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Suffering is a problem addressed by many world religions. This paper examines the understanding of suffering in three religions: Catholic Christianity, Shia Islam, and Shakta Hinduism. In each of these cases, ordinary suffering is transformed into mystical sorrow, becoming a path to closeness and divine union. This transformation makes use of religious symbolism of the family, emphasizing the role of the mother. Worldly suffering is no longer meaningless; instead, it becomes a spiritual path through which the individual person, and even the world at large, may be redeemed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern history of the intellectual resilience within the ḥawza ʿilmīya of Qum and its contribution to the downfall of the Pahlavi regime in 1979 is of particular importance. Following the death of Ayatollah Borujerdi (1875–1961), the ḥawza ʿilmīya of Qum was led by Ayatollahs Golpaygani (1899–1993), Shariʿatmadari (1906–1986), and Marʿashi Najafi (1887–1990), offering informally structured collective leadership. The intention behind this article is twofold: firstly, to critically review the impact of the ʿulamāʼs political, social, and religious contributions in this period, secondly, to assess their involvement in positioning the ḥawza institution against the Shah's regime prior to the exile (1964–1979) of Ayatollah Khomeini (1900–1989) from Iran and afterwards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the impact of anti-modern convictions on the doctrinal evolutions of Shi'ism among Italian converts, employing a synergy between history and sociology. To illustrate this impact, the digital and paper publications of select converts have been analysed. Editorial initiatives serve as primary channels through which converts express their intellectual inclinations and impart a new cultural dimension to Shi'ism. This new cultural dimension is shaped by the motivations that have driven converts toward religious mobility. In this framework, Shi'a tenets and its relations with other religions have been redefined based on converts' socio-psychological needs. As a result, Italian Shi'ism, with its anti-modern substructure, has acquired certain traits that align it with the pre-political manifestations of the religion. Notably, converts exhibit a preference for metaphysical perspectives over juridical and sociological developments within Shi'ism, delineating a distinct trajectory in their engagement with the faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Hezbollah's mobilization strategy for the participation in the Syrian conflict. It rests on a thematic analysis of 52 speeches of Hezbollah's leader Hassan Nasrallah in the period 2011 to 2023 to uncover political patterns in the group's mobilization strategy. It argues that Hezbollah exploited people's fears, important Shia narratives and symbols to foster an incentive structure to step up mobilization for the war in Syria. This mobilization was instrumentally connected to Hezbollah's previous experiences, e.g., conflict against Israel, to highlight continuities in the struggle against the enemy, broadly construed. The article shows that these patterns ensured continuous mobilization to fight "takfiri" groups in Syria, but could also provide avenues for mobilization to future causes. Critical in this process was the credibility of Hassan Nasrallah whose speeches concentrated on the existential risks and threats posed by "takfiri" groups by highlighting problems, suggesting solutions and calling members to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kırıkkale University Journal of Social Sciences is the property of Kirikkale University Journal of Social Science (KUJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the challenges that accusations of heresy pose for peacebuilding processes. Although heresy is often viewed among the most intractable drivers of conflict, presenting an impenetrable impasse between minority and majority religious groups, little is known about its impact on peacebuilding processes. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Indonesia, where claims of heresy have seen some members of the minority Islamic Ahmadiyya and Shia sects subjected to violence, discrimination, and displacement from their homes, the paper identifies the ongoing challenges that heresy claims are playing in these cases. It reveals the limitations of peacebuilding programmes that focus on converting heretics to mainstream religion, showing that, even when conversion efforts are successful, conflict often nevertheless continues. The paper offers some potential pathways forward for Indonesia's peacebuilding processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qur'an not only gives information about various aspects of the life of this world, but also gives information about various stages of the life of the hereafter. One of the topics that the Quran touches upon regarding the afterlife is the people of purgatory. The limited knowledge of the Qur'an about the people of Purgatory and the lack of hadith in authentic hadith sources have caused many different interpretations to be made on the subject. It has been seen that some of the narrations in the tafsir books are far from the features of the people of a'râf in the Qur'an, not contributing to the understanding of the subject, on the contrary, it has made the understanding of the subject even more complicated. In this research, the comments made in the Shiite and Sunni tafsir sources about the identity of the people of Purgatory, about whom only information is given in Sūrat al-Aʿrāf, were discussed, and analyzed. For this purpose, first, the concept and context analysis of the verses in question was made and then the exegesis literature of both sides was scanned. As a result, it has been determined that there are more than twelve comments on this issue. It has been determined that especially Shia tries to prioritize the idea that the people of Purgatory are the imams of Ahl al-Bayt by exhibiting a sectarian approach on this issue. Among the comments made, it has been concluded that the idea that the people of purgatory could be 'prophets', supported by Ahl al-Sunnah commentators, is more consistent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Saḥīfat al-Riḍā (AS) (hadith collection of al- Riḍā) is one of the most famous hadith collections attributed to Ahl al-Bayt (AS) (Household of the Prophet) and quoted in the style of Sunni narrations. The best way to assess the validity of this book is Takhrīj (extraction) and comparison of all its hadithss, which is the basis of this article. Most of the book's hadiths have not been transmitted through another valid chain of narrators from Ahl al-Bayt. Also, most of its hadith texts are similar to Sunnites' narrations that usually have time precedence over Saḥīfat al-Riḍā. There are various problems in the hadiths of this collection, such as non-conformity of the text and the Isnad, change in the characters of the narrations, combination of hadiths, error in reading and quoting the text, anachronism, and inconsistency with the Quran and Shia hadiths. These problems not only cast doubt on its narrations' authenticity but also show that the compiler of the collection has used the early written sources and changed their Isnads. Sakkūnī's book is the most important written source identified for Saḥīfat al-Riḍā. Probably, more than ten facent of the narrations of Saḥīfat al-Riḍā have been extracted from Sakkūnī's book. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the demise of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), internal conflicts, wars, and conquests in the Islamic world led to the division of the Islamic society into different factions. Each faction in this process produced its own set of religiously motivated doctrines, which gradually evolved into ideologies. The teachings generated by the factions had a profound impact on all areas of life, with a mentality of bigotry. Although it is controversial when it emerged as a political faction, al-Shī‘ah is one of the religious/doctrinal/political factions that emerged after the passing of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). It, which is a term that refers to all of the different factions that can be defined as those who consider ʻAlī and his descendants as divine leaders appointed by God, is an enduring doctrinal and theological/jurisprudential sect to this day. Three main schools of Shiism, which split into many factions, are ImāmiyyaIsnāashariyya, Ismā'iliyya and Zaydiyya branches. al-Jaʻfarīyah is a sect that represents the jurisprudential aspect of Imāmiyya Shia. With roots dating back to a period close to the death of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), al-Shī‘ah has consistently developed its own doctrine, embracing a divine source and an imamate-centered understanding of religion. In its historical development, in the field of basic Islamic sciences such as theology, hadith, exegesis, and Islamic history, and especially in theological issues, it has taken place against the Ahl al-Hadith and thus against the Ahl al-Sunnah. al-Shī‘ah’s Imāmiyya-Isnāashariyya faction, which embraces Imamate-centered hadith and hadith methodology, with its imamate-centered understanding of hadith and its principles, engaged in numerous debates with the opposing views of the followers of hadith. These debates focused on doctrinal differences, hadith narrations, leadership issues, and the methodologies of exegesis and hadith. Especially in the first three centuries, Imāmiyya-Isnāashariyya and al-Jaʻfarīyah branches of al-Shī‘ah, engaged in intense polemics with the followers of hadith, developing its own doctrine on the mentioned subjects and beginning to articulate its interpretations based on the religious texts that form the foundations of Islamic sciences. In doing so, alShī‘ah sought solid religious justifications to prove the correctness of its ideas and ideologies. This involved at times interpreting verses with strained interpretations, disconnecting hadiths from their contexts, and even fabricating hadiths in the name of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). The Ahl al-Hadith, who were in opposition to this, took some measures to overrule al-Shī‘ah's theological views that contradicted their own teachings. Especially in accepting hadiths, the followers of Hadith established certain principles and criteria, rejecting hadiths that did not conform to this methodology. They classified ideas and beliefs contrary to the Quran and Sunnah under the umbrella of innovation, discarding religious texts and expressions coming from these sources. In contrast, al-Shī‘ah criticized the methodology of the followers of Hadith in narrating and interpreting religious texts. Both groups, when producing their works, built the content of their works on supporting their own views and debunking opposing views. They also assessed whether the narrators of religious texts were qualified according to the perspectives of their own sects. Ultimately, these debates remained in the realm of sterile arguments, hindering the pursuit of truth and leading both parties into defensive and accusatory psychologies. This resulted in different evaluations of hadith narrations, sources, and the criticism of narrations between the two sects. The polemics between these two sects did not remain confined to doctrinal issues; these discussions also manifested themselves in human relations and socio-cultural life. Therefore, this study explores how the conflicts and debates between the supporters of hadith and the al-Shī‘ah adherents, the two major schools of thought in Islamic intellectual history, have been reflected in the science of criticism and praise (al-Jarḥ wa-al-taʻdīl), written works, and sociocultural and human relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses a Shi'i-Lebanese debate over Sunni Hadith in the context of state formation and Shi'i integration into this new entity. ʿAbd al-Ḥusayn Sharaf al-Dīn al-Mūsawī, the most authoritative Shi'i-Lebanese jurist of his time, relied on Sunni compilers of Hadith, to prove the veracity of Shi'i Islam, to a Sunni audience. Nevertheless, these treatises cannot be viewed as traditional polemics. Instead, they reflected Mūsawī's position as a proud Shi'i leader of a community which received historical recognition in the new nation state. Beyond Lebanon, Mūsawī perceived himself as a peer of Sunni modernized forces and thought the time was ripe for acceptance of Shi'ism, through shared values, a pan-Islamic vision and a critical approach to Hadith, in its content and narrators, within a more humanized depiction of the Companions. Mūsawī did not deviate from classical Shi'i notions. Nevertheless, he joined forces with Shi'i reformists in their quest for historical reconciliation with Sunnis, within an expanded notion of orthodoxy. In his understanding, Sunni recognition of a toned down Shi'i historiography, together with Shi'i endorsement of Sunni Hadith, may pave the way for a cross-sectarian narrative based on a progressive vision of Islam and on a rational approach to the texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the compatibility of liberal citizenship with Twelver Shia jurisprudence, a topic previously analyzed from the perspective of Sunni schools, most notably in the extensive research of Andrew F. March. This study confronts the challenges of reconciling liberal citizenship with Islamic jurisprudence, as highlighted in March's work, through the lens of Shia legal thought. Rather than aiming to critique or review March's research, this article considers his work solely as a representative example addressing the topic from the perspective of Sunni jurisprudence. This approach provides readers with a fundamental contrast, illuminating the unique insights that emerge from examining the subject within the framework of Shia jurisprudence. Unlike Sunni jurisprudence, which addresses these issues case-by-case by reviewing relevant Quranic and narrational sources, Twelver Shia jurisprudence offers a more foundational resolution. Owing to the belief in the occultation of the twelfth Imam and its implications for the implementation of Islamic law, Shia scholars have advanced theories such as the theory of obstruction (insidād) and the suspension of the social and political dimensions of Sharia. These theories effectively narrow the scope of Sharia, allowing for the acceptance of laws from non-Islamic states and circumventing potential conflicts with liberal citizenship in the absence of the twelfth Imam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies is the property of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies is the property of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Ilahiyat Dergisi / Cumhuriyet Theology Journal is the property of Cumhuriyet Universitesi, Ilahiyat Fakultesi / Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Algerian Historical Journal is the property of Algerian Historical Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mixed jurisdictions are uniquely positioned to add their voice to the comparative law conversation. This article forays into worlds that have not been featured in the traditional mixed jurisdiction scholarship, which has narrowly discussed civil law/common law encounters. In a first case study, the article explores how a mixed jurisdiction perspective might have persuaded the US Supreme Court to construe the French source term lésion corporelle in an international air law treaty to cover purely mental injuries. The article's second case study features the Iranian waqf--a property endowment, which is rooted in Twelver Shia Islam, yet housed in a codification reminiscent of the great European codes. In addition, the Iranian waqf exhibits a powerful capacity to converse with other Islamic schools of jurisprudence in Sunni and Shia Islam as well as counterparts in the common law (in particular, the trust) and the civil law (in particular, the foundation) when it comes to isolating, managing and disposing of assets for designated purposes. In the light of both case studies, the article concludes with a call for a broader conception of mixity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1796, during the Qajar dynasty established by Agha Muhammad Shah in the Iranian region, the Baha'i faith emerged as a branch of Bábism, which claimed to represent the Mahdi awaited by the Shia sect. The Baha'i faith still exists today. The Baha'is, who deviated significantly from Bábism, were actually sustained with the support of the British and Russians. During this period, they played a role in the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty and aligned themselves with Reza Shah during the formation of the new government, thereby ensuring their supporters gained positions in political, social, military, and educational fields. This study, written with the contribution of Persian literature sources, explores the relationship between Reza Shah and the Baha'i faith, which has not been discussed in the Turkish literature. The study covers the Baha'i faith, the period and reforms of Reza Shah, the contributions of the Baha'is to the newly established government, and their influence on the administration. While the Baha'i faith is widely discussed in the Turkish literature, it is usually presented in terms of its history, beliefs, and rules. The study identifies gaps in the Turkish literature regarding the political branches of the Baha'is and their activities during the Reza Shah era and addresses these gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of both ideology and identity in Iran's policy in Iraq. In each society, there are competing self-images such as ethnic, ideological, and religious perceptions that impact foreign policy. Which begs the question whether identity or ideology has more influence? I argue that shared religious identity in two different countries is more important than ideology in mobilizing segments within multi-confessional societies. In addition, these forces become operational after the collapse of the state. The existence of a formidable central state thwarts the mobilization of counter identity and ideology, but when it weakens the door opens for sub-identities. The Islamist ideology of the Iranian revolution, for example, galvanized Muslims from different sectarian backgrounds. However, these ideological precepts gave away to shared identity. The Iraqi Shia today do not believe in the precepts of velayat-e faqih as much as shared Shia identity with Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary Research on Islamic Revolution is the property of University of Tehran and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary Research on Islamic Revolution is the property of University of Tehran and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Intercession (Shafa'ah) is one of the subjects frequently mentioned in the Holy Quran among the principles of Islamic belief called sam'iyyât. It is noteworthy that twenty of the twenty-five verses in which intercession is used literally are Meccan. As it is known, one of the characteristic features of the Meccan surahs is to correct the polytheistic elements in the beliefs of the polytheists and direct them to a püre monotheism belief. While in some verses, intercession is absolutely negated, in others, it is pointed out that polytheists will expect intercession from idols in the afterlife, in line with their understanding of polytheism, and this expectation is severely condemned. In some verses; Intercession seems possible for people who have the characteristics of witnessing the truth, fearing God, and taking a promise from God, subject to God's permission and consent. In terms of their apparent meaning, both the verses state that there is no absolute intercession and that it is considered possible for people who have certain characteristics has led to the emergence of different opinions. Differences of opinion focused on the "possibility of intercession for major sins". Murji'a, Shia, and Sunnis accept intercession for major sins based on the hadith "My intercession is for those of my community who commit major sins." Some Mu'tazila members do not accept the hadith in question as authentic without giving a reason in terms of criticism of the chain, and claim that even if it is authentic, because of being ahad it cannot be used as evidence about intercession, which is a matter of faith. They showed a different approach because they saw the text and content of the narration as contrary to the principles of "justice" and "promise and threat", which are among the five principles of faith they called "al-Usul al-Khamsa". They understood intercession, whose existence is certain according to the Holy Quran, as "raising the degrees of those who enter heaven". In our age, some scientists reject intercession with purely rational interpretations, without taking into account the relevant hadiths and their health status. In this case, the authenticity of the hadith in question is important in resolving disputes. In addition, it was aimed to emphasize the importance and methodological position of the hadiths, which are the statements of the Holy Quran, in inferring with the texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sources of the history of Islamic sects emphasize that the extremist sects that have emerged among Muslims have mostly emerged within the Shi'a sects. The aim of this article, which is a summary of the thesis, is to examine the emergence of the extremist Shi'a sects, the reasons for their emergence, the ideas and thoughts they put forward, the Isnāashariyya imams' contacts with the extremist Shi'a sects and their leaders, and the imams' attitudes and attitudes towards them. As a method, the relevant data were first analyzed and the relevant parts were evaluated. In this research, which is in the form of a thesis summary, it has been determined that the extreme Shiite views that emerged among the Muslims emerged in the first century of the Hijri, but intensely emerged in the second quarter of the second century of the Hijri, and that some of the leaders of the extreme Shiite factions first had close relations with the imams and then were rejected by the imams. In addition, the findings of the study also show that these factions hold ideas such as divinity, prophethood, hulūl, tenasuh, tashbīh, and bedā. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research investigates the status of Shia communities within the complex religious and sectarian framework of the Middle East, analyses how the persecution of Shia groups in nations such as Iraq, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia has enabled Iran to leverage these communities as proxies. This paper looks for an answer to the question of whether Iran's use of Shia communities as a foreign policy tool is facilitated by the discrimination and repression faced by Shia communities in the Middle East. The main argument of this paper is that Arab states' discrimination against Shia communities, particularly in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Iraq, has allowed Iran to expand its influence through these groups, thereby intensified sectarian tensions in the region. Within this framework, by capitalizing on the repression of Shia groups, Iran is utilizing them political disturbances in that region and positioning itself as the only protector of these groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are hadiths mentioned in Shia and Sunni theological sources regarding the succession of the Holy Prophet which have been criticized. However, the question is why there are significant differences and conflicting results among hadiths mentioned in Farighain hadith books, such as the hadith of Gadeer, that are almost accepted in related theological sources? This article aimed at showing the perceptible parts of these differences that are respectively referred to as the “methods of criticism” and basic parts are related to theological foundations of Imamate and its characteristics. This purpose is achieved through describing and analyzing the methods and contents of Sunni theological sources. Also, it aims at pursuing the perceptible level, which is more prominent. Evaluating the methods of criticism carried out on the hadith of Gadeer, it is found that the Sunni theologians have applied the content, documentary, and textual criticism methods. Considering the former method, the lexical, literary, and rational criticisms are associated with the highest statistics, respectively. Taking the mentioned criticism methods into consideration, the impacts of accepted verbal assumptions and foundations are clearly observed and it seems that the criticisms have been carried out with the purpose of achieving a predetermined goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muhaddith Urmawi, one of the contemporary researchers and scientists, corrects many Shia written heritages in various fields such as interpretation, hadith, theology, history, rijal, mysticism, etc., and is also the author of a detailed commentary on Du’a Nudba. His hadith research efforts, apart from the description of Du’a Nudba, are reflected in the numerous introductions, footnotes, and appendices that he has written on his research works, which are sometimes considered independent authors due to their detail. In this research, by using the descriptive-analytical method while analyzing and reflecting on Urmawi’s efforts in hadith works, the basics of his attention in examining the document, text, and origin of hadiths have been extracted. The results of the research show that the opinion on the necessity of verifying the authenticity of the hadith in terms of its transmission from Maʿsūm (A.S.) or otherwise, and the evaluation of the document rijal on its basics in documental investigations, and the opinion on the necessity of the investigation of the text of the hadith in order not to contradict the Qur’an, sunnah, hadith, definite history, the essentials of ritual and religion, as well as the necessity of elevating content and eloquence in the text issued by Maʿsūm (A.S.) are the basics of the study of the text of Urmawi Muhadith. Also, in examining the origin of hadiths, he emphasizes the necessity of obtaining hadiths from reliable sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the taqiyyah traditions that has been narrated with various isnad and texts in the Shia hadith books is a tradition that Imam Sadiq (a.s.) argues to the part of the story of Yusuf (a.s.) in the Quran to prove the correctness of taqiyya. It is hard to understand that the quality of the implications of this narration, on the correctness of taqiyyah in the books of hadith jurisprudence. It seems that Imam Sadiq (a.s.) in this narration very closed head presents an argument that has been accepted by the audience. In order to understand the meaning of this narration of Imam Sadiq (a.s.) it is beneficial to use the method of violation of Grice’s principle of cooperation. Its purpose is to understand more meanings of this narration. In order to understand the implicit meanings, this research has focused on the principle of empathy of Imam Sadiq (a.s.) with the companions of Hadith. A comparative study between the conditions of Imam Sadiq (a.s.) and the companions of Hadith, with the story of Hazrat Yusuf (a.s.) shows that Imam Sadiq (a.s.) sought to express three important issues. First: correctness of Taqiyyah, second: stating that the allegation of stealing hadith is wrong and third: announcing the victory of the movement of the Companions of Hadith in the revival of the Prophetic Sunnah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shi'a has divided into many sects due to various reasons throughout the historical process. One of the sects formed as a result of these divisions is Wāqifiyya. The word Wāqifī has been used in different contexts in many sects, In Shi'a terminology, for those who do not accept the death of Imām Mūsā al-Kāẓim, when he is used in absolute terms, reject the imamate of his son ʿAlī al-Riḍā who was appointed after him, adopt the idea that al-Kāẓim will return as the Mahdī and continue their beliefs on his imamate and jurisprudence. is used. Although materiality played an important role in the emergence of Wāqifiyya, it is seen that other reasons also had an impact. The main factor that makes Wāqifiyya important in terms of Shi'a hadith science is that the situation of the narrators who have this idea in terms of justice and control and whether the issue of whether they can bring evidence from the narrations conveyed through them remains current in the history of Shi'a hadith. Therefore, knowing Wāqifiyya in detail will help to understand the internal criticism mechanism in the sect and the methods of approaching the sects that Shi'a sees as other. Although many studies have been conducted focusing on other sects of Shia, no independent study has been conducted on Wāqifiyya. Our study aims to contribute to this deficiency seen in the literature. In the article, what is the value of Wāqifiyya and the narrations coming from them in Shia hadith thought? The answer to the question is sought. In order to better understand the issue, the study will examine the subject from a descriptive and analytical perspective, paying utmost attention to the principle of ideaevent connection. For this purpose, documentation analysis method, one of the qualitative research methods, will be used. In the final analysis, although Shi'a accuses the Wāqifīs of lying, atheism, infidelity and distorting narrations, they attach value to the narrations coming from their sect and use their narrations wherever they need within certain conditions. It is possible to explain this with the dominance of those who adopt the Wākīfī view in the sect, and the narrations coming through them are widely included in the hadith and rijāl books and have become established in the sect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite the traditional Islamic theory of Dar al-Ḥarb and Dar al-Islam, a third region known as "Dar Al-Muwāda'a" was recognized by Islamic jurists, particularly Shafi'i and Shia scholars. Dar Al-Muwāda'a region is one where non-Muslim nations have entered into a treaty or agreement with Muslim states, resulting in a commitment to cooperation and coexistence. Despite the limited scope of this agreement, the Islamic system recognizes and supports such nations, as long as both parties adhere to their agreed-upon terms. This concept highlights Islam's willingness to coexist with other faiths, despite the traditional division of the world into Dar al-Ḥarb and Dar al-Islam. Islam obligates the Islamic system to support these nations under the agreement of Dar Al-Muwāda'a. This study will employ the historical-analytical method and refer to the Qur'an, Sunni, and Shia jurisprudence to investigate Dar Al-Muwāda'a and its defining characteristics. This research aims to shed light on the conditions, obligations, and mutual rights of nations under the agreement of Dar Al-Muwāda'a, and its implications for contemporary international relations. The objective of this study is to challenge the misconception that Islam views non-Muslim lands as perpetual war zones, seeking domination. Our findings reveal that this assertion does not align with historical and jurisprudential foundations. Our research offers an alternative theory, Dar Al-Muwāhad'a, which acknowledges the existence of nations that have agreed with the Islamic State to coexist and cooperate. This theory provides a more nuanced understanding of Islam's view of other faiths and the potential for peaceful relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the issues raised under the topics of "ijtihād and taqlīd" is the invalidity of an obligatory act in the absence of taqlīd and caution, which almost all Shi'a jurists believe is invalid. The need to address this issue is because a person, after years of acting without imitation and caution, decides to perform actions with imitation of a mujtahid or caution from then on. Now, if his past deeds are invalid, he will suffer a lot of hardship to make up for his past deeds. In this article, in an analytical-descriptive method and citing library sources, the theories and arguments of Shi'a jurists have been criticized, and the basic question has been answered that, "in the case of action without imitation and caution, are all the past actions of the obligee (mukallaf) are considered void and should be made up for?" "And what is the criterion of the validity or invalidity of such a person's action the opinion of the mujtahid during the action or during the recourse?" By examining the evidence, it has been concluded that if such an action is in accordance with the facts or in accordance with the opinion of one of the two mujtahids during the action and during the reference (valid evidence), it is permissible and valid and does not require the compensation of past actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article attempts to delineate what it means to be Shia in relation to home-making in Sunni-majority Bangladeshi society. Unlike longer established Shias, those primarily settled in Old Dhaka and who are integrated into Dhakaiya culture and linguistic traditions, the post-Partition Urdu-speaking Shia migrants within the "Bihari" fold, a pejorative term used by Sunni-majority Bengalis, continue to seek to root home-making in Bangladeshi society. Both groups, however, have repeated a common practice in making home to bridge geographical and historical distance from a culturally significant center by reproducing it in the new location. Yet, despite the clear connections with Iran, it is the post-Partition migrants who find themselves negatively represented as collaborators with West Pakistan (now Pakistan) and this hinders the integration of this group into their new home. The article demonstrates that home is never produced in isolation of wider geopolitical, spatial, and historical factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractParts of Islamist Studies, Security and Conflict Studies, and Terrorism Studies reduce Shia combatants to indoctrinated masses due to their biased scholarship. Their approach remains top-down and macro-level, overlooking lived experiences and individual perceptions of those engaged in political violence. Accordingly, this article critically engages with such scholarship by highlighting how lived experiences and individual perceptions configure non-ideational paths toward political violence. I propose an ethnographically guided phenomenological inquiry of Shia nonstate armed actors and their situatedness in warscapes. I use the concept of warscapes and the complexities of individuation in warscapes to highlight the conceptual necessity of theorizing political violence from relational grounds that blurs the boundaries of micro-level and meso-level analysis. These relational grounds are shaped by inhumanities that predate conflicts and political violence reticulate inhumanities into a network that constitutes warscapes. I show this by combining the ethnography of Shia transnational militancy with the political histories of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. My critical interventions propose that Shia militancy is not only about sectarian divisions in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria or Yemen and the Islamic Republic of Iran’s defending its territories by other means. Shia militancy is also about individual worldviews, governing the multitudes, domestic politics, taming the Shia citizenry and the state keeping entropy and disorder low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's internal identity conflicts and its strategy to expand Shia influence in the Middle East. Iran's growing confidence in its regional power stems from its perceived victory in the prolonged confrontation with the United States and the belief that its constructive role will soon gain recognition. However, Iran faces internal ideological rifts as the younger generation challenges the conservative regime, exemplified by recent hijab protests. Simultaneously, Iran has been fostering Shia militant groups in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to project its influence and engage in shadow warfare against Israel and Saudi Arabia. The escalating Iran-Israel conflict and Iran's involvement in the Syrian civil war highlight its geopolitical maneuvers. The study argues that there is an interplay between Iran's internal politicized identity crises and its external power projection, as the regime seeks to consolidate its legitimacy by emphasizing anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. However, this strategy faces a dilemma, as resources allocated to suppressing domestic dissent and maintaining regional influence may further strain Iran's economy and exacerbate internal instability. The changing regional dynamics, such as the U.S.—Iran nuclear deal and the Arab-Israeli normalization, also pose challenges to Iran's strategic calculus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on the religiosity of Muslims in Europe often homogenises this diverse minority. This article diverges by focusing on a less visible ethno-religious minority within the Muslim population, specifically examining how Hazara Shia Muslim migrants from Afghanistan, resettled in the UK, live and organise Islam in everyday contexts. Addressing this gap, the research highlights the intersectionality of religion, ethnicity, and migration in reconfiguring religious practice. Grounded in the intersectional and lived religion approaches, this study contends that the religiosity of this Muslim minority undergoes a dynamic shift entwined with agency and adaptation in the new secular and plural context, becoming more individualised, privatised, and elective. Employing an ethnographic design, data are collected through semi-structured and key informant interviews, as well as participant observation, over 18 months of fieldwork across various council areas in Scotland. The findings illustrate reconfiguration, adaptation, and innovation in everyday Islam among this intersectional Muslim minority, identifying three main themes: the adaptation and reconfiguration of religious practices and rituals, the renegotiation of authoritative sources, and the navigation of intersectional identities and belonging since resettlement in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the long-term response of the Indian Muslim salariat to the lifting of usury laws in British India in 1855. The salariat were a group of urban professionals and landed gentry in north India who emerged after the uprising of 1857. They espoused a self-conscious brand of Islamic modernism, a central feature of which was a reinterpretation of Islamic traditions pertaining to 'rent on money' (interest/usury). Hitherto, Islamic legal rules authorizing interest/usury transactions had been context-dependent, but, motivated by the colonial state's abrogation of usury caps and a critique of prevailing Islamic legal norms, the salariat articulated a context-free interpretation of interest/usury in which the two were made distinct. Henceforth, interest transactions among Muslims were acceptable, but 'usurious' moneylending, conflated with 'Hindu' moneylending, was condemned. This pro-interest, anti-usury programme frequently fused Islamic exegesis with readings from European political economy. In turn, the salariat crafted a vernacular political-cum-moral economy that they sought to propagate among the Muslim masses. Nevertheless, by 1914 the salariat had largely disavowed this programme, convinced that the colonial state's revocation of usury laws had produced a Hindu–Muslim wealth gap. Now a new conception of an 'Islamic' economy, in which all interest was anathema, materialized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay delves into the intricate interplay between Shi‘a Islam, tribalism, and the Iraqi regime during the 1990s, with a specific focus on the influential figure of Muḥammad Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr. Al-Ṣadr epitomized a compelling case of second-tier scholars who successfully engaged segments of society overlooked by the clerical leadership, recognizing the multifaceted composition of Shi‘a society, with its urban poor, tribal roots, and growing intelligentsia. His Fiqh al-ʿAshāʾir, harmonized Islamic principles with tribal customs, facilitating dialogue with this traditional element, deeply entrenched within Iraqi society. Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr believed that the tribes and their leadership, with their growing alienation from the state, were ready to return to Islam, seeking spiritual comfort and a sense of belonging. While tribalism as a sub-national construct has the potential to undermine the unity of a nation or a larger supra-national entity, in Iraq, tribalism also encompassed a shared Arab ethnic identity, offering a prospect for bridging divides between the Sunni and Shi‘i population. Nevertheless, for Saddam Hussein, tribalism was a tool instrumental in consolidating his power. Consequently, Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr’s endeavour to influence tribal behaviour and inculcate an ethno-religious notion of tribalism presented a direct challenge to Saddam’s autocratic rule and his manipulation of state ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, Iraqi Shi’a political actors have been the main forces leading the country, dominating the domestic legislative scene over their Sunni and Kurdish counterparts. This article brings innovative analysis and classification of actors, such as Islamic Da’wa Party, Badr Organization, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), Harakat Huquq, Al-Hikma, Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), Sadrist Movement, or Imtidad, bringing more light on the Iraqi political scene since the parliamentary elections in 2021. The ideological anchorage of the parties is evaluated in two dimensions, religious and sectarian, placing them on the Islamic-secular and sectarian-nationalist axes, reflecting their approach towards intra-religious issues, vilayet al-faqih, possible normalization of relations with Israel, sectarianism, and nationalism. The methodology of this research is based on Chapel Hill Expert Survey data collection, semi-structured interviews with politicians and political experts from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and Iraq, Jordan, and the United Kingdom, content analysis of examined actors’ statements on social and official media and opinion polls, reflecting the voices of the Iraqi society. The main results of this research singled out clusters of more pro-Iranian actors (Badr Organization, AAH, Harakat Huquq), with the highest tendency to use Islamic and sectarian policies, followed by more traditional Iraqi political actors such as Islamic Da’wa Party and ISCI. Al-Hikma, Sadrist Movement and Imtidad then inclined to be more nationalist and secular. Finally, it shows the Iranian influence as a crucial factor in shaping the domestic and foreign policies of thoseactors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the key pilgrimage sites in Baku and the Absheron Peninsula in Azerbaijan, offering a comprehensive discussion of the history of Shia Islam in this region, with a particular focus on the Republic of Azerbaijan. Each site is examined in terms of its historical development, the figure of devotion associated with it, architectural features, surrounding environment, and religious practices, encompassing both orthodox and heterodox traditions. By integrating personal observations and an analysis of existing literature, this study discusses the main patterns of worship and devotion, providing insights into the broader context of Shia religious practices in Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sectarian conflict in G-B has remained an outstanding issue for decades. The conflict over religious differences is not a new dispute in the region. G-B claims to be home to various sects. The segments are Shia, Sunni, and Ismailia, who claim to live peacefully and have cordial relationships with each other. However, the rise of sectarianism began in the region in the late 1980s. The changes in the demographic composition, which included the abolition of the local law of the state-subject rule, led to a shift in power dynamics and further fueled sectarian tensions. The situation further changed with the formulation of the Kakoruram Highway. All this development leads to sectarianism in GB, which has a devastating impact on all segments of society. Based on all this, the market suffers a lot of such incidents because various segments depend on them. The whole region remained closed for a period with these unprecedented clashes of sectarian violence between the two sects of Muslims. It leads to an irreparable and chronic impacts on the common masses suffer greatly. During the sectarianism, region remained in deep crisis, which caused collateral damage for all sectors to suspend activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) is a Shia-dominated province within a Sunni-majority country, having a cluster composition of diversified religious identities including the segments of Shia, Sunni, Noorbakhshi, and Ismailia populations respectively. It is located between the disputed regions of India and Pakistan and is a sensitive region to sectarian violence. Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) has always remained in the headlines of the news not because of its natural and scenic beauty landscapes, but because of sectarian unrest. Tension and a sense of fear prevailing across the region on the rise of the inflammatory statements made from both communities' lives in Gilgit Baltistan. Before 1970, the region had no such eruptions and escalation of sectarian violence, all the ethnic and religious diversity segments had the sentiments, and cooperation, and lived in the coexistence with the amicable environment of brotherhood. The outbreak began to be executed with the development of the Karakoram Highway, the major transformative policies adopted by the regime of General Zia ul Haq, and foreign forces contributed their role to initiating the sectarian conflict in the 1980s In Gilgit Baltistan. The formulation of anti-Shia discourse and imposition of Sunni doctrine in propagating communal violence by neglecting the Shia segments, by having support from foreign powers such as Saudi Arabia, and the unneeded series of Afghanistan Jiddad all these have contributed their role in making the outbreak of sectarian conflict in Gilgit Baltistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1947, following the UN decision to divide Palestine, Bahrain's Jewish community became the target of communal violence. As crowds protested the partition plan, Manama's Jewish quarter was attacked and looted. In their aftermath, the Manama riots have been understood as a nationalist show of anger against Zionism, unfortunately unleashed against local Bahraini Jews. However, a close reading of events shows the riot as complex event involving local labour politics, anti-colonialism and Shi'a religious rituals. Drawing on British records, Jewish correspondence and personal memoirs, this paper locates the riot in its post-war Persian Gulf context and argues that it represented an encounter between regional politics of the Palestine Mandate and the post-war tensions of Manama as a late colonial oil city. While ostensibly driven by Arab opposition to Zionism, the riots also saw the culmination of socio-political tensions over labour and colonial rule, exacerbated by five years of war. As such, the Manama riots should be understood not only as an extension of emerging Arab-Jewish conflict in Palestine, but also within the local politics of the post-war Persian Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to correct a common inaccuracy in the study of Musa al-Sadr's politico-religious activity vis-a-vis the Syrian ʿAlawi regime. The thesis presented by the author is that Shīʿi authorities in Lebanon provided a religious statement that the ʿAlawis are Jaʿfari Muslims, but that this statement did not come from al-Sadr himself as many historians claim. Tracing the source of this inaccuracy leads to western research from 1986. In order to prove the thesis, the article reviews the Arabic literature on the topic, including writings of the ʿAlawi community in Syria and Lebanon, which systematically do not cite any fatwa by al-Sadr on this matter. This enquiry leads to new conclusions as to the background of the discussed fatwa, as well as concerning the relation between political interests and religious judicial decisions. Appendices appearing at the end of the article include a useful translation, presented for the first time in this work, of the most important Shīʿi declarations concerning the ʿAlawi religious identity, and the correspondence between al-Sadr and the ʿAlawi Youth Movement in Tripoli, Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Iran's Shia Imamate project that shapes its proxy war strategy. The Islamic Republic of Iran's (IRI) indirect surrogate warfare doctrine is discussed in three stages. First, the historical forces behind Tehran's proxy war approach and ideological factors that drive it are analyzed. Second, the historical execution of its militia strategy is examined; and third, the consequences of the Iranian-Hezbollah military entrenchment in Syria and its impact on the October 2023 Gaza War are assessed. The author concludes that Iran and its Shia proxies are poorly positioned to sustain a regional war against Israel to save Hamas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legitimacy crisis of Iran's clerical state may be at a tipping point: its fading Islamist façade and crumbling republican pretensions can no longer disguise its mismanagement and failures at governance. With the public more attuned to the hypocrisy and corruption of the ruling elite, the Islamic Republic has been plagued by a succession of popular uprisings. Its characteristic response has been violence, draconian repression, and the intensification of securitisation. But the more it focuses its efforts at self-preservation, the more it risks eroding its veneer of legitimacy. The centralisation of power around an increasingly autocratic Supreme Leader, the obsequiousness of elected institutions, and the kleptocracy of unelected entities, have contributed to disillusionment even among core supporters. Concerted efforts at marginalising Iran's non-Islamic heritage, and subsuming Iranian national identity into a Pan-Islamist Shia ideology, also raise questions about whom the Islamic Republic regards as its true constituency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaykh Ibrahim Zakzaky is one of the most prominent Shia scholars in Nigeria, who has gained considerable fame throughout West Africa for his unparalleled efforts in promoting and developing the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). The present study aims to examine the tumultuous life of this esteemed scholar and to provide a shining portrayal of his services to the Shia community in Nigeria. The main focus of this paper is on the life and challenges of the leader of nigerian Shia Muslims; and answer the central question posed regarding ‘To what extent Shaykh Zakzaky has succeeded in his strategic goals?’ The theoretical framework of this article is based on the theory of charismatic leadership by the German sociologist Max Weber, and the hypothesis of the article revolves around Shaykh Zakzaky's public acceptance among the Shia community in Nigeria. The research method applied is library-based with a descriptiveanalytical approach, and the attention paid to this topic, which is somewhat novel and original in its nature, is considered an innovative aspect of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the social and scientific developments of the modern era in Europe, Muslim thinkers have been seeking a new method of ijtihad (independent reasoning) in order to adapt Islam to the changes of the time or to produce new Islamic jurisprudential rulings for the emerging social transformations. Attention to the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah in ijtihad has been a way for the flourishing and dynamism of jurisprudence and providing appropriate responses to new issues. Attention to the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah is more prominent in the views of jurists who have had a social and governmental approach to the religion of Islam. Imam Khomeini and Sayyid Muhammad Baqir Sadr are among these jurists. In this research, using the descriptive method and library data collection, the following questions have been addressed: ‘What position the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah have in the thought of Imam Khomeini and Sadr?’ and ‘What are the differences and similarities with the views of Sunni jurists?’ The result indicated that Imam Khomeini has presented novel views with regard to the objectives (Maqaṣid) of Shariʻah, and his attention to the objectives of Shariʻah in the process of inference has been effective both in the expansion and deepening of jurisprudence. Sadr, too, based on definitive rational methods, seeks to find and uncover the ultimate goals of Shariʻah, and for this purpose, he distinguishes the objectives of Shariʻah from its aims. The common point between the views of Sunni jurists and Imam Khomeini and Sadr in enumerating the objectives of Shariʻah is the establishment of social justice and the preservation of the social system, and the difference is in the attention to the preservation of religion as one of the objectives of Shariʻah in the view of Shi'a jurists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]