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This paper focuses on Muslim Civil Society structures and, more specifically, on the gap between the organizations from the first (migrant) generation and the new grammars of action of new generations of Spanish Muslims. The originality of this article lies in its power to address three fundamental questions: (1) Are the umbrella organizations silencing the demands of Muslim youth?; (2) How do Muslim youth resist such representative hegemony? and; (3) What specific strategies are Muslim women currently developing to gain representation and involvement in mainstream Spanish society? We find evidence for new grammars of action defying traditional authorities and reject decontextualized, asynchronous Islam. Young women are engaging in broader and inclusive activism, inspired by religion affiliation in order to reinforce their external solidarity and engagement in mainstream political structures. By contrast, young men are calling for a new Muslim leadership to reinforce primary solidarity and concentrate more on earning religious rights. For women, religion is a vector to participation and for men, it is a form of participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an essay written by historian A. Katie Stirling-Harris on the topic of Spanish moriscos. She comments on the study of the relationship between religion and race in the early modern era, with a focus on moriscos, or Christian descendants of Muslims who were forced to convert during the 16th and 17th centuries.

This study examines the reactions of Muslims in Madrid to racialized interpellations in their everyday lives. Considering that political subject positions are formed at the intersection of interpellations from different discursive contexts, this study aims to grasp how Muslims living in Madrid discursively perceive and interpret the existence of options to raise their voice and be heard. How do they consider being addressed and in which spaces does this occur? Who makes the interpellation and from which position? What are their reactions? The audio and transcript material on which this research is based was obtained from six discussion groups representing Muslim populations in Madrid, held in October 2016. The analysis shows that Muslims in Madrid feel discriminated against in their daily lives, but have limited possibilities to speak up and be heard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Affairs is the property of Journal of Social Affairs and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how non-western, transnational racial ideologies impact Muslim minority identity negotiation and construction in contemporary Spain. It argues that Spanish Moroccans are increasingly racialized towards a Arab-Muslim identity through two transnational scapes, international Islamic movements and Arabic satellite television. These scapes co-opt and mobilize the concept of the Ummah, a traditional Islamic legal prescription that traditionally emphasizes the primacy of Muslim identity and community. In co-opting the Ummah, these scapes reinforce ideological affinities to an Arabized version of Islam that racializes the ethnically diverse Spanish Moroccan community towards a Arab-Muslim first identity. This study contributes to the study of race in the global system by seeking to understand the identity formation of Spanish Muslim minorities in the context of larger non-European, transnational racial ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the Bulgarian Muslims in Spain wedding videos are a popular device for socializing, overcoming nostalgia and keeping pace with the news and events that take place back home in Bulgaria. The mediatization of the ritual allows an extension of the ritual across time and space. Watching the videos is a re-enactment of the celebration and has become part of the ritual itself. Subsequently, this extension of the ritual through a mediated device has led to its subtle transformations. At the same time, wedding videos and the particular mode of use produce a social effect beyond the structure of the ritual. They contribute to the extending and re-creating of a migrant community that spreads over space transnationally and temporally between the past of home and the present of life in migrancy. Drawing on ethnographic material and using the analytical tools of actor-network theory, the main aim of this paper is to trace the uses and effects of wedding videos for transforming the wedding ritual through postponing and re-enacting it on one hand, and for sustaining the phantasm of an imagined virtual community on the other. The broader problem that this paper seeks to address is the specific role that material devices play for producing social effects for migrant communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has the face veil become the centre of political debates about Islam in urban contexts? What kinds of experiences and ideas have animated its framing as a practice in need of regulation? Focusing on Spain, we argue that space and emotion are the key categories for explaining the micro-politics of face veil conflicts and that constitute face veiling as an object of contention "on the ground". We suggest the notion of regimes of public space and highlight three central components: (1) understandings of ideal public space; (2) regimes of urban visibility; (3) emotional regimes. Taken together, these dimensions filter forms of inclusion and exclusion that emerge from regulatory practices and feed into graduated forms of urban citizenship and frame people's sensibilities. The article also illustrates how the spatial analysis complicates the secular-religious dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how theater reminiscences helped Moriscos to strengthen their sense of community in North Africa after their expulsion from Spain (1609-1614). Moriscos in exile remembered early modern Spanish theater so as to deal with the difficult circumstances of losing their land but also to highlight their sense of identity as distinct from that of other Muslims outside the Iberian Peninsula, who did not have a strong theater tradition. By tracing references to theater in two manuscripts written in Tunisia, El manuscrito morisco 9653 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid (Mami 2002. El manuscrito morisco 9653 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid. Madrid: Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal.) and Tratado de los dos caminos por un morisco refugiado en Túnez (Galmés de Fuentes 2005. Tratado de los dos caminos por un morisco refugiado en Túnez. Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Instituto Universitario Seminario Menéndez Pidal.), through the lens of memory studies, instances of remembering are viewed as a strategy for Moriscos to celebrate their past but also to recognize their hybrid status in their new lands. I use Jan Assman’s definition of communicative memory as the theoretical framework of this essay and take into consideration the element of space in classical treatises on memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose This paper aims to use a theoretical model based on the theory of reasoned actions to investigate the effects of attitude, religious motivation, awareness and service and pricing on the intention to use Islamic banking among the Muslim minority in Spain. It also aims to determine the profile of a potential Islamic banking customer among this minority.Design/methodology/approach The research focuses on a survey of Muslims living in Barcelona, Spain, who know of the existence of Islamic finance but do not have access to it. The research uses factor analysis and logit regression to analyse the data.Findings The results show that attitude, religious motivation and awareness are important factors affecting the intention to use Islamic banking. The study also shows that the potential Islamic banking customer in Spain is a Muslim (Spanish, Moroccan or Pakistani), male, and did not reach university degree in his education.Research limitations/implications The sample has 154 participants living in Barcelona, with the rest of Spain being ignored, although results should apply to all Muslims in Spain. Also, this study does not consider attitude as a moderator.Practical implications The research shows the potential for Islamic banks in the Spanish market and the possibility of raising awareness about Islamic banking.Social implications Islamic banking in Spain could help the Muslim minority to participate effectively in financial activities, thus leveraging their capacity to integrate into the community. The study also highlights the importance of empowering the women in this minority and could help society by encouraging off-banking money to flow into the financial sector.Originality/value The research is the first empirical attempt to test the factors affecting the intention among Muslims in Spain to deal with Islamic banking. The study also highlights the importance of Islamic finance for Muslim minorities as a method to support their religious identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text analyses the relation in the Spanish context between the problematization of the migratory phenomenon, the new logics of functioning of racism and the conceptual proposals on 'islamophobia' that have been established during the last years. To do that, the paper presents some results of different ethnographic researches where I have being working for during the last years in the educational context of Andalusia. Based on biographic interviews with students, families and teachers, the paper illustrates the main representations about the Muslim immigrant students as well as the correspondences and divergences among these images of otherness and those teenagers' identification processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emperor Alfonso VII of Leon's peninsular relations were shaped by the relationship and struggles between both, the Christian realms of the inner borders, as well as those in the external borders against Islam. This paper aims to recreate the stratagems of alliance and jurisdiction over Muslim leaders in order to develop and establish jurisdiction through the use of space at the expense of the Taifa of al- Andalus. This is the case of the links established with the sovereign Sayf al-Dawla, the Zafadola of the christian chronicles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Islamic necropolis discovered in Tauste (Zaragoza, Spain) is the only evidence that a large Muslim community lived in the area between the 8th and 10th centuries. A multi-isotope approach has been used to investigate the mobility and diet of this medieval Muslim population living in a shifting frontier region. Thirty-one individuals were analyzed to determine δ15N, δ13C, δ18O and 87Sr/86Sr composition. A combination of strontium and oxygen isotope analysis indicated that most individuals were of local origin although three females and two males were non-local. The non-local males would be from a warmer zone whereas two of the females would be from a more mountainous geographical region and the third from a geologically-different area. The extremely high δ15N baseline at Tauste was due to bedrock composition (gypsum and salt). High individual δ15N values were related to the manuring effect and consumption of fish. Adult males were the most privileged members of society in the medieval Muslim world and, as isotope data reflected, consumed more animal proteins than females and young males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with a review of historical developments in the not-so-distant past, such as the Treaty of Wad-Ras (1860) and the Spanish protectorate in Morocco (1912-1956), this article analyses the process of organising, structuring and institutionalising Muslim individuals and communities in Spain between 1900 and 1992. In order to do this, it examines the organisational hallmarks of the Muslim communities in North Africa (Ceuta and Melilla); underlines the role of education in the process of making these communities visible during the protectorate and the Franco dictatorship; and analyses the religious visibility achieved through the register of associations and the creation of Spanish Muslim associations. All this led to a process that culminated in the signing of the Cooperation Agreement in 1992 between the State and the Muslim community. Although a historical continuum of settlement models past and present of the Arab and/or Muslim community in Spain cannot be established, it is concluded that this contact has in fact modified certain institutional and social parameters, provided community organisation structures prior to the current ones and left physical evidence that remains in use (such as mosques and cemeteries). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the degree of recognition of the regulations of Islamic law by Spanish courts from the perspective of legal pluralism. It therefore first sets out the conception of legal pluralism as a new regulatory paradigm and its recent evolution towards a more subjective perspective; secondly, it raises the main institutional and ethical issues arising out of the possibility of recognising legal systems that are seen as culturally alien; and, finally, it makes an analysis of the mechanisms used by Spanish courts to decide on the recognition of some controversial questions of Islamic law in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the peripheral and secondary position occupied by the Spanish Orientalism compared to other European orientalist currents, especially the French and the English ones. The relationship of the Spaniards with the Orient is ambiguous, because their interest here is closely linked to the debate on the Spanish national identity, which means that the Spanish Orientalism was essentially centered on al-Andalus and then on Morocco; thus, it rarely looked at to a distant Orient. The eight centuries of the Muslim presence in Spain (VII-XV centuries) largely marked this Orientalism. Islam thus occupies a central position in the Hispanic world. The writings of Juan Goytisolo and Americo Castro on this subject have led Edward Said to emphasize the complex relationship between Islam and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual dimorphism in humans is mainly observed as a difference in the anatomy of genitals and breasts. There are also some differences in the stature and metric or morphological traits of the skeleton. Degree of sexual dimorphism varies among populations and depends on their genetic composition and various cultural and environmental factors. In this study, two Mediaeval Muslim populations from Granada, Spain, were compared, testing whether differences in living environment (urban vs. rural) would result in distinct degrees of sexual dimorphism of long bones. We studied skeletal material from urban (Sahl ben Mālik, Granada, Spain) and rural (La Torrecilla, Arenas del Rey, Granada, Spain) cemeteries. Only adult individuals (66 from Sahl ben Mālik and 72 from La Torrecilla) were selected for the study. Maximum length, minimum circumference of the shaft and maximum widths of the proximal and distal epiphyses were measured in each bone. The index of sexual dimorphism (ISD) was calculated for each variable and each population. The degree of sexual dimorphism was greater in La Torrecilla. These results indicate that Muslim women in large urban centres may have played a more active role in social and working life in comparison to their rural counterparts and may have enjoyed superior living conditions, which contributed to enhancing the body development of women and reducing sexual dimorphism. We conclude that living in an urban or a rural environment may influence the degree of sexual dimorphism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it is well known that many of Charlemagne's wars had a strong religious element, Frankish campaigns against the Muslims of Spain in his reign have generally been understood as secular exercises in power politics. This article presents evidence contemporary to Charlemagne's reign to argue against this, using a diverse range of sources to conclude that many observers of the Frankish invasions of the Iberian Peninsula understood them as religious wars aimed both at the defending of Christian communities in Francia and protecting and expanding the worship of Christianity in Spain. Further, although the prosecution of these wars was politically opportunistic, the sources suggest that Charlemagne and his court encouraged interpretations of these campaigns in religious terms and that they might be considered examples of religious war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The figure of the Moor has long been central to the Spanish collective imagination. From the Reconquista to the nineteenth- and twentieth-century colonial campaigns in Morocco, maurophilial and maurophobic representations of the Moor have circulated in Spanish culture. During the Spanish Civil War, the figure of the Moor was revived when the Nationalist insurgents employed native Moroccan troops in their fight against Spanish Republicans. This article examines different forms of Republican and Nationalist discourse on the Moorish Other and the relationship between self-representations of Spanish identity and representations of the Moor. It argues that discourse on the Moorish Other did not primarily serve the purpose of representing the Moroccan soldier, but rather of representing conflicting visions of the Spanish nation. Nationalist representations of the Moor served as a mirror for the Nationalists, reflecting and affirming their self-imagined identity as a strong militaristic nation with an imperial destiny, while Republican representations served as a window through which Republicans witnessed, and set themselves apart from, the betrayal and brutality of the Nationalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The threat of Islamist radicalism and terrorism derived ideologically have become structural problems that will endure in the coming years, no sign of having a short term solution. In the context of the European Union, and in Spain in particular, there are indicators that suggest the possibility that in the near future will intensify the critical incidents of urban violence, anchored in Islam-Western cultural identities key conflict are numerous. This fact, in addition to being negative for coexistence and social cohesion could be exploited by the global strategies of the most extreme Islamist movements. In order to carry out proactive measures that minimize social polarization and citizenship radicalization, we simulate a scenario as a plausible hypothesis which is evaluated from a psychosocial perspective using a SWOT analysis (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats). We concluded with the response to some questions that we consider useful for decision-making of policymakers and with a basic strategic lines from a point of view of the management of public security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina is the property of Museu de Prehistoria de Valencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the use of the concept of the Internet meme as a way to describe the transmission of ideas, practices and culture among Morisco communities in Spain during the 16th- and 17th century.

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia del Derecho is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An emerging consensus among scholars of Muslim political and social identity suggests that Western Muslims live out an anti-essentialist critique of identity construction. Considering this view, this paper examines a cross-national comparison of British Bangladeshis in London and Spanish Moroccans in Madrid that solicits the perceptions of working-class Muslim men. While the results indeed reaffirm respondents' concomitant relationships to a variety of identity paradigms, interview content demonstrates that subjects' multiplicity is complicated by their desire to meet – not reject – the essentialist standards of belonging to the identity paradigms discursively available to them. Rather than defiantly cherry-picking preferred characteristics of religion, ethnicity and nationality, individuals' responses suggest that they are trying to fulfil perceived standards of authenticity. Such a contention helps explain the prevalence of Western Muslims' expressed and well-documented ‘identity crisis’, suggests the enduring relevance of identity essentialisms, and more broadly, complicates post-modern conceptions of identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When ethno-cultural heterogeneity exists and thrives within a nation-state, social tension and ethno-nationalist sentiments are not considered surprising. Yet in many nation-states, various native-born communities have diverse and potentially contradictory national identities without the desire for self-determination. In this paper, I explore the circumstances in which ethno-culturally distinct, peripheral communities may develop variants of the dominant national identity - ensuring that they remain excluded from the national narrative - yet remain part of the nation-state. To do so, I conduct a comparative analysis of the native-born Muslim communities in Spain's two North African exclaves. I find that most Muslims are Spanish citizens yet understandings of ' Spanish-ness' appear to vary between the exclaves. I use these findings to propose further steps for refining current conceptualisations of the nation-state, in an effort to better understand cases in which variations in the dominant national identity exist, but without ethno-nationalist sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on cultural sociology approaches to the role of narrative and framing in politics, this article explores urban contestations over Muslim face veiling in Spain. We argue that regimes of religious diversity are shaped by the ways that the framing and narrating of rights and culture acquire cultural resonance and political traction in urban society. We find that the meanings attached to the face veil and mobilised in public discourses draw on memories and stocks of knowledge emerging from recent histories of urban society. In order to resonate with broader publics and their sensibilities, actors organise these meanings through storylines and integrate them into narratives. We demonstrate that those in favour of the ban on face veiling were able to construct a coherent and expressive narrative around values of social harmony while simultaneously framing it in the language of rights, which allowed them to influence local media and popular discourse in decisive ways. Arguments against the ban, on the contrary, were mostly based on a much narrower rights-based approach that remained abstract and highly difficult to convert into a narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

XVIth century Spanish religious and administrative environment who has put an end to the military and political presence of Andalusian Muslims (Nuevos Cristianos de Moros) has banned and declared war to every icon, every sign and every color of Islam and its culture carried by Muslims. Andalusian Muslims had tried to protect their presences through sometimes rebelling or sometimes bowing to pressures but usually engaging in "deception". Don Francisco Nunez Muley who is one of worthy Moors has given a memorial, which reflects the mood of the defeated, to Granada's Spanish administrator. Although this memorial was based on historical, social and political strong arguments. Nevertheless, it could not change the "judgement" of the fate about Moors. They would lose their native language, clothing, customs and traditions, and finally they would be exiled all together from their homeland (Andalusia). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the governance of Islam in contemporary Spain. Rather than presuming the existence of a singular and all-encompassing ‘Spanish model’ of religious governance, I focus on the critical role of actual practices of modelling in shaping the institutions and organisations implicated in the regulation of Islam, as well as the concrete strategies that have guided policies of Muslim accommodation. Modelling practices, I argue, have been particularly significant in Spain due to its late transition to democracy and the absence of viable frameworks for regulating religious diversity from within its own past. In determining which frameworks to use as models for religious governance, public actors have been influenced by a variety of factors, including (i) their respective political and social agendas; (ii) the professional networks, organisational fields and other means of knowledge circulation through which they have gained exposure to exogenous models; and (iii) religious, cultural, linguistic and historical factors that have made certain models more accessible or attractive than others. Given that these factors have varied at different levels of government, so too have practices of modelling influential in the development of national and sub-national approaches to governing Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study of trace element (TE) distribution within human and animal teeth is crucial to decrypt information about their diet, ecology and behaviours in the past. Thanks to several efforts TE applications have spread also to the study of modern environments, with repercussions in medicine and forensic contexts. However, the use of TE analysis to infer eating habits of our ancestors has been used for decades without the proper theoretical basis. After the paper of Ezzo Ezzo (1994) that demonstrated the non-validity in the use of bioessential TE elements in bones and teeth as palaeodiet markers this trend has decreased. However, still some recent papers continue to ignore that portion of the literature that strongly contrasts the use of TE analysis for palaeodiet. With this commentary, we would like to share our remarks on the paper of Guede et al. Guede et al. (2017) , where, in our opinion, there is a lack of literature review and thus a misinterpretation of the TE dataset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conquest of Seville in 1248 gave rise to the appearance of a border with the Moorish kingdom of Granada, known as the Moorish Strip, that was to survive for two and a half centuries. The defence of this border based a great part of its success on the geographical relief separating the valley of the Guadalquivir from eastern Andalusia, and was structured with bases in principal cities and a network of fortifications that covered a visually connected mesh of towers to guard against assault. Their construction and maintenance was the responsibility of the Council of Seville and the military orders. A methodology i for analysis is established using surveys, photography, the materiality of the masonry and documentary research, to identify a common typology found in the towers constructed by the Council, with a "standard" design and structures which were innovative for that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cultural encounters between Spain and Morocco have been marked by hatred, friendship and hostile contempt throughout various historical junctures. The Muslim presence in modern Spain has shaped cultural representations between Self and Other, West and East, Europe and its Otherness. This historically imagined hostility and the everlasting tension created between East and West could be traced back as early as Medieval ages when Muslims conquered Southern Europe. This episode of history gave rise to frequently manipulated and constructed misrepresentations which served in the production of distorted and often disfigured discourses about the Muslim Other in the western popular imagination. This article looks at this historical event and attempts to shed light on the historical circumstances surrounding the Moorish presence in medieval Spain. It also tries to look at one of plays that enhance the existence of the cultural Other within a white territory of disapproval, annihilation and subordination of otherness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a 2008 survey by the Pew Research Centre, 52% of Spaniards confessed to having negative views of Muslims. Yet, one of the most profitable segments of Spain's tourism industry is built on marketing the concept ofconvivencia, the supposedly harmonious coexistence of Christians, Muslims, and Jews in the medieval Iberian Peninsula. This article examines Granada's tourism industry as a site for mapping Spain's contradictory relationship with the Islamic world and with its own Islamic past. Granada is a privileged site for this examination: the former Naṣrid capital not only boasts the most famous of Andalusi travel destinations, the Alhambra, but also hosts a large population of Moroccan immigrants and of Spanish converts to Islam. Building on the polysemy of the word ‘invention’ – which can mean both ‘discovery’ and ‘creation’ – this article investigates three differentinventionsof al-Andalus in Granada's tourism industry. First, I explore the nineteenth-century Romantic ‘re-discovery’ of Andalucía's ‘Oriental’ past. Second, I analyse one of the most visible tourist initiatives in contemporary Granada related to the promotion of the Andalusi past: the Legado Andalusí Foundation. My analysis demonstrates how the work of the Legado Andalusí Foundation has been shaped by the Romantic ‘discovery’ of al-Andalus, as well as by Andalusian nationalist thought and by the discourse of Spanish colonialism in Morocco. In the concluding section, I consider the debates surrounding Islam and Moroccan immigration in Granada's Albayzín neighbourhood, a ‘traditional’ Arab area where the Islamic Community in Spain (Comunidad Islámica en España) recently inaugurated the first mosque to be built in Granada since 1492. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the period of the expulsion of the moriscos, a population of Spanish Muslims who were forced to convert to Christianity, in the early 17th century. The author comments on the social, religious, and political conditions in southern Spain, particularly in the province of Granada, during this period leading up to the morisco expulsion. The social marginalization and treatment of Spanish minority populations, particularly the moriscos, up to the early 17th century is also explored.

An introduction is presented on the history of Muslims in Spain, the history of the expulsion from Spain in 1492, and the migrations of Muslims to other regions.

The article discusses the recruitment of Muslim cavalry, or jenets, by the royal government of Aragon during the 13th and 14th centuries. Particular focus is given to a 1284 effort to recruit jenets from Granada. According to the author, the Aragonese kings' recruitment and use of jenets reflected their claims to universal, divinely sanctioned authority. Other topics include political theology and the papacy's claims to authority.

This article analyzes the differential problematizations of "Muslim Ceutíes," "migrants," and "porteadores" (carriers) in the Spanish border town of Ceuta located on the south shore of the Gibraltar Strait in North Africa. I argue that convivencia, a local discourse and practice of tolerance meaning "living together," can be analyzed as a regime for governing differences premised on tolerance, and nevertheless contributing to the reproduction of a racialized and unequal social order. I also discuss the securitization of the border and argue against considering desecuritization and depoliticization as antidotes to securitization. I suggest that these strategies are complementary components of a flexible regime for managing the supposed threat posed by migrants in Ceuta. I further substantiate the thesis of a flexible regime for governing risks at the border by showing how various border crossers are framed and governed in Ceuta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of recent work has focused on the ways in which early-modern Spaniards viewed putative invaders—both past and present—of their peninsula. David Lupher, Barbara Fuchs, and Stuart Schwartz, for instance, have carefully examined the complex and often contradictory attitudes that sixteenth-century authors expressed toward the role played by Romans, Visigoths, and Muslims in Iberian society and history. Although all of these scholars have recognized the medieval origins of such discourses, the nature of their topics precluded in-depth discussions of those antecedents. Yet the Golden Age debates at the heart of these books were conditioned by late-medieval efforts to relate past Romans to contemporary Muslims in response to specific political and social concerns. Fifteenth-century chroniclers used Romans as exemplars of virtuous behavior even while defining them as effete and tyrannical foreigners whose presence in Iberia had tarnished an uncompromisingly masculine native temperament. This dichotomy was closely related to contemporary visions of Islam, and I argue that these representations of the Romans were attempts to create a usable past. By drawing parallels between the Visigoths, who had expelled the Romans, and fifteenth-century Castilians, whose perceived duty was to do the same with the Muslims, fifteenth-century historians contended that the only way to successfully complete the project of Reconquista was to expunge all foreign cultural influences—Roman, Muslim, and also Jewish—from Castilian society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article attempts to revisit one of the most spectacular odysseys in Moroccan-American history, that of the encounters started from the shores of a Moorish town in the sixteenth century by Mostafa Al-Azemmouri, the Moroccan captive and adventurer. Al-Azemmouri was captured by the Portuguese, sold in Spain and then shipped across the Atlantic to the New World around 1527. His narrative has consistently been displaced and subjected to various forms of exclusion in history; his experience in historiographical writing has been distorted by the culturally and historically essentialised forms of knowledge and power. In order to re-orient the debate on Al-Azemmouri's emblematic journey, this work offers a rereading of sixteenth-century Morocco in its connections with the Atlantic, focuses on the Spanish historical perspective about the reconquista overseas, and spotlights the Portuguese-Azemmour nexus against the background of the Portuguese presence in Morocco to shift the focus into the Other's Atlantic as a site of complex history that criss-crosses the boundaries of nationality and extends beyond mere geographical locations. It also interrogates the representation of Al-Azemmouri in some sixteenth-century Spanish accounts, which consigned the Moorish slave to textual shadows and obstructed his visibility in the narrative of colonial conquest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How will Europe's democracy integrate Muslims and Islam? The test might be currently under way in a tiny Spanish city. Melilla, with a population of 80,000, is becoming a real-time—and unnoticed—example of Muslim integration in Europe. However, this is not something new. For instance, the methodology for the integration of immigrants’ sons and daughters into schools, currently in use all over Spain, was first developed and applied in Melilla during the late 1980s. About 40% of Melilla's population is Muslim. This statistic places the city ahead of Marseille, Brussels or Amsterdam, as the proportion of its Muslim population is greater. The integration is being pursued by blending Muslim cultural and religious customs with local traditions. In 2010, Melilla was the first European city to officially celebrate Eid el-Kebir. This paper describes the evolution of Melilla's Muslim population and the changes it has caused during the last 25 years. It analyses how, today, both the Regional Government and the opposition are progressing by changing their government actions and political spin. Instead of confrontation between Muslims and the other communities, the battle ground is simply the political area and the electoral marketplace, with no conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]