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Many public health experts worried that Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s presidential campaign would elevate an anti-vaccine movement that's seen its reach and fundraising skyrocket since the COVID-19 pandemic. But a closer look at what's happening in state governments shows that Kennedy—America's most famous anti-vaxxer—isn't the leading edge of the anti-vaccine movements effort to make inroads in electoral politics. At a time when routine school vaccination rates are dropping to precarious lows in many places, the anti-vaccine movement has seen great success in getting supportive politicians elected, and notching previously unattainable wins in statehouses across the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I define territory as embodied, relational, processual, and imaginative: power enacted upon and through place. In the following article, I use this generative definition of territory as a lens to interrogate how memory becomes placed and bounded at Somerset Place, a historic plantation site in North Carolina. Through archival research into the negotiations between two state government agencies on the legal status of Somerset Place between 1939-1965, as well as analysis of the gendered and racialized criteria for inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places, I uncover how historic space was defined against recreational space – not only in the creation of Somerset Place, but in the heritage boom of the mid-twentieth century more broadly. In addition, by understanding territory as the historicized and ongoing enactment of power upon and through place, I reveal how formal and informal territories of public memory and public space are continuously defined, negotiated, and claimed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this qualitative descriptive study was to explore how LGBT employees in state government agencies described how they created their own meaningfulness in the workplace in the US. The theoretical foundation for this study was the Employee Engagement theory by Kahn [Acad Manag J 33(4):692–724, 1990]. Purposive sampling was used to identify 43 questionnaires and 15 semi-structured interviews. Data were then coded and thematically analyzed to answer the research question. Findings revealed LGBT state employees created their psychological meaningfulness by ensuring that they make an impact or difference at work, and by connecting with other people or colleagues. Limitations include the research method and bias. Future research is recommended to explore how other groups within the LGBT community create their psychological meaningfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes hospital, insurance, and pharmaceutical price transparency policies and applications in the United States and in selected countries around the world. Many of these policies apply to self-insured employers. So far, the experience in the United States and elsewhere is clear that federal and state price transparency regulations have had little impact on whether employees or dependents search for low-cost or high-quality providers or on the cost and quality of their health care. This is because of weak regulatory oversight, conflicting federal and state reporting requirements, and few economic incentives for providers and insurance companies to supply easily readable or analyzable price information. However, price transparency requirements are here to stay. This paper therefore offers several recommendations to maximize the utility of price transparency tools provided for employees and other insureds, by their employers, providers, commercial insurance carriers, or technology firms. From a policy perspective, coupling reporting requirements with clearer technological guidance and much stronger regulatory oversight would increase the utility of price transparency efforts. For individual employers, the impact of price transparency efforts may increase by coupling price transparency tools with health plan network and design strategies, behavioral economic nudges, and programs designed to improve health, well-being, and quality of care. Many program vendor partners, consultants, and actuarial, technology, and research firms can help make these efforts useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, many philosophers have argued that to respect the moral equality of their citizens, states should be neutral toward certain forms of diversity among their populations. Areas in which the state neutrality has been advocated include, but are not limited to, citizens' different religions; languages; and sexual orientations. However, there remains an important area where its normative (ir)relevance has not been discussed: That of neurodiversity. After identifying several ways in which contemporary states disfavor the interests of neurodivergent groups relative to the neurotypical majority, including those of autistic people; dyslectic people; and people with ADHD, the most promising would be-justifications for such unequal treatment are considered. They maintain respectively that states only have to be neutral toward differences that feature in people's conceptions of the good life; that addressing the discussed neuro-inequalities is too costly, whether financially or otherwise; that doing so raises intolerable risks of a public backlash; and that a commitment to neuro-neutrality leads to overinclusion. None are found to be convincing across the board, which leads me to conclude that states should become significantly more neuro-neutral than they are today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What becomes of subnational foreign engagement when international tensions rise? State-level U.S.–China relations offer insights into unresolved theoretical questions about the dynamics of what we call "paradiplomacy in hard times." Whereas U.S. state governments expanded official engagements with China in the early 2010s, many states and cities have scaled back engagement and introduced anti-PRC measures in recent years amid worsening U.S.–China friction. We draw on an original dataset of state-level policy actions toward China (2012–2022) to assess patterns of variation across time and space in subnational U.S.–China relations, showing that subnational foreign relations in times of tension feature distinct dimensions of cooperation and confrontation. Meanwhile, we use a detailed case study of Indiana–China relations to develop insights into drivers of subnational cooperation and confrontation, highlighting the diverging interests and actions of the business community, state officials, federal officials, political parties, and Chinese government counterparts in shaping states' foreign relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bullying is one of the most common forms of youth violence and is associated with myriad adverse consequences over the life course. There has been increasing interest in examining whether anti-bullying legislation is effective in preventing bullying victimization and its negative effects. However, a lack of data structures that comprehensively and longitudinally assess anti-bullying legislation and its provisions has hampered this effort. We provide 18 years of data (1999–2017) on anti-bullying legislation and amendments across 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia, which we are making publicly available at LawAtlas.org. This article describes how the legal content analysis was conducted, provides information on the reliability of the coding, and details provisions of the legislation that were coded, such as funding provisions and enumerated groups (a total of 122 individual codes are provided). Over 90% of states had at least one amendment to their legislation during this 18-year period (range: 0–22; Mean = 6.1), highlighting both the evolving content of anti-bullying statutes and the importance of tracking these changes with longitudinal data. Additionally, we offer illustrative examples of the kinds of research questions that might be pursued with these new data. For instance, using survival analyses, we show that a variety of state characteristics (e.g., political leaning of state legislatures) predict time to adoption of key provisions of anti-bullying legislation (e.g., the comprehensiveness of legal provisions). Finally, we end with a discussion of how the dataset might be used in future research on the efficacy of anti-bullying legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interstate and intrastate conflicts are nested in broader networks of rivalry and cooperation and can be modeled as such. An intergroup security dilemma logic points to trade-offs states face as they cultivate "support groups"—receiving security assistance has the potential to attract aggression and subversion from other states. Hypotheses from this logic are evaluated using stochastic actor-oriented models treating support ties, interstate threat ties, and intrastate conflict as mutually constitutive. The results show that support groups with high military capacity but low levels of interest congruence are associated with higher propensities for interstate threat and intrastate conflict. Support groups with both high levels of interest congruence and high military capacity do not experience an increase in propensity for interstate threat or intrastate conflict. A novel finding emerges: the same types of support relationships that are associated with interstate threats also are associated with intrastate conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The June 24, 2022 US Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization resulted in an expansive restriction on abortion access that had been constitutionally guaranteed for nearly half a century. Currently, 14 states have implemented complete bans on abortion with very limited exceptions, and an additional 7 states have implemented abortion bans at 6 to 18 weeks' gestation. It has been well demonstrated that restrictive policies disproportionately limit abortion access for minoritized people and people of low socioeconomic status; the financial and geographic barriers of these post- Dobbs restrictions will only exacerbate this disparity. Proponents of abortion restrictions, who identify as pro-life, assert that these policies are essential to protect children, women, and families. We examine whether the protection of these groups extends past conception by evaluating the association between state abortion legislation and state-based policies and programs designed to provide medical and social support for children, women, and families. We found that states with the most restrictive post- Dobbs abortion policies in fact have the least comprehensive and inclusive public infrastructure to support these groups. We suggest further opportunities for advocacy. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1043–1050. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307792) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insurance coverage for prenatal care, labor and delivery care, and postpartum care for undocumented immigrants consists of a patchwork of state and federal policies, which varies widely by state. According to federal law, states must provide coverage for labor and delivery through Emergency Medicaid. Various states have additional prenatal and postpartum coverage for undocumented immigrants through policy mechanisms such as the Children's Health Insurance Program's "unborn child" option, expansion of Medicaid, and independent state-level mechanisms. Using a search of state Medicaid and federal government websites, we found that 27 states and the District of Columbia provide additional coverage for prenatal care, postpartum care, or both, while 23 states do not. Twelve states include any postpartum coverage; 7 provide coverage for 12 months postpartum. Although information regarding coverage is available publicly online, there exist many barriers to access, such as lack of transparency, lack of availability of information in multiple languages, and incorrect information. More inclusive and easily accessible policies are needed as the first step toward improving maternal health among undocumented immigrants, a population trapped in a complicated web of immigration policy and a maternal health crisis. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1051–1060. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307750) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bureaucratic rulemaking is a key feature of American policymaking. However, rulemaking activities do not occur uniformly, but fluctuate throughout the year. We consider three mechanisms to explain these changes in rule volume, each of which produces unique expectations for rulemaking during periods of divided government and legislative recess. To test these expectations, we leverage an original dataset including all rules proposed by bureaucratic agencies in three U.S. states from 2004 to 2013 matched with data tracking periods of divided government and legislative recess. We find that state bureaucracies publish significantly more proposed rules during periods of divided government or a split legislature and are most productive in the months immediately following legislative recess. These results underscore the importance of bureaucratic policymaking and improve our understanding of the balance of power between branches of state governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A good cooperative relationship between politics and administration is essential to good governance and efficient decision making in public organisations. This study of the cooperative relationship is based on the notion that politics and administration is intertwined, making interaction between politicians and administrators necessary. The study focuses on how political fragmentation affects cooperative relations between politics and administration. Using data from both Norwegian mayors and municipal directors (436 respondents from 303 municipalities), the effects of three different types of political fragmentation are investigated: number of political parties in council and the steering coalition, the Laakso-Taagepera index, and ideological distance between parties. The findings indicate that cooperative relationships get worse with increasing ideological distance and improves with political fragmentation in the council under the conditions of divided government (political parties in the steering coalition spanning both sides of the left–right dimensions). Implications for the study of political–administrative relations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the recurring economic crises, the literature on fiscal savings behaviour has expanded its scope from state governments relying on budget stabilisation or rain-day funds to local governments mainly using general fund balances. While many studies have explored the determinants of local savings behaviour, few have taken fiscal interactions among local governments into account. To fill out this gap, this study explores whether spatial interdependence in fiscal slack exists horizontally between counties and vertically across counties and municipalities through the unreserved fund balance of local governments in New York State from 1996 to 2016. The empirical findings indicate that horizontal interdependence in fiscal slack among county governments exists in the short-run, while vertical interdependence is observed across counties and municipalities in the long-run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Governments faced formidable challenges in coordinating public health responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. This study aims to enhance the understanding of effective organizational leadership during crises by investigating the factors influencing the turnover of health leaders during the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil. Design/methodology/approach: Using primary data encompassing all appointments and dismissals of federal and state health secretaries, this paper conducted a quantitative analysis of the relational and reputational factors that contributed to leader turnover during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper also examined whether leaders' management and public health experience increase the duration of tenure. Findings: States encountered significant challenges in retaining experienced and effective leadership during the health emergency, primarily due to political conflicts in policymaking and, to a lesser extent, allegations of corruption. Furthermore, leaders with expertise in public health were found to be less likely to be removed from office. However, managerial experience did not prolong the tenure of state health secretaries during the emergency. Research limitations/implications: Since most health leaders have public health and management experience, the contributions of each factor to the duration of a secretary's tenure are difficult to separate and analyze separately. Practical implications: This study provides empirical insights into what factors drive health leader turnover during major health emergencies. Social implications: During major health emergencies, health leaders often strongly disagree with elected officials on the response. This paper test how crisis leadership theories help explain state health leaders' duration in one of the world's largest public health systems during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper find that policy disagreements contributed to significant turnover. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this paper is the first that are aware of that uses novel primary data on public health executive leader characteristics and turnover causes in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. It provides empirical evidence contributing to the crisis leadership literature by examining health leader turnover in one of the world's largest public health systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document is a reply essay written by Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College, in response to comments made by Rosario López, Judy Tzu-Chun Wu, Fabio Lanza, and Gerd-Rainer Horn on Mohandesi's book. Mohandesi acknowledges the comments and criticisms, particularly regarding his handling of Leninism in the book. He explains that the focus on the right of nations to self-determination was a deliberate choice to write a more focused study, but acknowledges that it may have created the impression of a monocausal argument. Mohandesi also discusses the tension between writing a politically useful book and conforming to the dominant ideology of neutral history, as well as the challenges faced by academics in the current repressive atmosphere. He expresses a desire to continue collaborating with others to revisit the transformative political change of the past and reimagine emancipation for the present. [Extracted from the article]

Both the number of disasters in the U.S. and federal outlays following disasters are rising. FEMA's Public Assistance (PA) is a key program for rebuilding damaged public infrastructure and aiding local and state governments in recovery. It is the primary post-disaster source of recovery funds. Between 2000 and 2019, more than $125B (adjusted, 2020 dollars) was awarded through PA. While all who qualify for PA should have equal opportunity to receive aid, not all do, and the factors influencing how the program has been administered are complex and multifaceted. Lacking an understanding of the factors positively associated with historical receipt of aid, there is little way to objectively evaluate the efficacy of the PA program. In this work, we evaluate the salient features that contribute to the number of county-level PA applicants and projects following disasters. We use statistical learning theory applied to repetitive flooding events in the upper Midwest between 2003 and 2018 as a case study. The results suggest that many non-disaster related indicators are key predictors of PA outlays, including the state in which the disaster occurred, the county's prior experience with disasters, the county's median income, and the length of time between the end of the disaster and the date when a disaster is declared. Our work suggests that indicators of PA aid are tied to exposure, bureaucratic attributes, and human behavior. For equitable distribution of aid, policymakers should explore more disaster-relevant indicators for PA distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the association between state laws limiting local control (preemption laws) and local smoke-free policies. We utilized policy data from the American Nonsmokers' Rights Foundation. The primary outcome variable is the presence of a "100% smoke-free policy," across any of 4 indoor settings: workplaces, restaurants, bars, and gaming venues. We employed generalized structural equation modeling to investigate the relationship between state laws pre-empting smoke-free indoor air regulation and local adoption of policies requiring smoke-free air in any public venues, or for specific venues, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics. Our findings reveal a significant association between state preemption laws and the presence of a local 100% smoke-free indoor policy as of 2023. In states with preemption laws, cities were less likely to have a 100% smoke-free indoor policy at any venue than cities in states without preemption laws (OR = 0.07, 95% CI = 0.05-0.10). When considering specific smoke-free venues, cities in states with preemption laws were less likely to have a 100% smoke-free indoor policy covering workplaces (OR = 0.05, 95% CI = 0.03-0.09), restaurants (OR = 0.04, 95% CI = 0.02-0.07), bars (OR = 0.04, 95% CI = 0.03-0.08), and gaming venues (OR = 0.03, 95% CI = 0.01-0.09) compared to cities in states without preemption laws. Our study suggests that state preemption laws limit local decision-making and the implementation of public health policies focused on tobacco harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the changes in approaches of states to student mental health in the U.S. Topics discussed include the growth in mental health challenges among students, and a partnership between the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association and The Jed Foundation to create the Student Mental Health and Wellness Learning Community.

Federal and state governments have recently expanded their regulatory mandates and incentives to promote renewable energy (RE) use in their planned new buildings. This requires planners to analyze and optimize their preliminary design decisions, such as building dimensions, orientation, location, and window-to-wall ratio, to maximize the use of RE in their buildings. To support designers in this critical task, this paper presents a novel model for optimizing preliminary building designs. The two optimization objectives of the optimization model focus on maximizing harvested RE and minimizing construction cost by identifying optimal building dimensions, orientation, window-to-wall ratio, and site layout. The optimization model complies with all design requirements, such as building dimensions, natural lighting, and cost-effectiveness constraints. The model performance is analyzed using two application examples to illustrate its capabilities in considering the impact of the surrounding environment on design decisions. The results of this analysis confirm the model contributions in identifying a set of nondominated optimal solutions that provide tradeoffs among the two optimization objectives of the developed model. These capabilities are expected to support building planners in identifying an optimal preliminary building design that maximizes the use of RE while minimizing all related construction costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A frequent question in discussions about democracy is whether input from the public is ever considered and to what extent by politicians. This influence of public opinion on the realm of welfare policies has not been extensively explored, and most analyses are less precise for being conducted before the passage of the national welfare reform in 1996, better known as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA). Bringing the analysis to a period after the reform to account for contextual changes since its passage, this study uses the multilevel and poststratification (MRP) model considered superior in analysis of subnational opinion using national survey data to assess the influence of public opinion on welfare policies at the state level. Collecting data from the 2014 CCES and a new developed welfare generosity index, I find that public opinion does not have any influence on how generous welfare programs turn out in their states, unless it is interacted with state government ideology. It seems that the ideology of the state government and the state poverty rate are the major determinants on welfare policies outcomes in the states, although the latter had different effects for TANF and SNAP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To estimate state-level excess death rates during 2020 to 2023 and examine differences by region and partisan orientation. Methods. We modeled death and population counts from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to estimate excess death rates for the United States, 9 census divisions, and 50 states. We compared excess death rates for states with different partisan orientations, measured by the party of the seated governor and the level of partisan representation in state legislatures. Results. The United States experienced 1 277 697 excess deaths between March 2020 and July 2023. Almost 90% of these deaths were attributed to COVID-19, and 51.5% occurred after vaccines were available. The highest excess death rates first occurred in the Northeast and then shifted to the South and Mountain states. Between weeks ending June 20, 2020, through March 19, 2022, excess death rates were higher in states with Republican governors and greater Republican representation in state legislatures. Conclusions. Excess death rates during the COVID-19 pandemic varied considerably across the US states and were associated with partisan representation in state government, although the influence of confounding variables cannot be excluded. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(9):882–891. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307731) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I study whether firms that receive targeted U.S. state‐level subsidies are more likely to subsequently engage in corporate misconduct. I find that firms are more likely to engage in misconduct in subsidizing states, but not in other states that they operate in, after receiving state subsidies. Using data on both federal and state enforcement actions, and exploiting the legal principle of dual sovereignty for identification, I show that this finding reflects an increase in the underlying rate of misconduct and that this increase is attributable to lenient state‐level misconduct enforcement. Collectively, my findings present evidence of an important consequence of targeted firm‐specific subsidies: nonfinancial misconduct that potentially could impact the very stakeholders subsidies are ostensibly intended to benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State government's role in monitoring local governments' fiscal distress gained importance after several local financial crises. Although many states have implemented state monitoring systems, the effectiveness of these systems has not been well understood. Using the case of the New York State, we conducted a regression discontinuity analysis to examine the effect of fiscal stress labeling on local governments. We find some evidence to support that fiscal stress labels lead local governments to improve their fund balance and cash positions. Specifically, school districts at the early stage of fiscal stress are more responsive to the labels than districts under more severe fiscal stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognizing that no central authority can combat climate change, scholars have pointed to the potential of polycentric governance in tackling climate change. Yet, empirical evidence for such a claim is scarce, particularly in the Global South. This study analyzes the characteristics, promises, and pitfalls of polycentric governance to promote climate mitigation efforts in three Indian states. Our contribution is twofold: (1) conceptually, we propose a framework to investigate the promises and pitfalls of polycentric climate governance in a federalist system with a particular focus on aspects of scaling and institutionalization, and (2) empirically, we compare solar power development across three Indian states with favorable conditions for solar power but varying performance. Based on a qualitative analysis of interviews and documents, we show how state governments with different party backgrounds have been vital in implementing policy changes and overcoming political barriers. Still, very few bottom-up initiatives exist and were successfully institutionalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moose (Alces alces; mooz [singular], moozoog [plural] in Anishinaabemowin, Ojibwe language) are an important species to many Indigenous rights‐holders and stakeholders throughout their circumpolar range. Management of moose can often lead to conflict when various perspectives of Indigenous nations are not recognized or appreciated. During the 55th North American Moose Conference and Workshop held in Grand Portage, Minnesota, USA, we held a workshop with 145 participants centered around co‐stewardship of moose among various Indigenous nations, federal, state, and provincial governments, academia, and non‐governmental agencies. Using a facilitator, the participants identified opportunities and challenges surrounding issues related to moose management. Participants then further identified priority improvements and action steps for co‐stewardship. Six core principles of Indigenous co‐stewardship were developed: 1) recognition of Indigenous Sovereignty, which specifies that co‐stewardship must begin with a recognition of the sovereignty of Indigenous nations and their inherent rights to manage, conserve, and preserve natural and cultural resources within their ancestral lands; 2) shared responsibility, where co‐stewardship is a shared responsibility between Indigenous nations, federal governments, and state governments; 3) cultural and ecological respect, which stipulates that co‐stewardship should honor the cultural significance of moose to Indigenous nations and recognize the ecological importance of moose within the broader ecosystem; 4) inclusive decision‐making, which details that co‐stewardship requires inclusive and equitable decision‐making processes that involve meaningful consultation and consent from Indigenous nations; 5) resource sharing and capacity building, where co‐stewardship involves the sharing of resources and knowledge between Indigenous and non‐Indigenous partners; and 6) adaptive management and sustainability, specifying that co‐stewardship should embrace adaptive management principles, where management strategies are continuously evaluated, adjusted, and improved based on new information and changing conditions. Some of the key takeaways from the workshop included that it will be essential to integrate Indigenous ways of knowing into an equitable and inclusive management system, there are existing models of co‐stewardship that can be built upon, it is critical to build trust among all key stakeholders and rights‐holders, and it will be important to establish formal and informal collaborative systems among all partners to support co‐stewardship at all levels. We discuss a study and synthesis on Indigenous co‐stewardship of moose and offer a synopsis and recommendations to advance restoration of moose in North America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The chilling infiltration by technologies of state power that make up modern governance is brought home by each of the articles in AE's "Citizenship, Solidarity, and Nonbelonging" forum. In reflecting on them, I pose the question: Can we move beyond descriptions of human agency entirely within the cracks and fissures of state governance? Or can we develop a richer futural imagination that goes beyond a statist imaginary? If we are to sustain such an endeavor, we need not only imaginative analytical frameworks, but also forms of language that resist being reduced to "thinking like the state." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digitalisation of the process of design review The implementation of the building permit process in digital form enables a complete paperless design review. Thereby, both static calculation and construction plans can be reviewed without media discontinuity, which is why an acceleration of the process can be expected. The transition from paper to PDF represents a significant progress for the parties involved. In terms of digitalisation level, it is only the beginning. The highest level of digitalisation will be achieved by using BIM (Building Information Modeling) within Common Data Environments (CDE). Since the BIM method offers significant advantages in the design, construction and operation of buildings, further propagation in the practice can be expected. Moreover, its use is already partly forced by federal and state governments. Impacts on the design review and the issuing of a building permit are therefore to be expected. In this article, it is investigated how digitalised design review processes can be structured. The processes are presented and evaluated in terms of their maturity level of digitalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the ways that publicly funded developmental services for adults with developmental disabilities in southern Ontario are limited in how they support clients. This paper is informed by field research conducted in the summer of 2019, which was composed of semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and a policy review. Informed by parent advocates who are the main caregivers of their adult children labelled with intellectual and developmental disabilities, this paper claims that the administrative processes of the Ontario ministry that manages and funds adult disability services relate to broader exclusionary patterns among adults with developmental disabilities. I explore this claim by reviewing how common ableist assumptions of people with developmental disabilities are ingrained in the policies and administrative processes of these services. I contribute to ongoing discussions among Critical Disability Scholars of the ways that disability as a social category can be articulated outside of ableist assumptions. Informed by parent caregiver perspectives, this article outlines how the limitations of provincially funded disability services in Ontario, Canada cause significant challenge in the lives of those labelled with intellectual and developmental disabilities. One possible explanation for these limitations is that there is a disconnect between how the provincial government classifies who should receive immediate services and how many services, versus the actual need of those labelled with intellectual and developmental disabilities. The criteria for high supports, such as monthly funding, placement into a living facility, and the provincial assessment for determining a person's 'adaptive functioning' are rooted in problematic assumptions made of people labelled with intellectual and developmental disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The COVID-19 pandemic thrust telepractice into the mainstream as a primary service delivery model. While some populations and providers were adversely impacted by this shift, there were some intervention approaches that became even more popular. Parent-mediated intervention (PMI) has been shown to be effective through both in-person and telepractice service delivery models. With PMI, caregivers learn language facilitation strategies and implement them with their child. Project SKILLS (Skills and Knowledge for Language Learning Success) is a PMI program for autistic children funded by a state-level autism grant program. The primary goal of SKILLS is training caregivers in language facilitation techniques to promote communication and language skills. It uses the Project ImPACT (Improving Parents as Communication Teachers) curriculum that is commercially available and supported by previous research. SKILLS also includes variations for neurodiversity-affirming practice and culturally and linguistically diverse families. Project SKILLS has offered both in-person and telepractice delivery since its inception in 2016, making it possible to compare results across the two modalities. Conclusions: Project SKILLS has successfully implemented PMI for autistic children through both in-person and telepractice sessions. Clinically, children have made similar gains in social communication and language regardless of the modality. Caregivers also demonstrated similar progress with intervention fidelity, with some added advantages for families participating via telepractice. Telepractice may become a preferred service delivery model of PMI, especially for families living in geographically inaccessible locations with limited access to qualified providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Federation of Malaysia, the state government has a dominant role in the management and administration of local authorities as well as in allocating resources. This paper takes a bottom-up perspective to look at the dependence of the Sibu Municipal Council on the Sarawak state government and strongman. It begins by showing how the existing legal and political frameworks enable the formation of a strongman government and then addresses the state government's control over resources for local development. Then, it zooms into the local politics of Sibu, showcasing the patron–client relations between the state strongman and local business groups in Sarawak. However, it argues that the power of strongman politicians is not unchecked but constrained by the political framework. The later part of this paper features the political-economic networks of the state strongman in Johor to show that the strongman phenomenon is not particular to Sarawak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Die Urologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Banishment concludes the keyword discussion by arguing that we can understand the exclusionary practices of welfare states as a politics of destitution, which ultimately leads to the banishment of unwanted individuals. It argues that banishment can be helpful as a conceptual lens through which to understand the purposeful strategies that render individuals deportable, whether citizens or non-citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a case study—that of militarized high schools in Mexico—as an example of how the militarization of government functions can pave the way to militarism. Over the past few years, the Mexican Ministry of Defense has proposed to state governments the creation of militarized public high schools. This case illustrates how Mexico is moving from militarization—understood as the assumption of government functions by the military—to militarism—understood as the promotion of military interests and values—in Mexico's security crisis, over the last three administrations. This article offers a public policy analysis to address the implications of militarized high schools. The central argument is that the implementation of militarized high schools has been possible through the normalization and institutionalization of militarization as a public policy response to some of the country's central problems, enhancing the Armed Forces' role as a de facto political actor. The analysis contributes to the "militarization and militarism" literature by exploring how the policy-making process plays a role in bridging between the two. The case study presents how policy of promoting a militarized model of education is directly proposed to state governments by Mexico's Ministry of Defense, thus visibilizing their role as a cuasi independent political actor and positioning their own agenda and values in areas traditionally reserved to civilian authorities. By accepting the Ministry of Defense's proposals on this matter, state governments are contributing to deepening the country's constitutional crisis and the undermining of its democratic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the state government's impact on the implementation of the Community Action Program in Georgia between 1964 and 1969, which hindered the development of grassroots initiatives. It describes the role of the federal Office of Economic Opportunity that allowed for the state government's control of the program and the involvement of local power holders in local programs. It also presents a case study analysis of the effects of constraints on an antipoverty agency.

In July 1927, the Queensland state government declared an open season on koalas, in which more than 600,000 koalas were shot, poisoned, or trapped. In the broad-based and emotional backlash which ensued, gender ideologies featured significantly. Concepts of authentically Australian forms of masculinity and femininity were mobilised in attempts to end the destruction; koala-killing was framed as a debasement of an idealised ‘bushman’ identity and koala fur wearing as a betrayal of an idealised category of inherently caring womanhood. The interests of parents and children came to the fore in a campaign concerned with preserving the popular ‘native bear’ for the enjoyment of future generations. This article draws out how gendered understandings of koalas and koala-killing contributed to the animals’ reclassification from an economic resource to an anthropomorphised friend and symbol, whose slaughter was conceived by many as unmanly and un-Australian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Risk assessment plays an important role in forensic mental health care. The way the conclusions of those risk assessments are communicated varies considerably across instruments. In an effort to make them more comparable, Hanson, R. K., Bourgon, G., McGrath, R., Kroner, D. D., Amora, D. A., Thomas, S. S., & Tavarez, L. P. [2017. A five-level risk and needs system: Maximizing assessment results in corrections through the development of a common language. The Council of State Governments Justice Center. https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/A-Five-Level-Risk-and-Needs-System_Report.pdf] developed the Five-Level Risk and Needs System, placing the conclusions of different instruments along five theoretically meaningful levels. The current study explores a Five-Level Risk and Needs system for violent recidivism to which the numerical codings of the HCR-20 Version 2 and its successor, the HCR-20V3 are calibrated, using a combined sample from six previous studies for the HCR-20 Version 2 (n = 411 males with a violent index offence) and a pilot sample for the HCR-20V3 (n = 66 males with a violent index offence). Baselines for the five levels were defined by a combination of theoretical (e.g. expert meetings) and empirical (e.g. literature review) considerations. The calibration of the HCR-20 Version 2 was able to detect four levels, from a combined level I/II to an adjusted level V. The provisional calibration of the HCR-20V3 showed a substantial overlap with the HCR-20 Version 2, with each level boundary having a 2-point difference. Implications for practice and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Clifford Case and the Challenge of Liberal Republicanism" by William R. Fernekes in the New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal provides a detailed biography of US Senator Clifford Case from New Jersey, focusing on his role as a liberal Republican who prioritized principles over partisanship. The author traces Case's political career from local office to the US Senate, highlighting his advocacy for civil rights, ethical governance, and foreign policy oversight. The text also explores Case's defeat in 1978, shedding light on the decline of liberal Republicanism within the GOP and the factors contributing to his loss. Despite his significant influence, polling data suggests that many constituents were unaware of Case's accomplishments, raising questions about the perception of liberal Republicanism among rank-and-file Republicans in New Jersey. The article concludes with reflections on Case's legacy as a dedicated public servant and ethical leader, prompting readers to consider the impact of his political career regardless of their own political beliefs. [Extracted from the article]

The post-war era was a period of rapid change in New Jersey’s municipalities. Older cities like Newark, Jersey City, and Trenton suffered through the loss of population, jobs, and capital while new suburban communities experienced rapid growth. By the 1970s, crime, inflation, and unemployment had exacerbated the inequalities between cities and suburbs, giving rise to the “urban crisis,” a phenomenon that historians continue to study closely. This article provides the insider’s perspective of James Wunsch, who served as staffer for the Assembly Municipal Government Committee during the late Seventies. Wunsch’s account shows that the state government made strides towards addressing inequalities in housing and education that compared favorably with its peers. Nevertheless, in the absence of strong regional planning, New Jersey’s fragmented municipalities proved inequal to the task of tackling the urban crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]