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This collection of essays explores the ways in which Iberian cultural production has constructed kings and queens since 1975. Our focus is the royal figure who inherits their status and power through 'blood' and justifies their power invoking the transcendental mystique of monarchic sovereignty. In one way or another, the figures of Juan Carlos I and his son Felipe VI permeate all cultural representations of monarchical rule produced during the democratic period; and these representations shape our political understanding of the two kings and become a site to contest hegemonic understandings of Spanishness, post-Francoist Spain and Iberian political communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Spanish court system as a site for the secondary victimisation or 'second rape' of sexual assault victims under the right-wing, Catholic dictatorship of Francisco Franco in Spain. Medical evidence enjoyed a high level of prestige as a modern and 'objective' arbiter of truth in Francoist Spain, precisely because of widespread recognition of the legal system's corruptible nature. As such, contemporary court records reveal how victims in fact sometimes sought out medical examinations, even before reporting sexual crimes to law enforcement. However, the discretional nature of the Francoist legal system, heavily reliant on character references, allowed investigating judges to exploit the ambiguities of medical evidence to fit their vision of who constituted the legitimate 'victims' and 'perpetrators' of sexual violence. Medical forensic evidence therefore served an important purpose in Francoist rape trials; this was not the pursuit of justice or reparations for victims, but rather to reinforce conservative, patriarchal societal structures while providing a veneer of legitimacy to an otherwise distrusted legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Spanish film "Far from the Trees" directed by Jacinto Esteva and its relative obscurity despite receiving acclaim from notable figures in the past. It mentions the reasons behind this obscurity, including the critical marginalization of the Barcelona School filmmakers and censorship during the Franco dictatorship.

This article explores how Spanish women formed grassroots groups to fight for the transformation of their neighbourhoods in the late 1950s and 1960s — the latter years of Francisco Franco's dictatorship. In contrast to most histories of feminism, which focus on literate, secular groups in universities or the centres of cities, its subjects are activists based on the outskirts of Madrid and in the industrial areas of Asturias, many of whom were Catholic, came from rural areas and left school before the age of 14. Histories of feminism have tended to overlook completely movements in the southern European dictatorships, while accounts of modern Spain often see male politicians and experts as the driving forces shaping the built environment under Franco. But photographs, archival material and oral history interviews show that women demanded ' cosas básicas ' (basic resources) on a widespread scale in Asturias and Madrid. They made these claims in the context of unprecedented internal migration, industrial unrest and the spread of social Catholic movements: factors often neglected in studies of social movements. The women involved have sometimes struggled, however, to take pride in their actions in later life. Patterns in their life stories suggest why, and offer insight into what agitating under Franco has meant for how they understand their lives, identities and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the reception of Sad Hill Cemetery, a fictional setting from the 1966 film The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly by Sergio Leone, and the reality of the mass graves from the Spanish Civil War. The Western was mainly filmed in Spain during General Franco's dictatorship. It is set during the American Civil War (1861–1865). This article looks at the different forms of memory politics in both cases in Spain today. Drawing on Roland Barthes' concept of myth, the discussion also refers to current conflicts in modern Spanish society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasajes: Revista de Pensamiento Contemporáneo is the property of Publicacions Universitat de Valencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pasajes: Revista de Pensamiento Contemporáneo is the property of Publicacions Universitat de Valencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Star-Books collection, published by Producciones Editoriales S. A. from 1975 to 1982, is a foremost example of the post-Francoist counterculture and one of the best chronicles of this period of Spanish history. The collection became a viable platform for various national and international authors who had remained silenced for decades at a time when books were still subjected to official censorship. Star-Books stood out for its eclectic nature and its rebellious spirit, reflected in the striking covers and themes, which clashed against Francoist orthodoxy. This paper highlights the collection's role in promoting the counterculture in Spain and sheds light on how censorship operated in this period. Detailed analyses of the sociopolitical context, the Star-Books catalogue, the available censorship materials, and several collection titles show the more permissive nature of post-Francoist censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how film reproduces and/or contests the spatial practices of the most emblematic fascist monument in Spain, the Valley of the Fallen. I focus on two documentary representations of the monument made by foreigners, Hollywood director Andrew Marton's El Valle de los Caídos (1963) and Italian Alessandro Pugno's La sombra de la cruz (2013). I analyze how montage and cinematography tell a story of a Francoist space in two distinct moments in time. Though products of considerably different historical and social contexts, both documentaries tell a similar narrative of a monk who joins the Benedictine order located in the Valley, and both works seek to translate a national Spanish essence to a wider audience through a cinematic representation of a symbolic space. Marton's film, a product of Samuel Bronston Productions, is a performance of the spatial aspirations and ideals of the Franco regime: we observe a "will to architecture" and a desire to create or recreate what Lefebvre calls "absolute space" through long shots and a filmic-cartographic aviator gaze. In the contemporary film La sombra de la cruz (2013), the gaze is dissonant and full of temporal and spatial contrasts, revealing the fragility, frictional core and threat of fascist spatial practice and ideology. Ultimately, this article reflects on the legacy of Francoist space in Spain and how the filmic gaze has evolved in response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article attempts to reconfigure current historiographical debates on war disability, which have hitherto tended to rely on 'masculinity' as an analytical framework. Instead, the case of the Francoist war disabled of the Spanish Civil War underscores the need to consider war disability in relation to broader social hierarchies, and the socio-political topographies in which these operate. In doing so, it is possible to understand how the Francoist war disabled occupied a relatively privileged space in twentieth-century Spain, despite and even because of the impairments they sustained in the Civil War. At the same time, Francoist war disability benefits left much to be desired, and clear differences emerged between the experiences of 'military' and 'civilian' veterans. In this sense, the Francoist war disabled were both favoured and under-served by the regime's war disability policies. This research has broader relevance to scholars working on contexts beyond modern Spain, as it disrupts the traditional association of physical impairment with marginality, while highlighting the fluidity of perceptions and experiences of war disability according to socio-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians and other scholars of memory have worked extensively on European memory politics, especially around transnational issues such as the Holocaust, as well as on Spanish memory politics, most recently in light of the exhumation of former dictator Francisco Franco. Yet there has been little scholarship to date on how nationally specific incidents, such as the Spanish Civil War and Franco regime, fit into wider trans-European narratives. This article reveals the entanglements between these local and supranational developments by examining the evolution of Spain's memory laws and discourse, from the 1977 Amnesty Law that followed the end of the Franco regime to the 2007 Law of Historical Memory, in relation to contemporaneous European memorialization patterns. It argues that the shift from a discourse of forgetting in the Amnesty Law to one of commemoration in the Law of Historical Memory is a response to the rise of a European culture of memorialization rather than reflecting an evolution in Spain's memory regime. By analyzing the development, text, and application of these laws, along with the political and cultural debates surrounding them in Spain and throughout Europe, this article reveals how the 2007 Spanish Law of Historical Memory, despite appearing to espouse European discourses of memorialization and amends-making, perpetuates a system of disremembering that predates most contemporary European memory politics. Ultimately, the article argues that the Law of Historical Memory suppresses the voices of victims of the Franco regime in order to bolster a narrative of Spanish national unity and European belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Francoist violence and repression during the Spanish Civil War and dictatorship (1936-1975) have left many voids in the narrative of the period. This article addresses the imbalance between how the Francoist victors and the defeated Republicans are remembered by providing an account that builds on the material lacunae in the places where officially "nothing happened" during this period. Through concepts of transgression - such as non-absence, ghosts and the abject - I explore the materiality and the material memory left at two sites in particular: the House of Horrors in Arévalo, and Little Russia in Belchite. The resulting narrative reveals how absence and silence materialise as structures of violence and instruments of repression. I argue that to approach these materialisations, a broader understanding is needed of the archaeological assemblage and of what is conventionally accepted as archaeological knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic History Research / Investigaciones de Historia Económica is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Historia Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Carmen Martín Gaite's second novel within the framework of the history of the emotions. Ritmo lento provides important insights into the treatment of (particularly male) emotion within the context of contemporary psychiatric practice. Before exploring how and why this is the case, the article considers why such a landmark text on the state of Franco's emotional regime remains in relative obscurity. It then proceeds to analyse Martín Gaite's delineation of the protagonist David Fuente's psyche, and his treatment at the hands of medical professionals in thrall to Francoist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gonzalo Torrente Ballester's novella, Ifigenia (1950) has been read consistently as a critique of the consolidating Francoist state of the 1940s and an early example of his 'demythologizing' technique. This article seeks to open discussion on aspects of the text that have not attracted critical attention to date. It traces the unacknowledged legacies of Euripides' Iphigenia in Aulis in the text, most visible in both authors' emphasis on the capacity of language for deceit. Drawing on Hannah Arendt's The Origins of Totalitarianism, it argues that Torrente's Ifigenia should be read not only in the context of post-Civil War Spain but also in the wider socio-political context of post-Second World War Europe. It argues that the consistent suppression of expression of emotion throughout the text produces an absence of tragedy in Torrente's retelling of the myth, and outlines how this relates to the post-war contexts of Spain and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first decades of this century, Spain still has a high industrial accident rate compared with other Western European countries. Within the framework of the most recent historiographical theses, this paper analyses the historical roots of this situation, focusing on the institutions that historically managed industrial accident insurance coverage, especially during the first decades of the Franco Dictatorship (1939–1966). This study examines how Francoist social policy favoured employers by prolonging the control of this insurance in the hands of private institutions, insurance companies and, above all, employers' industrial accident mutuals, which excluded worker participation in its management and promoted this social coverage as a business. Archival and statistical documentation makes it possible to demonstrate that entities such as the employers' industrial accident mutuals managed a substantial volume of the premiums paid by employers, which brought them significant profits through the refund of part of these premiums in the form of rebates. This was possible because at the same time they destined no or negligible funding to prevention and rehabilitation of workers. Ultimately, employers' management of this insurance allowed them to meet this obligation cheaply, while maintaining a historically high accident rate in Spain and hindered the development of a culture of prevention of occupational risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish fascist women played a very active role in the Falange's cross-border relations with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. From the very beginning, fascist women took a preeminent place in these contacts and exchanges in order to see with their own eyes how both fascist models were at a practical level. These relationships between fascist women's organizations were born out of deep ideological affinity and were especially fluid, firstly on a bilateral level and after 1940 on the 'New Order' Europe-wide multilateral, transnational collaboration. However, they lacked neither of political calculation nor could abstract from the wider frame of international politics in such an eminently war period. As this article will show, Falangist women used these fluid but less studied relationships to consolidate their own political position at home and explore other ways of political participation in a Nazi-Fascist New Europe, while at the same time trying to secure there a pre-eminent place for non-belligerent Spain. In the end, concerns about the own survival of the Franco dictatorship as the fate of war clearly changed in 1943, let ideological affinity succumb to the diplomatic conveniences they had once meant to overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the relations between Francoist Spain and Nazi Germany during World War II, the role of fascist women in international politics, and the health services of Spain's Blue Division.

This article argues that the objectives pursued by Nazi propaganda in Spain went far beyond merely securing Spanish participation in the Second World War. Through the examination of under-utilized materials from Spanish and German archives, including the previously inaccessible archive of José Luis de Arrese, general secretary of the Falange, this article shows that propaganda campaigns varied in means, content and dissemination, depending on the evolution of the conflict. The aims of these campaigns reflect in turn Nazi interests in Spain, from protecting economic assets in the Peninsula, to ensuring the supply of raw materials to the war effort, and turning Spain into a bridgehead for German interests in North Africa and Latin America. The article shows how a combination of ideology and opportunism, conveniently balanced by the ambassadors' realpolitik, allowed for fruitful collaboration with the Falange. This was central to the development of the propaganda campaigns. I contend that by looking more closely at the ramifications of Spanish neutrality, we can further analyse how Spain fitted into the Nazis' overarching foreign policy and evaluate whether this was the product of opportunism or historical continuities with pre-war policies, including German propaganda aims in Spain during the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the case of the Spanish Blue Division to examine the history of transnational exchange and cooperation within the Nazi New Order. In particular, it explores the experiences of the Blue Division's medical services, which were required to engage most closely with the international environment of the Eastern Front. The Blue Division and its medical services shed new light on this topic in a number of different ways. Firstly, they show how the New Order was experienced by those from outside the core Axis states of Germany and Italy, and beyond the minority of ideologically-committed fascist fellow travellers. Secondly, volunteers within the medical corps help to illustrate how the New Order was perceived as a forum for scientific, intellectual and professional exchange, building on the traditional prestige of German science and pre-war practices of international scientific cooperation. Finally, integrating the perspectives of junior officers and rank-and-file troops helps to move beyond the political and cultural elites who dominate the literature on the New Order to show how cooperation and exchange worked on the ground. In particular, it demonstrates where the limits to this cooperation lay, and how individuals dealt with the tensions and conflicts between different national groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the approach to experimental pedagogy adopted by the new Spanish pedagogy which arose after Franco's victory in the Spanish Civil War. To this end, it first outlines the spiritualist and anti-scientific approaches which prevailed in the new pedagogy of the postwar era, before charting the survival, lying beneath this anti-modernist rhetoric, of an experimental tradition linked to certain clergymen. It then shows how the leading pedagogue of Franco's Spain, Víctor García Hoz, ended up endorsing this school of thought, and analyses the influence in this evolution of the neo-scholasticism of the University of Louvain and the experimental pedagogy developed by Raymond Buyse, who maintained close ties with Spain throughout the 1940s. The paper also focuses on the key role played by Spanish pedagogy in the construction of an international network of Catholic pedagogues. Finally, a number of explanatory hypotheses are presented to explain the paradox posed by this endorsement of the more scientific version of pedagogy by a vehemently Catholic group of academics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political, religious, and ideological backdrop to psychology and pedagogy under Franco's dictatorship. To this end, it analyses the important research carried out between 1940 and 1944 by the psychologist and pedagogue José J. Jover y Piquer into the intelligence, mentality, and moral judgement of a large number of abandoned and vulnerable postwar children. The article demonstrates how, although the approach adopted by Piquer was a scientific one – with the usual aims, techniques, and methods – the research contents were subordinated to ideological and religious considerations and aimed to determine the extent to which these children could be re-educated and integrated into the new regime. Thus, psychology became the scientific packaging for studies that were eminently ideological and politically subservient, turning pedagogy into a key instrument of the biopolitics aimed at building Franco's New Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay argues that scholars of Spanish culture are too ready to assume a reading of Gothic texts in terms of historical memory, or the rectification of injustices that occurred during the Franco era. It suggests that there has been a neglect of the question of the pleasures of reading or viewing the Gothic, even though these pleasures may well undermine the desire to do retrospective justice to the victims of Franco. Using as a case study the film Insensibles (Juan Carlos Medina, 2012) this essay proposes some examples of pleasures that serve to disrupt the recuperation of historical memory, and calls for better awareness of the pleasures of genre in analysing relevant texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After his journeys around a continent that was still licking the wounds of WWII, the Irish poet Pearse Hutchinson (1927-2012) chose Barcelona as his residence in different periods in the 1950s and the 1960s. There is considerable agreement in the notion that Hutchinson reflected the parallels between Spain and Ireland and both countries' cultural and language oppression in his poetry (Veiga 2011; Keatinge 2011; Mittermaier 2017). Yet, the understanding of his involvement with Spain and its regions/nations is still limited. While existing literature on this issue relies heavily on the poetic production of the author, little attention has been paid to Hutchinson's uncatalogued papers held at UCC and Maynooth U., which include unpublished poems, personal letters and postcards, annotations and his collection of books. The purpose of this paper is to increase the existing knowledge about the poet's representation of Spain and, in particular, of the regions of Galicia and Catalonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to reflect on the usefulness of metaphors for the social sciences. In view of the scant interest taken in their study from within these disciplines, some insights are proposed to further the socio-metaphorical approach, by applying it to the case of the Falangist political culture of the Spanish Civil War years and the immediate postwar period. Specifically, this article seeks to investigate the meaning of the recurrent metaphorical expressions relating to Spanish straightness, firmness and linearity. It concludes that their study can lead to a broader understanding of Spanish fascism in relation to the construction of its nationalist discourse and its conception of the masculine and feminine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The aim of this study is to determine whether the evolution of Spain's agrarian change, between 1950 and 2005, exhibits any features important enough to differentiate it from the common model of developed countries in Western Europe. On the one hand, the Spanish agrarian transformations share the main features of the changes in Western Europe: technological innovation, increased production and productivity, the diminishing importance of the agricultural sector, close integration with the industrial sector, and a high environmental impact. On the other hand, a series of important peculiarities can be observed in Spain's agrarian change: strong expansion of intensive livestock farming; the role of increased irrigation in explaining the transformation of agriculture; policies that offered very little support to the agricultural sector under a dictatorship that denied a voice to farmers; and the prominent role of agriculture in the economy despite its small contribution to GDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the representation of tyrants in the William Shakespeare's play "Macbeth." Topics mentioned include the consequences and nature of tyranny, the history of tyrants in Germany and Russia in the 20th century, and the views on tyranny shown in several books such as "and The True Law of Free Monarchies" and "Basilikon Doron."

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the evolution and characteristics of health education in schools in Spain during the dictatorship of General Franco (1939-1975). Design/methodology/approach – The analysis of two kinds of sources has been performed. First, the reports from international organizations on health education in schools published in the 1950s and 1960s. Second, journals, books and official documents published by public health and education organizations in Franco’s Spain. Findings – Health education in schools evolved in three stages under Franco’s dictatorship. In the first stage (1939-1953), Spanish schools maintained an outdated “school health” approach in the teaching programmes. In the second stage (1953-1965), the agreements with the USA in 1953 ended Spanish isolation, and the regime sought to follow the recommendations of international organizations. Efforts were made to “import” the WHO/UNESCO version of health education in schools but it failed to materialize. A programme that sought to enhance citizen participation and to acknowledge their idiosyncrasies was unlikely to prosper in a dictatorship. However, the less threatening food and nutrition education programme, encouraged by the FAO/UNICEF, did succeed. In the last stage (1965-1975), the Spanish education system entered a period of modernization in which the contents and methods of health education in schools were reformed in order to introduce the less conflictive aspects of the international recommendations. Originality/value – The paper highlights the tensions between the aspirations to follow international programmes and the recommendations on health education in schools and the difficulties of implementing such schemes under a dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking as a point of departure the understanding that metaphors, as linguistic expressions, indicate the thought processes of those who formulate them, the present article explores a specific metaphor that formed part of the discourse of radical Falangism: the definition of the Spanish nation as straight, upright, linear or vertical, in opposition to another Spain that had to be combatted, and which was portrayed as twisted. The argument put forward here is that, by analysing the various metaphorical expressions that arose in the wake of the identification of Spain with an image of linearity, it is possible to examine aspects of Falange nationalism that bring into relief the ideal of a sombre, spare, masculine and austere Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1944 to 1964, the Francoist regime recognized 99 films, most of them Spanish productions, with the award of ‘Interés Nacional’ (National Interest). The analysis of these titles has traditionally focused on their position within a set of measures controlling and monitoring the national production. However, the awarded films also offer a reflection of what the regime considered a Spanish ‘tradition of quality’ in which industrial, ideological, and aesthetic aspects came together. The evolution observed during those twenty years also reflects the conflicts and tensions that characterized other contemporary cinemas and led to the emergence of the different New Waves in the late 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article the authors propose a historical analysis of the role of romantic rural imagery in the Spanish (state and peripheral) re-nationalization processes during the Franco dictatorship through the scope of the political and identity meanings assigned to it. Their goal is to better comprehend twentieth-century Spain by examining the use (and abuse) of the rural imaginary by Spanish, Basque and Galician nationalisms, particularly during the time of the totalitarian regime of General Franco, giving special attention to the cultural loans between the ideological (and national) blocs traditionally interpreted as monolithic and irreconcilable: Francoism (1936–1975) and its political opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to study the great Spain–Portugal supply area as part of the international deployment of the Etappenorganisation before and during the Second World War. To accomplish this objective, the records of the German Naval War Command are analysed to demonstrate three hypotheses: Spain was part of the Etappenorganisation long before the beginning of the war; she played an important role in the preparation of supply vessels and blockade runners, supported by Spanish non-belligerence; the dismantling of the Etappenorganisation in Spain provisionally began in 1942 and continued in the following years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]