Search

At the turn of the 20th century the development of modern sport linked to the industrial age and its quest for speed left little room for the classical Graeco- Roman wrestling, which being too static did not catch the imagination of the Parisan public. A new style emerged, the "catch-as-catch-can ", (attrape comme tu peux), rooted in American culture and similar to traditional English and Scottish styles of wrestling. Audiences at the time were captivated by the variety of holds and the acrobatic element of these moves. However, considered to be too dangerous, the practice gave rise to « free style » or « lutte libre » the Olympic discipline which prohibited any form of actual violence. Amateur wrestling no longer captured the public attention and « catch » took over as the combat sport of spectacle. In an effort to make wrestling a sport, the exuberant free for all and showmanship became more professional in France between the wars. Banned in this format under the Vichy regime and ill-suited as an educational pursuit, catch gained ground after World War II as a stage managed entertainment. Freestyle wrestling caught the imagination not only through the physical attributes of the athlete but evoked the symbolism of a traditional mythology of the strong man and champion of right. However, the 1960s were also notable for the growth of other sporting practices which thanks to the popularity of television broadcasts rivaled this aspect of wrestling. Furthermore, sport now offered a new mythology through a new style of spectacle simultaneously uniting and dividing the spectators in equal measure. From then on catch was condemned: the 1970s viewer could be surprised, but he no longer believed it was a real fight. Catch would therefore have to change in order to survive. Finally, the history of catch is about its different forms and the challenge to turn it into a popular public spectacle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pamphlets provide an overlooked corpus for understanding the demobilization of French soldiers in 1814 and 1815. Royalists particularly used the format to persuade combatants to return to civilian life, invoking the wartime suffering of French families to convince both soldiers and civilians to support an uneasy peace and a potentially unpopular ruler. Their writings reveal competing visions of the value and legacy of martial masculinity. Pamphleteers were torn between seeing soldiers as the quintessential victims or most enthusiastic agents of Napoleonic rule, and as wounded men ready for peace or as selfish and relentless warmongers incapable of domesticity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a large-scale longitudinal data set from France over a 23-year period (1990–2013) to investigate the links between socioeconomic status and long-term exposure to disadvantaged neighbourhoods. The findings show that while local environments tend to be durable over the life course, higher income substantially reduces the risk of staying in spaces with high unemployment over time. The negative effect of income on the transmission of disadvantage is found regardless of immigrant background. However, a specific form of socio-spatial disadvantage is observed for low-income children of non-European immigrant(s), who experience a greater degree of exposure to high unemployment areas from childhood to adulthood than any other group. These findings make a new contribution to emerging research on intergenerational contextual mobility by documenting the moderating effect of income and immigrant origin on the transmission of spatial disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article traite du non-recours au soin de populations précaires, déjà sujettes à différents phénomènes de discrimination directe. Il cherche à définir l'expression polymorphe du non-recours et à en expliquer l'origine et sa pérennisation au sein du système de santé. This article deals with non-recourse of medical care of precarious populations that already suffer of direct discrimination. It tries to define the polymorphic presentation of non-recourse phenomenon and explains its origin and perpetuation inside the French health system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shifts our understanding of the geographies of education away from large cities. It provides a geographical and urban analysis of the contribution of differences in enrolment between the public and private sectors to social segregation in French middle schools. Using the mutual information index, we show that the contribution of public/private divergences is rising and is higher in middle-sized urban areas and central municipalities. These geographical areas, however, are not those where social segregation is highest, nor those where the private sector is commonly regarded as the main cause of segregation. Moreover, the gaps between the public and the private sectors are stronger at the local level. This confirms the idea that the private sector is indeed a tool for circumventing France's School Map (la Carte scolaire) for allocating places to pupils and that private schools create additional social differences locally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Stuart Mill's assertion that his politics were best described as "under the general designation of Socialist" is often ignored, and-where acknowledged-blamed on his wife, Harriet Taylor. In this article, I explore this particular "Harriet Taylor Myth," considering in detail Mill's account of their co-authoring of Principles o f Political Economy, Taylor's own socialism; and the development of their views in the context of events in France in 1848.1 conclude that there may be some evidence that Taylor thought France ready for communist experiments in 1849, whereas Mill disagreed, and that she thought the utility gained by securing subsistence would be more significant than he did. In itself, however, this is not enough to claim she was radically "more" socialist than Mill, or that the positions that were included in Principles are not authentically "his" as well as "theirs." Instead of seeking to avoid Mill's socialism by ascribing it solely to the (malign) influence of his wife, we ought to take more seriously both their co-authoring relationship and their commitment to a decentralized, peaceful, and voluntaristic-but nonetheless radical- socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to identify the factors that contribute to the successful or unsuccessful integration of the Chinese diaspora in France. There is already a significant amount of literature that probes into the immigrant experiences of various other groups in France. However, the Chinese diaspora in France has remained insufficiently studied. This study aims to address this gap. The main findings of this study are that 1) unsurprisingly, the older the age of arrival, the less well integrated immigrants are in French society, 2) somewhat surprisingly, the less well integrated an immigrant is, the more likely he or she is going to believe that France is a tolerant and open-minded country, and 3) counterintuitively, the more deeply a member of the Chinese diaspora is immersed in French society, the more likely he or she is going to believe that France is hostile to people of Asian heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A discussion of the recent gilets jaunes revolt in France, reflecting on the dynamics of contemporary populist social movements. Starting with the causes of the uprising -underlying and immediate - the article goes on to explore the democratic demands of the movement, the role of the historical imaginary of the French Revolution, the relationship between the gilets jaunes and France's banlieues, and the predominance of police violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores regional (département or NUTS3) income inequality in France between 1860 and 1954. To this end we first document the existing evidence, evaluate the estimation methods and findings, assess the suitability of each approach and address potential concerns. We then present our own subnational estimates of per-capita income, derived following Geary and Stark. Overall, we find that indirect estimation (or top-down) methods provide somewhat differing results, thereby calling into question the validity of some of these approaches. Our estimates, meanwhile, appear to fit reasonably well with direct estimations (or bottom-up) of value-added and income and provide evidence in support of a decline in regional inequality over the period of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work proposes the term 'naval elites' in order to provide a new interpretation of social change in the eighteenth century from a comparative perspective. Naval elites, a social group formed by a part of the naval officer corps and midshipmen, are here defined as a historical instrument, the particular and intriguing features of which may be useful in the revision of some perspectives on social change. In particular, the authors analyse shifting power relationships through the reconsideration of naval patronage and bureaucracy, revisit the process of naval professionalization and the transformation of the concept of merit, and suggest that naval elites embodied new notions of social distinction and exclusiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The present research seeks to show that culture‐specific variables can moderate the impact of general determinants of intergroup discrimination, usually assumed to operate identically across cultures. The present paper reports the results of two studies testing the hypothesis that, in France, the cultural norm of new laïcité (a French‐specific ideology of secularism) can moderate the impact of the perceived host culture adoption and national identification on discrimination against immigrants. We conducted a correlational study (Study 1, N = 249) and an experiment (Study 2, N = 143) using two distinct and previously validated measures of intergroup discrimination. Results showed that the higher the perception of a norm of new laïcité, the stronger the link between host culture adoption and national identification. More specifically, among native French people, the perception of a weak host culture adoption and a weak national identification on the part of immigrants produced higher levels of discriminatory behavior especially when the intergroup norm of new laïcité was high. These studies highlight the fundamental importance of taking into account culture‐specific variables in the study of discrimination and point to the fact that, by changing the normative context, one may change intergroup behaviors. Reducing intergroup discrimination in applied settings may require targeting culture‐specific intergroup norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study focusing on the French Orléans-Longueville family in the beginning of the 16th century. Particular emphasis is given to several financial, diplomatic, and architectural ordeals the family faced during that period, including paying the ransom for the release of Louis, duc de Longueville, being held prisoner in England during the reigns of Henry VIII, King of England, and Louis XII, King of France. Several documents reproduced in this article's appendices are also included.

This article will attempt to recount the history of the emergence of this theme of ‘la souffrance au travail’, highlighting its role in laying bare transformations and fault lines in French society today. The article will explain this role by providing a detailed description of the ‘managerialist turn’ and the new methods of management that characterise it. It will show how such methods transform relationships between employees, eroding links of cooperation, solidarity, and collaborative life. These corrosive effects seem to confirm the hypothesis of the ‘centrality of work’ in the formation of the polity and of citizens. The article will examine the controversies sparked by this hypothesis of ‘the centrality of work’, detailing the hostilities it has provoked, as much amongst the trades unions as amongst academics, before emphasising the role played by artists, filmmakers, writers, legal experts, and journalists who have managed to put work at the centre of public debates in France. By way of conclusion, the article will try to explain why this has proved to be the case in France more than elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Recent research from France has used census data to explore patterns of residential segregation among immigrants and natives. Yet few studies explore how residential mobility underpins these patterns. This article draws on recent panel data (1990–2013) to explore how the ethnoracial composition of neighbourhoods impacts moving among first and second generation immigrants and natives. Two hypotheses are explored: ethnic clustering, or reduced out‐mobility of immigrants and their offspring from coethnic neighbourhoods, and native flight, or the departure of natives from immigrant neighbourhoods. This article is the only to measure these processes in France at the neighbourhood level, on both first and second generation immigrants, using panel models that control for individual and neighbourhood heterogeneity. The findings document a significant negative effect of the neighbourhood coethnic share on moving out among first and second generation immigrants that remains strong over all time periods. In contrast, the French majority are more likely to exit areas with increasing shares of immigrants, except in models controlling for unobserved neighbourhood characteristics. Moving destinations across groups are also analysed and show that non‐Europeans enter neighbourhoods with substantially higher immigrant shares net of controls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on social history and police of France. Various topics discussed include relation between society and state, comparative history of police in France, sociology of police, military prisoners in France, justice in 18th century, fraud among police and investments in police service.

Between 1998 and 2006, the memory of slavery in France developed from a marginalized issue into a priority of the state. This article examines the process in which community activists and state actors interacted with and against one another to integrate remembrance and the commemoration of slavery and its abolitions into a Republican national narrative. It focuses on a series of actions from the protests against the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in 1998 to the creation of the 10 May National Memorial Day to Slavery and Its Abolitions in 2006. Basing its analysis on oral history interviews and various publications, this article argues that "memory activists"-and particularly new anti-racist groups-mobilized the memory of slavery to address issues of community identity and resistance within the context of twenty-first-century republicanism. In so doing, they articulated a new kind of black identity in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including literary works on French society, allegorical writing on contemporary France and works of French journalist Octave Mirbeau.

This article examines the trial and punishment of men and women involved in violence in a political context in interwar France. The law courts offered parties and leagues a staging ground to further expose the brutality of their enemy and skewer the alleged partiality of the democratic Third Republic. The investigation and punishment of such crimes encountered important obstacles, from the reluctance of witnesses to speak to the police to the practice of trial by jury, which contemporaries recognized frequently led to unsatisfactory verdicts. Acquittals, such as those of the killers at the rue Damrémont in 1925 and at Hénin-Liétard in 1934, provoked outrage in the partisan press. Yet juries brought with them to the courtroom an understanding that, in certain circumstances, extreme violence was legitimate. Analysis of the cases of those French who ‘got away with murder’ thus reveals broader attitudes to politically motivated violence in interwar France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key protagonist in French physical education at the end of the twentieth century, Annick Davisse stands out for her singular career path, the sheer number of public speeches she made and the specificity of her educational proposals supporting the cause of girls in PE. Based on an analysis of her oral interviews and her publications as a whole, the biographical journey of this former Regional Teaching Inspector, whose subversive power stemmed from the paradoxes she embodied, is examined. Her novel approach to the fight against gender inequality was backed by a dialectical stance on the frontiers between gender standards and various membership groups. On the pedagogical front, she proclaimed her independence from the dominant categories of thought in PE and developed an innovative perspective on the gender question, cemented by the duration of her commitment and the wide circulation and (re)appropriation of her proposals. Lastly, Annick Davisse simultaneously tackled the question of gender differences (understood as the 'differentialist' position) and that of the universal right to equality (understood as the 'universalist' position), regardless of the paradoxes this generated with respect to feminist thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on qualitative research, this article aims to shed some light on the criticism of the functioning of French society by youths of North African origin influenced by a Salafist reading of Islam. The arguments put forward, which draw largely on a religious theme, must be taken seriously. However, the references to a "Salafised" world of meaning are not exclusive and they coexist with an attachment to other, more liberal values. We will therefore endeavour to determine whether the criticism expressed generates separatist attitudes or whether it leads to individual and collective strategies founded on a dual cultural allegiance. Without denying the ambivalences or weaknesses, it is necessary to accurately clarify the identity constructs and social trajectories of the working-class youths studied here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Synthesizing fledgling theories of post-truth (associated with Donald Trump and Brexit) and theories of emotions in populism, I analyze the right-wing French movement La Manif Pour Tous and their campaign against what they call "gender theory in the schools." After identifying their populist qualities, I analyze the movement's five prominent post-truth qualities on Facebook: (a) fake people; (b) active distrust; (c) emotion; (d) rumor bombs; and (e) backlashes. Considering the conjunctural specificity of social trust and truth deficits, I propose that post-truth and "rumor-bombing" aspects, simultaneous with their populist nature, are better understood as a kind of emotional truth or "emo-truth" in right-wing populist movements today. Finally, I propose cases like this may point to a mainstreaming of post-truth populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objectives of this article are to highlight memory as a phenomenon in the field of sport, to determine its content and to understand the dynamics that governed it during the twentieth century. Memory and its socio-historical study are two growing dimensions of the postmodern era, while sport, structured by industrial societies, has shaped modes of representation, notably since the second half of the century. Through the link between sport and society, the spatial and temporal considerations as well as the reconfiguration of social frameworks, we will therefore reveal the existence and emergence of memory as a vital element of the contemporary sporting sphere. From this analysis, we will also put forward a first assessment of existing uses of sporting memory: between historical legitimacy and patrimonialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Virginie Desgranges (1868–1887), was born into an impoverished family on the Brittany/Normandy border. Her father, who died when she ten, was a rag-and-bone man. At the request of folklorist, she filled eleven notebooks with a mixture of songs, traditional tales and three longer, semi-autobiographical fictions, written while she was employed as a farm servant. This article uses these texts to explore the world of a young, poor, malnourished and possibly abused young woman in nineteenth-century rural Brittany. Through her narratives we can derive a picture of her world with its dangers, miseries and occasional pleasures, and the characters who shaped her life experiences: the predatory masters, the miserly farmers, the helpful neighbours, and the magistrates. We learn about her cultural formation, the role of the school and the church, but also the street-singers, the sailors and the vagabonds who contributed to her oral culture. In her short stories Virginie tells us about the tensions within her family – with her brother but particularly her mother – and raises the topic of sexual abuse. These texts enable historians to perceive how someone in her position interpreted their own sufferings, and in particular what violence and misery she felt was normal and what aberrant. They also show us how a young woman might plan her escape from her circumstances, as well as the forces that prevented those plans coming to fruition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Economie Politique is the property of Editions Dalloz Sirrey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary Geographical indications in France are governed since 1935 by a unique mixed public/private Institute set-up on the failure of the State to define GIs. This mixed body, the National Institute of Appellation of Origin, composed of representatives of public authorities and producers’ Organization was weakened due to a moving context in France, Europe, and worldwide. The transfer of activities of control of GIs to private certification organization on the one end and the increased involvement of the EU Commission on the other end questions the future of INAO and affects the attractiveness of GIs and hence rural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents information on global research of life expectancy in various countries including U.S., France, and Korea; as a measure of country's health. Topics discussed include reduction in premature deaths of adults and public health facilities, economic prosperity, and disability due to depressive disorders.

Copyright of Politiques Sociales is the property of Service Social dans le Monde, asbl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tocqueville Review -- La Revue Tocqueville is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reports that mass performances played an unprecedented role in the Revolutionaries' comprehensive refashioning of society during the French Revolution from the 1790 to 1794 . leaders of the revolution turned to mass performances to integrate invented traditions into the body politic. The festivals are central to the understanding of the tension between liberty and authoritarianism at the heart of the political culture of the French Revolution.

During the eighteenth century, so it is conventionally argued, the family portrait underwent a decisive transformation. Hitherto stiff and formal, such pictures took on a new informality and intimacy in response to the rise of a new set of domestic ideals. In the case of French family portraiture, this narrative has continued to be rehearsed in a largely uncritical way. What has not been adequately grasped to date is the way that such pictures functioned to legitimate the sitters and, more particularly, the male head of the family in the eyes of an external beholder. Although sometimes commissioned by a royal or noble family in response to a dynastic crisis, they most often functioned to consolidate the social ascent of wealthy commoners. The changes that the family portrait underwent during this period are bound up with the shift of political authority away from the absolute monarch towards the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the nineteenth century, not only did the extraordinary development of the printed press transform the cultural environment, but it also brought about major formal changes in literature. This article explores these trasnformations through a focus on the contemporary use of the concept of "modernity." The word dates back to 1688 at least, but it was mostly employed during the nineteenth century to describe post-revolutionary France and especially to criticize its consumerism and materialistic "bourgeoisie." Nineteenth-century media culture embodied the triumph of "modernity," especially in the form of the petite presse ("small press"). Born in a world where censorship still compromised the freedom of speech, the petite presse was an illustrated, satirical, ironical, and wisecracking medium. It aspired to a generalized non-seriousness which would, for a long time, be viewed as the "Parisian spirit". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When France won the World Cup in 1998, the team’s multiethnic composition was feted as a symbol of the nation’s new, postcolonial image. Alas, the feel-good story did not last. Wins became scarce, scandals plagued the team and football was politicized as the public deplored the ‘Playstation junkies’ too individualistic to serve the nation. The infusion of racially charged rhetoric into the discourse ofLes Bleusled many to believe that French football is rife with racism and that the national team is not well received by the public. On the contrary, the public is generally supportive ofLes Bleus. The negative discourse is an anti-football backlash against the sport’s business climate, one fuelled by traditional disdain for football, and shaded by domestic anxieties. This is the ‘second sports crisis’, an identity crisis less about racial identity and more about the sociocultural norms of being French. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In France, public policies began defining 'incivilities' as a primary topic and target to focus on more than two decades ago. Yet what this term actually means is still somewhat unclear: almost every organization that uses it has its own definition, sometimes its own observatory. Despite, or perhaps because of, its very vagueness, the concept has become widely shared and used, securing itself a place on the agendas of most local security policies, becoming an explicit part of the remits of an increasing number of professionals, from police officers to social workers, including a wide range of municipal agents. The range of situations and behaviors potentially included in the list of 'unruly conduct' is seemingly endless, from groups of teenagers hanging out to homeless people privatizing public places, and from using playgrounds as public toilets to noise, garbage, dog fouling, graffiti, queue-jumping, pushing and shoving, street harassment, insults of all kinds, badly parked cars, and so forth. However, not all of them provoke the same public attention. This article focuses on the way disorders are actually defined, measured, and dealt with in practice. Incivilities are often said to be growing because of increasing powerlessness. Our research proves action is far from being merely correlative to the legal capacity for sanction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the word democratization was used at the time Jules Ferry was minister of public instruction and fine arts to describe state attempts to socially diversify the public of cultural institutions, historians have paid little attention to it. Further, they have contended that the perceived illegitimacy of the state prevented it from carrying out an effective cultural policy. This article argues that this dismissive view results from a narrow definition of state intervention in the arts that cannot accommodate the idea of a policy that would both democratize and discriminate. The article examines Jules Ferry's cultural policy so as to shed light on republican principles of justice. Rejecting the idea of a contradiction marring the republican discourse, it investigates the relationship between the principle of citizens' equal rights and the utility principle. It comes to the conclusion that the principle of citizens' equal rights was not a priority principle for Ferry but a principle whose implementation was subordinated to a utility calculus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Population (00324663) is the property of Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Night waking in preschoolers has been associated with adverse health outcomes in cross-sectional studies, but has rarely been analyzed in a longitudinal setting. Therefore, little is known about the evolution of night waking in early childhood. The objectives of the present study were: to identify night-waking trajectories in preschoolers, and to examine the risk factors associated with those trajectories. Analyses were based on the French birth-cohort study EDEN, which recruited 2002 pregnant women between 2003 and 2006. Data on a child's night waking at the ages of two, three, and five, six years, and potential confounders, were collected through parental self-reported questionnaires. Night-waking trajectories were computerized using group-based trajectory modeling on 1346 children. Two distinct developmental patterns were identified: the "2-5 rare night-waking" (77% of the children) and the "2-5 common night-waking" pattern. Logistic regressions were performed to identify the factors associated with the trajectories. Risk factors for belonging to the "2-5 common night-waking" trajectory were: exposure to passive smoking at home, daycare in a collective setting, watching television for extended periods, bottle feeding at night, high emotionality, and low shyness. This approach allowed identification of risk factors associated with night waking during a critical age window, and laid the groundwork for identifying children at higher risk of deleterious sleep patterns. Those risk factors were mainly living habits, which indicated that prevention and intervention programs could be highly beneficial in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]