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The ability of teams to self-organize and engage in spontaneous collaboration is crucial to 21st-century organizations. The large extent of nonroutine activities in such organizations hampers the effectiveness of traditional management instruments, such as monitoring effort and performance levels and exercising fiat—resulting in increasingly important self-organized collaboration. To explain how such collaboration is possible, we suggest a refinement of the psychological assumptions underpinning influential theories of the firm—specifically, concerning how people reason. We juxtapose "Nash reasoning" (the mode of reasoning underpinning organizational economic theories of the firm) with "virtual bargaining" (a more collaborative mode of reasoning drawing on recent research in cognitive science). Virtual bargaining enables individuals to establish, maintain, and abide by tacit "social contracts" of their team and organization—the (often-tacit) norms, rules, roles, and responsibilities governing how employees should behave (irrespective of their personal objectives). Thus, virtual bargaining helps individuals mitigate challenges of team production, such as shirking and hold-up, in a self-organizing and self-enforcing way. We analyze the conditions under which virtual bargaining leads individuals to coordinate on enhanced effort levels in organizationally relevant settings. We outline avenues for empirically testing virtual bargaining in organizations and discuss conceptual implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pay‐for‐success contracts are social and financial innovations in social policy and capital markets, respectively. This paper argues that they exhibit option‐like payoffs and implements standard option‐pricing arguments in assessing the value of investing in pay‐for‐success contracts. Sensitivities vis‐à‐vis contract specifications are reflected in the valuation formula and help reach investment and social policy decisions. These sensitivities are demonstrated via a numerical application that uses parameters drawn from the Massachusetts Juvenile Justice Pay for Success Initiative, the largest pay‐for‐success initiative in the United States at the time of its launch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on Michel Serres's unconventional approach to society, which diverges from traditional social sciences terminology and boundaries. Topics include Serres's critique of social contract theory, his concept of unbounded sociality, and his exploration of how global phenomena challenge traditional social frameworks.

We argue that a deficient provision of public goods may influence citizen satisfaction with the status quo, thereby encouraging demands for institutional changes. We formalize and test this relationship using prior data related to the recent constitutional process carried out in Chile to replace its dictatorship‐era constitution. Individual‐level data from the Chile 2016/17 AmericasBarometer survey are used to estimate ordered and multinomial probit models to study the determinants of citizen preferences for constitutional change, distinguishing between amendment and replacement. The main findings reveal that preferences for reforming the Chilean constitution can be driven by greater discontent with public goods provision. These results remain robust when estimating pseudo‐panel models using cohort‐level data and examining coefficient stability. Moreover, higher levels of corruption are associated with a stronger demand for constitutional replacement, suggesting a potential rupture in the shared social contract due to poor governance and lower political equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainability communications have become a key issue for organisations. While most studies have focused on sustainability reporting and green advertising, other communication tools such as sponsorship are under‐researched. The present study addresses this void by exploring the potential and identifying key characteristics and challenges of sustainable sponsorships, theoretically conceptualised as a social contract between sponsorship contractors and society. As such, it is the first to identify the potential and key characteristics of sponsorship for sustainability communications. The authors took an explorative, qualitative research approach, conducting 13 in‐depth interviews. The interviewees highlighted eight characteristics that determined sustainable sponsorships across all three sustainability dimensions. Sustainability was identified as a key driver in managing sponsorship effectively. In light of the study's findings, it is recommended that sponsors and sponsees should adapt their sponsorship management to incorporate sustainability. Measuring the outcome and success of sustainable sponsorships could be a subject for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theoretical literature on the meaning of qualification standards depicts a variety of definitions. Some definitions describe properties of examinees, whilst others rely on cohort-level or system-level characteristics. Different definitions can be compatible or contradictory. In this study, stakeholders’ views of the meaning of qualification standards in Scotland were collected, using focus groups (82 participants) and a questionnaire (918 participants). Almost 60% of questionnaire participants responded that standards tell us about performances on the assessment (criterion-referencing) and approximately 40% responded that they tell you about an underlying ability (construct-referencing). Few participants considered that maintaining statistical grade distributions every year were important. Discrepancies in views raise questions regarding how an examination board manages the political and technical process of maintaining public confidence in standards. Based upon this Scottish case, the authors argue that social settlements regarding qualification standards are a social contract, and a solely technocratic view of standards is conceptually inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies the Loewe, et al. framework (2024) to the Egyptian case from 2011 to the present. It finds that this framework could be strengthened by further exploring the following drivers of change in social contracts: - balance of power within the state. In the Egyptian case, a longstanding informal contract between the Presidency and the military collapsed in 2011. The new contract between the Presidency and the military that emerged after 2013 altered the elite coalition that underlay the regime and led to change in the social contract; - structure of the labor market. The Sisi regime faced a labor market that was divided into core insiders, legacy insiders, and outsiders. It revised the social contract to direct substantial support to core insiders while reducing support to legacy insiders. Outsiders were left with even less state support. - new technologies of repression enabled the regime to monitor society more extensively, target repression more effectively, and shape the public sphere in a manner supportive of the new social contract; - international sponsors. The Gulf states and China provided financial and military assistance that buttressed the revised social contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the interaction between Syrian refugees’ entrepreneurship and the social contract of Kurdistan Region of Iraq using qualitative method. The findings confirm that the low level of social contract’s recognition of refugee resources as property rights had a negative effect on their entrepreneurship activities. In contrast, the provisions provided by the government, as part of the social contract helped refugees utilize their resources, which played a positive role in motivating refugee entrepreneurship. Regarding the impact of refugee entrepreneurship on the social contract, there was no top-down change, even with indications of change agency. This can be explained by the low level of participation, in the social contract, and the weakness of entrepreneur associations. For bottom-up change, refugee entrepreneurs tended to challenge the exclusiveness and clientelism in the social contract by increasingly deviating from standard processes, which lead to some de facto change. This research enhances our insights of refugees’ entrepreneurship and integration in the context of the social contract and its change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the evolution of social dialogue institutions in Lebanon and Tunisia between 2010 and 2017. Both countries faced critical junctures, but their institutions pursued divergent courses. The national social dialogue institution was revamped in Tunisia to increase participation in policymaking, whereas it was reinstated in Lebanon without addressing its institutional flaws. By building on these developments, this paper makes two theoretical contributions. First, it argues that the nature of political interference in organized labour prior to the critical juncture influences its subsequent role. Labour neutralization in Lebanon was founded on sectarian politics that co-opted national leadership and bound rank-and-file to sectarian clientelism. Labour pacification in Tunisia harmed executives, whereas local unionists remained independent. After the critical juncture, Tunisian organized labour revitalized itself, aided by rank-and-file autonomy. It then made a strategic choice to reconsolidate the tripartite system with enhanced involvement of the traditional labour and capital organizations in policymaking. Lebanese organized labour was unchallenged by its rank-and-file. It maintained ties with political elites. Second, these paths illustrate the differences between social contracts. Participation in policy elaboration is among the deliverables exchanged between political elites and social actors in Tunisia but not in Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks to what extent national narratives drive changes in social contracts on both national and local level. Societal and especially state actors can use narratives to underline or omit specific rights and duties in social contracts, or to privilege particular contracting parties. In the Syrian case, repression and foreign intervention triggered changes in the national social contract, yet the exclusionary narrative functioned as a catalyst for these changes and entrenched them on both, the national and the city level. We show that housing, land and property (HLP) policies in (post-)war Damascus have an urban scope but a national impact. Not only wartime destruction but also post-war demolition have been particularly high in selected neighbourhoods and (re-)construction favoured upscale urban mega projects. This approach to urban planning reflects an exclusionary national narrative, which stigmatizes parts of the population as ‘terrorists’ and suspects them of stirring up public disorder. In consequence, these groups are marginalized or even ‘evicted’ from the social contract. For those Syrians still covered by the social contract, the narrative seeks to offer a justification for the large-scale exclusion of fellow citizens. Our analysis is based on an extensive review of literature from human geography, with a focus on the physical and social urban fabric, and political science, on intra-societal power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social contracts have recently re-emerged as a field of research. They can stabilize the relationship between state and society by establishing some predictability about the mutual deliverables between actors - especially if they are flexible for modifications to take account of changes in the framework conditions, the positions and preferences of their parties, and prevailing norms, values and ideologies. The question is, thus, when, why and how social contracts change. We argue that they change more continuously in countries with institutionalized mechanisms of renegotiation, such as parliamentary debates, open public discourse and interest group lobbying. These are more often democratic countries even if changes in democratic countries can also happen suddenly and unexpectedly. Autocratic countries, though, tend to be more resistant to regular change because they lack the procedures and mechanisms. This includes most countries in the Middle East and North Africa. Here, significant changes usually only take place if something unforeseen happens, such as a price shock, a pandemic, an earthquake or an invasion by a foreign country. At these ‘critical junctures’, at least one key actor in a country – often but not always the government – must react. This actor can, but does not have to, change its previous course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a novel Social Reproduction feminist approach to re‐evaluate the Soviet experience of industrialization within the context of global research on primitive accumulation. I analyse the first Five‐Year Plan as a unique process of 'primitive Soviet accumulation,' focusing on the Zhenotdel collectivization campaign and the often‐overlooked role of Zhenotdel peasant women delegates [krestyanki delegatki]. The study explores their involvement in peasant women's revolts against collectivization, emphasizing the significance of these events for the Zhenotdel's emancipatory programme in the village. Considering class as a social relation to the conditions of life's reproduction, I demonstrate: (1) how primitive Soviet accumulation reshaped the gendered metabolic relationship between land and labour during the first Five‐Year Plan and (2) yet, the allocation of surplus into the expanded Soviet state apparatus laid the foundation for the distinctive Soviet mother–worker gender contract and social citizenship model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the late British Mandate period until 1967, a cohesive system of social and political arrangements took shape among the people of the Hebron district in the West Bank. This system, referred to here as the Hebronite alliance, was born of a continuous crisis and played a central role in cultivating harmony and co-liability among the people of the district and its expatriates. It promoted them as a collective and individuals and shaped the distinct pro-Hashemite character of the Hebron region. The strength of the alliance stemmed from the adoption of a unique social contract and a new regional 'Hebronite' identity that was a stable anchor for many Palestinians caught between the competing Palestinian, Jordanian, and pan-Arab national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of politicians in representative democracies and their impact on decision-making processes. It highlights the potential for bad apples, or unethical and incompetent politicians, to compromise the democratic process. The article suggests that conscientious politicians may need to compromise their moral convictions to resist bad apples and gain necessary support. It also discusses the benefits of public deliberation in empowering politicians to make informed compromises and resist the influence of bad apples. The article emphasizes the complexities and challenges of achieving political competence in representative democracies. [Extracted from the article]

Social atomism is a view that informs much contemporary social thinking. Drawing on arguments from Marxism and Buddhism, I will argue that it is false, and explore the consequences of this for a number of issues, notably those related to the ideology of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tabayyun is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the most important principles in contractual matters, related to the effects produced towards the contracting parties, is that of its binding force, having its source in the will of the contracting parties, in their autonomy of will, sacralized by the power of law recognized to this will. In the introductory part of the study, it was brought into discussion whether the legal power of the binding force of the contract, enshrined in the current Civil Code, is still up-to-date compared to the realities of our days, when, under the influence of economic, social and globalist phenomena, we are witnessing a limitation of the freedom of will, to its censuring at legal level, to the possibility of the judge to adjust the contract, even beyond the will of the parties. As support for the argument, reference was made to the UNIDROIT principles, to the Principles of the European Contract Law, to the Reference Framework Project, to the Portuguese Civil Code and to that of Quebec, which enshrine the binding force of the contract, without confering it the power of law. The binding force of the contract subsists because the objective law, the legislation, recognizes and grants it, and the private norm, as the law of the parties, which details the binding nature of the contract, must be in accordance with the objective law, without being assimilated with the objective legislation. In outlining the principle of the binding force of the contract, we bent over and brought into discussion the distinction between the obligational nature and the binding nature of the contract, which operates regardless of the obligational or non-obligational content of the contract. The binding nature of the contract, its binding force, acts not only with regard to its content, as it is established by the express or implicit clauses, from its interpretation, from the implied clauses that are part of the contract [Article 1272 (2) of the Civil Code], but also regarding the extended and accepted clauses or the negotiated or common standard clauses, even if, in our opinion, the latter represent a way to supplement the contract. Contractual fidelity is analyzed in this study not only from the perspective of the debtor, bound by the fulfilment of the obligation assumed with the diligence of a good owner, but also from the perspective of the creditor, whose conduct must not make the execution of the contract more difficult. Cooperation seen as a means of achieving the common interest entails the creditor's duty to minimize the damage, in the case of the debtor's abdication from the binding force of the contract. In terms of the binding force of the contract, its modification and cessation are examined in relation to the principle of symmetry and asymmetry, the first having as its basis the agreement of the parties, and the second the contractual clause or the legal provision. In the operation of the mutual cessation of the contract, the study distinguishes between revocation and termination, and in terms of the extent of the effects, between future cessation and retroactivation of the cessation, when the nature of the services allows it. In the approach to unilateral denunciation, of contractual or legal origin with a mutual character, there were discussed the mitigated and derived aspects of the operation of denunciation, with regard to some contracts, the exercise of this potestative right in good faith and the protective features of contract retraction, in the matter of consumer protection. Likewise, the particularities of the forced cessation of the intuitu personae contracts, included among the cases of contract lapsing, were emphasized, and the legislative interventionism in the modification of the contract in various forms of manifestation was explained and justified by the social utilitarianism of contracts. The study emphasizes the restrictive character of the adaptation of the contract as a means of safeguarding it, associated with those effects that come out of the zone of reasonable risk, seriously affecting the contractual balance and calling into question the contractual justice. The adaptation of the contract goes beyond the framework of interpretation of the clauses, sometimes calling into question their modification, whenever it is imposed by the requirement to revive the ratio of proportionality, to ensure the utility and social security of the contract. The paper deals with the problem of adapting the contract in the spirit of the decisions of the Constitutional Court, which transpose the adaptive process of the contract, by identifying the balance point of the benefits, without reducing it to their value threshold and without ignoring the circumstances or the fluctuations that occurred after the conclusion of the contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is a commentary on Curren et al., 'Finding consensus on well-being in education'. It acknowledges a growing international consensus that presents educational systems need to change and argues the case for consensus on flourishing as the overall purpose of education can be strengthened by drawing on economists' work on well-being with respect to the inclusive wealth of nations. It emphasizes the need for tangible and measurable indicators that educators can use when implementing Curren et al.'s recommendations and outlines the International Science and Evidence based Education assessment's suggestion of a 'whole brain' approach to education for flourishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since most Latin American countries achieved their independence in the 19th century, they have encountered a double challenge: Internally, to consolidate strong states that provide security and a sense of identity to their citizens and, internationally, to insert themselves effectively into the political and economic system. Within this process, the economic models and adjustment plans established in the region since the end of World War II have had an impact on the middle class, either increasing or decreasing its size. This is how the possibility of entering the middle class – although segmented into traditional and new – continues to be an idealized scenario where citizens can achieve decent living standards and even access certain luxuries. Unfortunately, the COVID-19 pandemic increased the feeling of uncertainty and instability in the region, which resulted in negative macroeconomic indicators in terms of GDP or an increase in external debt. This situation had a substantial impact on the middle class, which was affected by the loss of jobs and income that would allow them to maintain or improve their living conditions. The possibilities of improving these conditions are aligned with the redirection of the social contract in force in the majority of Latin American societies, in which both communities and states must strive for agreements that reduce uncertainty and mutual distrust. This path opens the way to the application of actions that benefit not only the middle class but also the less favored classes.

South Africa recorded the highest number of COVID-19 cases and deaths in Africa despite having what seemed to be one of the best government response mechanisms on the continent. This paper explores the responses of both the government and the citizens of South Africa to the COVID-19 pandemic. Through a literature review, the study established that the government's response to the pandemic was influenced by various factors, including the responsibility to protect citizens' lives, the need to defend the state's sovereignty, and compliance with global health imperatives. This was achieved through strict and coercive government measures, which left little room for public participation in decision-making. The findings also indicate public dissent towards government directives, which may be attributed to a lack of public awareness and preparedness in public health emergencies. The social contract theory provides a useful framework for analysing and understanding the actions of the government and citizens in response to COVID-19 in South Africa. Understanding these aspects is crucial for drawing informative lessons for effective public health and socio-economic interventions in future pandemics and health-related emergencies.

Objectives Design Methods Results Conclusions There is growing evidence of intergroup hostility between vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals, a process of polarization that threatens to derail population health efforts. This study explores the moral underpinnings of intergroup antipathy between vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals.A cross‐sectional design was employed to investigate the associations between the view of vaccination as a social contract or individual choice, perceived vulnerability to disease, perceptions of outgroup morality, feelings of warmth, and experiences of schadenfreude.Data were extracted from an online, quantitative survey of 233 vaccinated and 237 unvaccinated participants collected between June and July 2022.Results revealed that vaccinated people had stronger negative attitudes towards unvaccinated people than vice versa. In line with hypotheses, the extent to which vaccinated people saw vaccination as a social contract was significantly associated with perceiving unvaccinated people as immoral. For unvaccinated people, seeing vaccination as an individual choice (the opposite of a social contract) was significantly associated with perceiving vaccinated people as immoral. Among both groups, viewing the other as immoral was associated with feeling significantly less warmth towards the opposing vaccination group, and more schadenfreude in the face of an outgroup member's suffering. Participants' perceived vulnerability to disease played a relatively small role in explaining polarization between vaccinated and unvaccinated people.This research builds on previous studies by identifying moral mechanisms associated with intergroup antipathy in the vaccine debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As early as within the ancient period and the emergence of the Roman law and then also in the Middle Ages, the contract theory played an important role in establishing order. Contractualism has assumed great importance in the milieu of Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. It was primarily concerned with agreements that were intended to secure the covenants of people with God and took on the character of a normative contract as a source of law. In the field of state and law, the influence of contract theories asserted itself particularly on the threshold of the modern period in the context of the development of liberalism in its early forms. Contract theories emerge in this period in a dominant part of writers of the early liberalism, with the central motivation being to secure the protection of an individual against the arbitrary will of another individual or authority of any kind. The basic motivation of contract theories became the objective to establish a sovereign in the state. Such process of choice is accompanied by a legally unstable state of nature, which is characterized by the existence of the lex naturalis (natural law) and ius naturale (natural right). This article deals with the definition, analysis, and comparison of the concepts of natural law and natural right in the context of the three most relevant thinkers of the given period, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke. The aim of this paper is to highlight overlaps and differences in the way of discussing these concepts, which at the time formed the basis of what we now call the statecraft. In addition, the text is also enriched by author's criticism and analyses of problematic or content-inconsistent passages in the philosophy of individual authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ignorance, or the lack of knowledge, appears to be steadily spreading, despite the increasing availability of information. The notion of informed ignorance herein proposed to describe the widespread position of being exposed to an abundance of information yet lacking relevant knowledge, which is tied to the exponential growth in misinformation driven by technological developments and social media. Linked to many of societies' most looming catastrophes, from political polarization to the climate crisis, practices related to knowledge and information are deemed some of the most imminent and daunting modern threats, evidenced by the latest report of the World Economic Forum, which has named misinformation the most severe short-term global risk. This paper's epistemic perspective links the properties of today's information culture and the ways in which it interacts with individual capacities and limitations in current technological and socio-political contexts. Such a position is analyzed through the lens of epistemic principles as a contemporary epistemic phenotype that emerges from an environment of ill-adapted and excessive information inputs and leads to a distinctive type of social injustice that is primarily epistemic in nature. While equity and accessibility are widely discussed as important contributing factors to epistemic discrepancies, other overlooked but fundamental issues underlying epistemic injustices are considered, such as information manipulation, cognitive limitations, and epistemic degradation. To effectively face this elusive threat, we propose an inclusive viewpoint that harnesses knowledge from cognitive science, science and technology studies, and social epistemology to inform a unifying theory of its main impacts and driving forces. By adjusting a modern epistemic framework to the described phenomena, we intend to contextually outline its trajectory and possible means of containment based on a shared responsibility to maintain ethical epistemic standards. In a time of international unrest and mounting civil acts of violence, it is pertinent to emphasize the ethical principles of knowledge systems and authorities and suggest policy adaptations to maintain a social contract based on the shared values of truth and freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The health epidemic of 2020 set off a culture war and, like all national crises, revealed exactly who we Americans are. This essay examines Danielle Allen's Democracy in the Time of Coronavirus , a wise, humane, and indispensable guide for negotiating a health pandemic—if not this one, the inevitable next one. It reflects on her five-point guide to handling pandemics, comparing her ideals to the national experience. This essay places Allen's monograph in the context of the larger literature on the coronavirus in America. The essay traces how and why public health fell into the American culture wars, notes the brief glimmer of a genuine social welfare safety net that briefly emerged during the crisis, and summarizes the epidemic's dismal toll on American lives, suggesting why even much poorer nations did a better job of protecting their citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of John Rawls' theory of justice, focusing on the concept of a well-ordered society. Rawls argues that in a just society, there will be a diversity of moral and philosophical views, and it is unrealistic to expect complete agreement on a single conception of justice. Instead, he proposes the idea of a well-ordered liberal society, where there is a family of reasonable liberal political conceptions that share certain features, such as equal basic rights and liberties, the priority of these freedoms, and the provision of a social minimum. Rawls also emphasizes the importance of reciprocity and preventing excessive inequalities. The article concludes that justice as fairness is the most reasonable political conception within a well-ordered liberal society. [Extracted from the article]

Hobbes's account of the individual's right to resist sovereign authority is nuanced. His allowance for cases in which a sovereign's command falls outside the terms of the social contract, despite recent reappraisals, cannot rescue him from the accusation that his system is contradictory. It has been suggested that some Hobbesian rights can be transferred whilst others are quarantined, or that it is the institution of law, rather than the particular commands of the sovereign, which Hobbes ultimately upholds. By reconsidering Hobbes's concept of sovereignty alongside his theory of natural law, I argue that his system remains in tension with itself. Hobbes's prioritisation of sovereign judgement over that of the individual, when combined with the principles he retains from the natural law tradition, renders his theory of resistance irreconcilable with his position on sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rousseau's account of the "legislator" or "lawgiver" is commonly regarded as one of the most far-fetched, ominous, and baffling parts of his teaching in the Social Contract. In brief, Rousseau's lawgiver seems to be a proto-totalitarian figure whose self-appointed mission is to found a political community by "denaturing" people at a single stroke and who may be a mere figment of Rousseau's overheated imagination. Accordingly, this part of the Social Contract threatens to make a mockery of Rousseau's claim to be "taking men as they are and laws they can be," as well as his claim that the combination of " freedom and equality " is "the greatest good" in the civil state. Following and extending Rousseau's own method of teaching by examples, however, this essay argues that Benjamin Franklin's influence over the American republic—especially through his posthumous Autobiography —offers a prosaic example of the apparently fantastical phenomenon sketched by Rousseau. In fact, I argue that Franklin's case corresponds more fully to Rousseau's description than do any of Rousseau's own examples (such as Moses, Lycurgus, and Numa) and that Franklin showed in practice what Rousseau suggested in theory: that a lawgiver can succeed without relying on coercion and without undercutting the equality that underlies a just society. Franklin's denaturing influence, I suggest, has been crucial for the durability of republicanism in the United States, given the country's size and diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal on Criminology is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)