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This research examines France and Rwanda's historical, current and future relations. The consequences of France's past support for Rwanda's pre-genocide regimes indirectly resulted in nearly one million deaths during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. France's role during the Rwandan Civil War (1990–1994) against the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) significantly influenced how the post-genocide Rwandan government engaged with France. Since 1994, French-Rwandan relations experienced significant lows, with Rwanda forming closer ties with the United States, European Union and the United Kingdom. However, there have been improved relations under Nicolas Sarkozy and President Emmanuel Macron. Bilateral relations increased under Macron through his personal interests in restoring Rwandan-French relations. This research relies on interpretivist and triangulation methods from interview data collected during multiple fieldwork period to understand through a Neorealist theoretical framework how Rwandan government elites, responsible for the state's foreign policy, perceptions and desired diplomatic relations with France since 1994. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines France and Rwanda's historical, current and future relations. The consequences of France's past support for Rwanda's pre-genocide regimes indirectly resulted in nearly one million deaths during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. France's role during the Rwandan Civil War (1990-1994) against the Rwanda Patriotic Front (rpf) significantly influenced how the post-genocide Rwandan government engaged with France. Since 1994, French-Rwandan relations experienced significant lows, with Rwanda forming closer ties with the United States, European Union and the United Kingdom. However, there have been improved relations under Nicolas Sarkozy and President Emmanuel Macron. Bilateral relations increased under Macron through his personal interests in restoring Rwandan-French relations. This research relies on interpretivist and triangulation methods from interview data collected during multiple fieldwork period to understand through a Neorealist theoretical framework how Rwandan government elites, responsible for the state's foreign policy, perceptions and desired diplomatic relations with France since 1994. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Área Abierta is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Europarecht (05312485) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A presidential election can be viewed as a national drama in which a candidate casts herself/himself as a courageous protagonist who seeks to become a collective symbol that embodies the best qualities of the nation. Drawing from the fields of performance studies, French studies, cultural studies and political rhetoric, this article provides a critical reading of a key moment in the 2007 presidential campaign: Nicolas Sarkozy's first official performance as presidential candidate on 14 January. Focusing on the staging of the nomination speech, the strategic use of repetition and expression of emotions, and the notion of personal change, this article explains how Sarkozy's speech represented a 'rupture' in terms of his image and personality, which in turn served to neutralize the threat posed by his main presidential rival, Ségolène Royal. This analysis can thus help to shed light on current political developments: the rise of populist newcomers in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergies Afrique des Grands Lacs is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The French political consensus supports both civilian and military nuclear programs as part of a national identity that presupposes France’s global influence. It is technically possible for the French government to maintain its nuclear deterrent force as it is today without a civilian nuclear power industry; the channels of production of weapons and their delivery systems are distinct from those used for the power industry. Because many aspects of the civilian and military nuclear programs have been intertwined for decades, however, the end of financing for civilian nuclear research projects would increase the cost of maintaining the nuclear arsenal. And in France, the link between the civilian and military nuclear sectors is far more than a budgetary matter. From its beginnings after World War II, the French nuclear effort has occupied an exalted position in the country’s national identity. In fact, one could reasonably argue that it would take a reimagining of that identity, and a reconsideration of France’s nuclear deterrent, before a French exit from civilian nuclear power could become a serious possibility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay analyzes recent transformations in French secularism, observed from the standpoint of the changes in the hierarchization of various secular norms. After reviewing the legal and historical context of French secularism and the interpretation of it as "ambiguous liberalism" (Jean-Pierre Machelon), the essay focuses on the special relationship that this secularism has to Islam. The second part of the essay concentrates on the period 2002-2012, focusing, in particular, on the policies of former Minister of the Interior and, later, President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy. Three stages in this transformation are reconstructed here: they lead from "New Secularism" through so-called "Positive Secularism" to "Falsified Secularism". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the different types of irony used by Russian President Vladimir Putin during his official and less formal appearances. The analysis will focus on the Russian President's speeches during the G8 meeting, during the first diplomatic meeting with President Nicolas Sarkozy at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum, during "A Grown-up conversation" with Vladimir Putin organized in Sochi, at the press conference following the BRICS summit in China, at a press conference in Moscow, in the Kremlin, during the intervention in the economic forum, and at the press conference in St. Petersburg. This paper will prove that the Russian president likes to joke. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article wants to provide a theoretical contribution to the concept of "Sarkology" (a neologism meaning "a discourse about Sarkozy," or "a study of Sarkozy" created by the French sociologist Michel Maffesoli). Going back as far as 2007 (the year of his election) and 2012, much work, not just academic, tried to explain the "Sarkozy phenomenon." This article, inspired by Kantorowitz's concept of "two bodies", aims to show that the origin or the essence ol political leadership is always directly or indirectly derived from the body of the leader. Nicolas Sarkozy "embodies" a radical break in the staging and representations of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the speech of French President Nicolas Sarkozy in Cherbourg, France on March 21, 2008. It highlights the nuclear policy of France which includes the plan to reduce the French nuclear arsenal to fewer than 300 warheads and reinforce several disarmament measures. Sarkozy also revealed a new defense strategy in his speech on June 17, 2008. Moreover, a 350-page white paper is consist of several plans and will be submitted to parliament for approval. The plans include the reduction of French military and civilian personnel from 320,000 to 266,000, replacement of outdated equipment, and closure of bases in the next six or seven years. President Sarkozy's other plans regarding the nuclear power of France are discussed. Chart on French arsenal is also provided.

Abstract: The close co‐operation between French President Sarkozy and German Chancellor Merkel (‘Merkozy’) dominated a significant part of eurozone crisis management. Yet, after the election of a new French government in 2012, the Franco‐German co‐operation in the Economic and Monetary Union deteriorated. This article asks why the Franco‐German tandem got stuck. Drawing on bargaining theory, it argues that Germany used ‘Merkozy’ as a negotiation strategy to further its aims in eurozone crisis management. However, when the preferences of the two countries were no longer reconcilable due to changes in France as well as in the negotiation environment, the strategy failed. Thus, while much of the literature has focused on the persistence of the Franco‐German partnership, this approach accounts for variation in its functioning. The results provide an explanation for the rise and fall of Merkozy and bear implications for assessing the future Franco‐German relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Walls Fall is a manifesto written by Glissant and Chamoiseau against the creation of the Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity, and Co-development established in 2007 by French president Nicolas Sarkozy. The manifesto is a call against the building of walls that separate us rather than relate us one to another in a society. Walls are contradictory to the notion of Relation that Glissant and Chamoiseau advocate, where one would be open to the unpredictable and unforeseeable. Both authors criticize the notion of a national identity that would be fixed and firmly established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Autrepart is the property of Presses de Sciences Po and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article describes the political and institutional changes that France lived from Second World War till today. Reflecting on the most recent historiography, this essay tries to underline some neglected elements of continuity between Fourth and Fifth Republic. Secondly it tries to indicate the right hiatus in the period 1962-1967. 1969 and 1974 obtain enough consideration. Without ignoring the importance of 1981, the article focuses on the evolution that drives from the so called "Centrist Republic" to the crisis of the Fifth Republic model during Sarkozy and Hollande's mandates. Unknowns of Macron's moment dominate the last part of the article. The evolution of his mandate could enhance the Fifth Republic or on the contrary lead it to radical changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election campaigns represent a particular moment of political practice in democracies where political strategy and political discourse become one activity. Campaigns take effect through the speeches of candidates communicated to the electorate. This article analyses speeches of Nicolas Sarkozy's presidential campaigns in 2007 and 2012. Based on text statistical methods developed in French discourse analysis it examines his political position and his rhetorical techniques. In comparison to other presidents of the Fifth Republic, Sarkozy's discourse seems to be freed from typical party political positions. Whilst favouring direct encounters with the audience and pretending to speak to the whole nation he is embodying a form of populism which bestows his image of a charismatic leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 financial meltdown prompted an apparent revival of the dirigiste or statist economic model in France, a country with a long tradition of state-led development. French President, Nicolas Sarkozy denounced laissez-faire capitalism, which he blamed for the crisis, and launched a series of industrial policy initiatives. Yet the reality of French actions fell well short of the statist rhetoric, with the government committing few financial resources to its signature industrial policy programs and displaying little capacity to steer business strategies. This article argues that France's neostatist turn was largely checked by the legacies of shifts in French economic policy a quarter-century earlier. Specifically, the break with the dirigiste model in 1983 deprived French authorities of many of the institutions and instruments associated with state-led development, while the massive expansion of social and labor market programs that eased the movement away from dirigisme left the government without the fiscal capacity to launch expensive new promotional policies. The broader lesson is that a country's response to crisis is shaped by long-term structural factors, not just short-term political calculations, and that there are important institutional and fiscal prerequisites for statist revival, even when neoliberalism is widely believed to have failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the creation of the European Community, the Gaullist movement has never been united over the question of European integration. De Gaulle’s intergovernmental vision of the European project has largely been the dominant discourse. At times however, this narrative has been questioned—on the one hand by more supranational notions of European integration; and on the other by a more pro-sovereignty Eurosceptic discourse. Subsequently, in its various modern-day guises the Gaullist movement has faced a series of major internal divisions with regard to its position on ‘Europe’. This uncertainty has also manifested itself at the highest level as demonstrated by the changing discourse advocated by former French presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. This paper analyses the internal tensions over the European issue within the Gaullist movement at elite level. It determines that despite Chirac’s and Sarkozy’s attempts to unite the party throughout their presidencies the Gaullist movement is far from having moved towards a united European stance. Accordingly, the authors identify that over the past three decades, it is possible to identify three distinct, and at times conflicting, Gaullist stances on European integration with which the party’s elites have vacillated, namely Euro-Federalism, Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As well as marking 60 years since the signature of the Treaty of Rome, 2017 will see the 10th presidential election of France’s Fifth Republic. The overlap between the question of Europe and the election to France’s highest office provides the framework for this article to explore the development of the European debate in France. Prior to 2012, and despite the increasing and undeniable salience of it for French domestic concerns, the question of Europe is widely considered to have been a secondary issue in presidential elections. Focusing in particular on the period since the pivotal debate and referendum on the Maastricht Treaty and the intervening transition from ‘permissive consensus’ to ‘constraining dissensus’, this article will explain how and why Europe has seemingly defied logic to remain on the margins of successive election campaigns, before presenting the 2012 presidential elections as a game-changer on how the question of Europe featured. The conclusion offers a discussion on the ramifications for future presidential elections, starting with that of 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With mainstream politics seemingly in disarray, Chris Bickerton asks whether a victory for either Macron or Le Pen would represent the collapse of the traditional left-right party politics in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a review of public speeches, media declarations and interviews by French government officials and influential intellectuals, this paper examines the language used and the measures taken by the French government during the 2005 ethnic riots. Particularly, this essay argues that the government’s response to the riots shows that (1) by applying a white racial frame on the riots and the rioters, the state was able to denigrate the rioters and deny any legitimacy to the riots themselves; and that (2) by applying color-blind racist labels to the rioters, the state was able to discredit the revolt so as to rationalize and justify a set of repressive tactics and racist measures without ‘sounding racist’. Furthermore, this study reveals that the French government ultimately normalized a racial frame about the riots through color-blind rhetoric and practices. This essay concludes that the rhetoric used by the French government signals the rise of a legitimized racism, becoming a dominantly accepted and supported view in the political arena and society in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]