struggle in Ukraine will be discussed. The aim of this article in the light of these directions is that the EU is trying to have more say on the Black Sea in the environment that emerged after the dissolution of the Soviet Union; as well as revealing the fact that the hegemony, which he tried to establish on the Black Sea, also disturbed the Russian Federation. In addition, the effect that West is trying to establish on the Black Sea is perceived as a priority security problem in terms of Russian Federation, and the effects of the new conflicts in the region will be studied and analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a tremendous volume of literature dealing with the Katyn Massacre of the Second World War on different dimensions. However, the reasons behind the Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and Putin/Medvedev administrations' acceptance of the Soviet responsibility in the Katyn Massacre have not been systematically analyzed. This article focuses on the political, economic and strategic reasons behind the acceptance of Soviet responsibility by the Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Putin/Medvedev administrations in the massacre. It is argued that, Katyn initiatives were designed as a foreign policy tool by those administrations. There were also periods under Gorbachev's, Yeltsin's and Putin/Medvedev's leadership in which the Katyn initiatives were abandoned. This article also aims to reveal the reasons for the abandonment of the Katyn initiatives. According to the article, the main reason for the Gorbachev's Katyn initiative was the fear of losing Poland, and the main reason for Yeltsin's Katyn initiative was his pro- Western foreign policy. Lastly, Putin/Medvedev administration's Katyn initiative was associated with the aim of proving the needlessness of a missile defense system to be deployed in Poland. It has been observed that since 2003, the Russian Federation has returned towards a traditional policy of denial of its responsibility in the Katyn massacre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Uludağ Journal of Economy & Society / Uludağ Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Uludag Journal of Economy & Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The International Relations discipline has progressed with Western-style thought system in terms of foundation and development. Nonetheless, the non-Western world still has works on international relations. This study will examine the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, which has an important place in world politics in history and today, the Russian conceptualization of international relations and its educational process. Conceptualization and education processes show various differences from others. These differences will help to diversify the perspective of the International Relations discipline in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Migration Journal / Göç Dergisi is the property of Transnational Press London Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The protest, which started on 21 November 2013 after Yanukovych government's announcement about the suspension of the Association Agreement, which was planned to be signed between the European Union and Ukraine, soon evolved into anti-government protests and turned into a major domestic political issue. While Ukraine was struggling to solve this problem, Russian Federation sent its troops to Crimea in early March 2014 and annexed Crimea and Akyar (Sevastapol) following an illegal referendum held on 16 March 2014. Many states and international organizations react to this occupation and illegal annexation. This study reviews the process of the illegal annexation process of Crimea and examines the reactions of the leading international organizations, namely, United Nations, European Union, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Collective Security Treaty Organization and Organization of Islamic Cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]