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This study examines news framing of partisan media during uprisings. Through mixed methods, it studies the framing of Lebanon's October 2019 protests, compares frames across political divides, and interprets story themes based on associations between multiple frames. First, the qualitative media framing analysis (MFA) inductively interprets issue-specific frames. Then, the quantitative content analysis deductively examines the developed issue-specific frames and the generic frames across five partisan news channels and tests the relationship between them and across the pro- and anti-protests media. Finally, multiple associated frames are grouped together into news story themes. Results from the MFA reveal six frames: solidarity, head-to-head, individualization, acknowledgment, disruption, and peace through violence frames. The study detected the frequent deployment of the solidarity, conflict, and acknowledgment frames and a significant framing difference between pro- and anti-protest channels. Pro-protest channels more often deployed the solidarity frame, while anti-protest channels more frequently used the conflict, acknowledgment, disruption, and economic consequence frames. Finally, the study developed four story themes based on associations between frames: Blame the protestors or the politicians; protestor violence begets government violence; divided they suffer ; and politicians may not only be the culprits but also the solution. The resulting multiframe news themes offer nuanced meaning to generic frames that frequently appear with issue-specific frames and highlight the different roles a singular news frame can play when combined with other frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Age dating a sample of nuclear material is a key part of predetonation technical nuclear forensics. As plutonium stockpiles age, they are more likely to require repurification and mixing to remove in-grown daughter products and maintain a consistent product. Existing age-dating techniques do not adequately address this problem. Four models were trained using machine learning techniques to determine (1) if a sample of weapons-grade plutonium had been repurified, (2) the elapsed time after repurification, and (3) the minimum and maximum elapsed times between repurification and its initial separation/purification/fabrication. The trained models predicted the repurification status with 99% accuracy, the age after repurification with a root-mean-square error (RMSE) of 0.34 years, and the minimum and maximum ages before repurification with RMSEs of 4.66 and 9.34 years, respectively. Age dating plutonium provides valuable insight into the country and possibly the facility of origin of the material, which is one tool to deter state-sponsored nuclear terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are political leaders penalised for sponsoring foreign governments inflicting violence against civilians? Foreign policy literature illustrates that involvement in international crises boosts incumbent support via rally effects, while war casualties literature demonstrates that citizens are sensitive to punishing their political leaders for negative foreign policy outcomes. We argue that sponsoring inhumane foreign governments is more likely to promote irregular penalisation, such as protests, rather than regular punishment, such as loss in elections, for security threats emphasized during election periods may induce the public to condone civilian victimisation in a third country. Using data on political leaders from 1991 to 2009, we find that as the levels of indirect civilian victimisation increase, leaders are less likely to be terminated in a regular manners. Although the corresponding effect on irregular exit is less robust, our extension analysis shows that indirect civilian victimisation increases protests, which could impose costs on incumbent leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the conditions under which the externalities of capitalist energy development become meaningful in Mapuche territory in Chile. I describe two deaths that occurred outside the construction site of the Malleco Wind Farm and analyze how different actors struggled to make sense of them, establish them as eventful, and identify different actors as responsible. One, the death of a local motorcyclist in a traffic collision with employees of the wind farm company, became an accident in official framings. The other, the death of a police officer in the context of police repression of the ensuing protests, was framed as the result of "terrorist" violence. Theoretically, I consider the notion of eventfulness and argue that, in the space constructed as the "Southern Macrozone", certain spectacular forms of eventfulness foreground moments of violent conflict between Mapuche and the state, occluding routine forms of violence involving corporate actors. These dynamics, I argue, are exacerbated by the elusive form of the modern corporation. In the context of the settler-colonial conflict, then, capitalist corporations effectively fade into the background as actors in what appears to be a conflict between irrational "terrorist" violence and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the sentencing guidance for cases of intentional strangulation in the context of R v Butler. The appellant was convicted of intentional strangulation, assault occasioning actual bodily harm, and breaching a non-molestation order against his former partner. The court imposed a total sentence of three years and ten weeks' imprisonment, considering aggravating factors such as previous convictions and the domestic context of the offenses. The Court of Appeal upheld the sentence, emphasizing the severity of intentional strangulation and providing guidance on sentencing in such cases. The article also highlights the introduction of non-fatal strangulation and suffocation offenses under the Serious Crime Act 2015, aimed at addressing violence against women and girls. [Extracted from the article]

AbstractThis paper examines the aftermath of the Philippine government’s anti-drug campaign under President Rodrigo Duterte, focusing on the impact on families of victims of extrajudicial killings (EJKs). Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Manila, the research explores how these families navigate loss and attempt to reclaim dignity and humanity for their loved ones. The study reveals the formation of a community of "necro-activists" comprising journalists, religious figures, and medical professionals who support victims’ families in seeking justice and remembrance. Through interviews with photojournalists and victims’ families. This paper highlights the transformative role of human remains in asserting the victims’ agency beyond death. The research shows how forensic processes and religious rituals contribute to the reclamation of individual identities and challenge the state’s dehumanizing narratives. By examining the evolving meanings of EJK victims’ remains, this study sheds light on the broader socio-political implications of state violence and memory-making in the Philippines. The analysis situates this research within a global context of human rights and memory studies, drawing parallels with other regions affected by state-sponsored violence. Ultimately, this paper argues that the remains of EJK victims serve as powerful symbols that challenge state impunity and embody the resilience of communities seeking accountability and dignity amid pervasive violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the evolution of the attitudes of Anabaptist Menno Simons with respect to state-sponsored violence by examining the theme through his written works over the course of his career as a reformer. Particular attention is given to the circumstances that surround key writings. Menno's sometimes deliberate ambiguity and the evolution in his beliefs reflect his precarious position as an itinerant preacher, as well as the fragile state of the group of would-be revolutionaries and other dissenters whose leadership he inherited shortly after renouncing his role as a priest. The position he ultimately took against the execution of criminals is unusual for his day and shows the extent of his thoroughgoing rejection of violence for Christians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia is essentially pluralistic and multicultural. As a diverse country, Indonesia has the largest number of Muslim adherents in the world. The country commits itself on religious tolerance, democratic transformation, and the promotion of human rights. However, many Indonesians face religious discrimination. Laws, policies, and practices contrary to international human rights continue, and the State has been failing to protect its citizens from religious intolerance and violence. Concentration of power, wealth in the hand of oligarchy has caused state terrorism and capital violence. People's initiatives to solve their own daily lives can be easily crushed. This paper chooses the case of Gafatar to show how state apparatus executed Three Ministerial Decrees as the legal justification of violence to its citizens, besides The Indonesian Council of Religious Scholars banned the Millah Abraham's teaching, and until today, The Government has not revised it. Indonesia's commitment to human dignity and harmony is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each collective trauma holds its own particularities and forms of horror. When the violence is exerted by the government responsible for the care of the population it is termed state terrorism. The traumatic experience and its subsequent negation create a profound dissociation between two narratives: the explicit, which conceals the true facts, and the implicit, which remains unconscious and unbridgeable. In the gap between the two, life becomes suspended. From a Jungian perspective, this can be understood as the interruption of the process of translation and integration (terms that I will explore in some depth) from implicit sensory phenomena to an explicit representational narrative. This profoundly affects the development of the ego‐self axis. In turn, it creates a special challenge for analytic technique that calls for new ways of listening to, and meeting the patient in, that non‐verbal, unrepresented territory. Drawing upon clinical material, an embodied perspective of Jungian clinical work is offered to show how the inclusion of the body of patient and analyst enables access to the non‐represented, though implicitly encoded, traumatic affective memories stored in the somatic unconscious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the long duration of posttransitional authoritarian discourses of "national security" in Uruguay, in the five decades since the coup that led to a State terrorist regime. We posit that the current deployment of Cold war era discourses justifying state terrorism constitute foundational master tools that enable modern-day military and alt-right autocrats to conceal human rights violations and appropriate the liberal human rights discourse for illiberal political ends. Authoritarians of this new type use these resignified democratic discourses to perpetuate their power, gain influence, and legitimize their repressive illiberal practices. The article uses three public debates relating to the military's illicit actions in the dictatorship and their involvement in contemporary politics via the new military political party, Cabildo Abierto, to show how these authoritarian tools are deployed in political discourse. We analyze a corpus of texts from recent judicial documents with military "confessions," official withholding of secret archives, and law proposals presented in Congress. Our findings show that dictatorship-era discourses of "national security" are employed by contemporary military and right-wing political actors for the purpose of sustaining their power. We reveal continuities in dictatorship era discourse practices and strategies that contribute to the emergence of new autocratic social actors who enter the political sphere to capture state resources and protect their group interests. Our findings contribute to the exploration of discursive uses of the past in the present resulting in increased political polarization and autocratic tendencies in contemporary Uruguay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The resolve to subjugate Boko Haram terrorism and restore social order in the northeast and Nigeria as a whole is at the top of the wish list of the Nigerian state. However, the spiralling nature of the asymmetric conflict and the gruesome records of atrocities perpetrated by the terrorist group have not only intensified the apprehension regarding the dynamic trend of its violence and attendant realities, but also cast a scepticism on the effectiveness of the counter terrorism efforts of the Nigerian state. This paper examines the consequences of the heinous activities of the Boko Haram terrorists and the efforts of the Nigerian state in combating terrorism in the northeast Nigeria. It further discusses the obstacles associated with the substantial financial expenditure on counter terrorism operations and also examines how Sambisa Forest militates against the concerted efforts to end the menace. This article argues that while there are few glimpses of optimism, the despair seems to be much more as a result of many debilitating factors such as corruption, secrecy in military spending among other things. The article concludes that a comprehensive cum effective strategy to combat terrorism in the interest of peace and meaningful development in the northern Nigeria requires a balance between both the military and the civilian procedures. The article recommends among other things the need to address the root causes of terrorism while government also improves accountability of the funds dedicated to the counter-terrorism operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The paper aims to understand how state and non-state domestic terrorism impacts MNEs in foreign markets. Despite the burgeoning literature on terrorism within international business (IB), most research has focused on international terrorism, or terrorism generally. Consequently, there has been limited research examining how domestic or local based terrorism impacts foreign firms. Design/methodology/approach: This is a conceptual paper. Findings: Domestic terrorism is the most common form of terrorism in the world today and involves the state and non-state actors. Non-state domestic terrorism can be low intensity or high intensity. High intensity non-state-domestic terrorism typically involves regular and protracted political violence, along with inter-communal violence. This can expose MNEs to considerable operational, governance and legitimacy pressures. Originality/value: The paper contributes to the gap in IB terrorism research with regards domestic or local based terrorism. Drawing on IB theory and critical terrorism research, the paper addresses the nature and impact of domestic terrorism within IB. The authors' paper shows the operational, governance and legitimacy pressures of both state and non-state domestic terrorism for MNEs in host markets. While most IB scholars consider the threat of non-state terrorism for international firms, this study shows how domestic state terrorism benefits and constrains foreign firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Desire for combat and death. State terrorism as a man's thing" by Santiago Garaño, published in the magazine Quinto Sol, addresses the emotional and affective conditions that led to the emergence of state terrorism in Argentina during Operativo Independencia. The author highlights the importance of personal relationships and emotional conditions in understanding state violence, analyzing the context of the Cold War and training in the Doctrine of National Security. The research is based on interviews, judicial records, and military documents, offering a complementary perspective to other analyses on the topic. [Extracted from the article]

This article seeks to build upon Ryan and Deci's self-determination theory and shows how continual neglect of an individual's psychological need for autonomy, competency, and relatedness increases their susceptibility to terrorist organizations recruiting tactics. It begins by establishing how fulfillment of these psychological needs is necessary for normal human functioning. It then explains how failing to meet these needs pushes an individual away from normal social interactions; placing them at odds with a world which they are unable to integrate with. Once sufficiently excluded from normal social functioning, the individual is highly susceptible to the promise of belonging, power, and self-realization that terror organization offers in their recruitment. The individual will begin to alter their belief systems and entirely cut themselves off from their previous lives; eventually losing themselves in a new identity which is interconnected to their terror group. The article concludes with reflections on how future research of this process can have a meaningful impact on curtailing terrorism in the United States. Public Significance Statement: Terrorism is a persistent international threat, and it presents a clear danger to societal well-being. This article illustrates how neglect of psychological needs facilitates the radicalization process for terror organizations; and in turn, places an individual at odds with the social world that they were raised in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within Latin America during the 20th century, the practice of terrorism manifested itself in the form of state and non-state actors alike. The voracity with which both pursued their goals to subjugate the other occasionally created a causality relationship that exacerbated the societal chaos. In Argentina and Peru, their respective governments pursued increasingly harsh and repressive methods to subdue non-state terrorist groups. However, in Argentina, growing authoritarianism and state violence, particularly during the Dirty War, instigated increasingly reactionary non-state terror responses from well-organized groups, such as the Montoneros. By contrast, Peru saw the rise of unremitting revolutionary terrorism by non-state actors such as Shining Path that drove the Fujimori government into acts of state terrorism. These two diametrically opposed models serve to demonstrate the complexities of understanding the causes of terrorism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article "Mafia Spies: An Eye for an Eye Makes All Assassins Blind" explores the theory that Fidel Castro retaliated against JFK's assassination attempts by orchestrating JFK's own assassination and framing Lee Harvey Oswald. It delves into the CIA's collaboration with the mob to assassinate Castro, Sinatra's involvement, and the Bay of Pigs invasion. The article suggests that JFK's open attempts to assassinate a foreign leader may have contributed to his own assassination, highlighting the complexities of political intrigue and covert operations during that era. [Extracted from the article]

The last decade witnessed a dramatic surge in state terror and non-state terrorism in Egypt. Against this backdrop, this article investigates how the al-Sisi regime engages in a particular form of terrorism racketeering aimed at generating continued external resources as well as political and military support required for the (re)building of a highly authoritarian order. This analysis thus broadens the concept of terrorism racketeering to include the construction of an existential terrorist threat as a tool of legitimising state terror. By failing to address the conditions, which foster non-state violence, the regime can continue to utilise for purposes of diplomacy and external revenue generation the dichotomy of state terror driven "authoritarian stability" and "terrorist chaos." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The Non-Trivial Accomplishments of Counterterrorists" by Jenna Jordan discusses how counterterrorism knowledge can undermine local resistance to terrorism. The authors argue that mainstream terrorism studies create limited categories that hinder effective solutions to violent extremism. They focus on Yemen to show how local discourses trivializing terrorist groups can destabilize counterterrorism practices. The article critiques existing counterterrorism literature and emphasizes the need to identify mechanisms that can improve counterterrorism strategies. [Extracted from the article]

In light of the recent rise of authoritarianism and processes of 'democratic backsliding' in the Balkans (and other parts of CEE), the EU has projected an image of itself as a bastion of democracy and a counterweight to authoritarian tendencies and regimes. In contrast, this article points to the ways in which the EU – through its enlargement strategy – has legitimized authoritarian practices in candidate states. These practices have been inherently linked to the adoption of the EU acquis communautaire and deepening processes of neoliberal restructuring. In Serbia, the mandated transition to renewable energy, and the associated rise in small hydropower as a solution for meeting renewable energy targets, has led to an intensification of state-sponsored violence and coercion. By focusing on a small hydropower development in Rakita, Serbia, this paper highlights the inherently multiscalar nature of authoritarian state power and potential new avenues for contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The forum of essays analyzes the World Development Report 2023 on migration, highlighting the various factors driving migration and its consequences on individuals and societies. The essays emphasize the need for a multidisciplinary approach to understanding migration, considering cultural, socio-economic, and ecological contexts. The forum calls for more sophisticated theories, data collection, and policies to address the challenges and opportunities presented by migration in today's world. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores new conversations about the possibilities and limits of human rights documentation as a mode of truth-seeking. Drawing on the author's more than two decades of experience working with human rights NGOs on issues related to state-sponsored violence and humanitarian assistance across Southeast Asia, especially Myanmar, this article explores multiple ways in which human rights "facts" are produced rather than found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The discussion of factors driving young people's involvement in serious violence continues to be well documented across policy, news media, and academic research. The government response to riots taking place across the UK in 2011 set a precedent for an increasingly punitive discourse surrounding young people's involvement in criminal lifestyles, as well as the Criminal Justice System's response to the overall issue. In order to develop a greater understanding of the complex breadth of driving factors behind serious youth violence and their discoursal representation, this article presents findings of a multifaceted investigation through the interpretivist paradigm, merging macro-level policy with micro-level community insights. The article commences with an argumentative discourse analysis of a selection of Government and Youth Violence Commission policy documents before drawing on three semi-structured interviews with community-level practitioners in England working within policing and youth work organisations. The findings reveal a complex interplay of socio-environmental factors, poverty, domestic trauma, cultural dimensions, and street-based exploitation positioned alongside constructs of social exclusion and masculinity. The study uncovers a broad issue of systemic marginalisation and reduction in community resources, exacerbating conditions of social exclusion that create a greater propensity for involvement in serious youth violence. The findings support calls for the framing of serious youth violence as an issue of 'public health', encouraging deeper investigation into underlying socio-economic, cultural, and political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Argentina, the disappearance of Tehuel de la Torre, a 21-year-old trans man, has sparked a rallying cry within the trans community. The case has drawn attention to the history of forced disappearance in Argentina during the military dictatorship, where approximately 30,000 people were killed or disappeared. While Argentina has made progress in protecting sexual and gender diversity, anti-trans violence persists. The administration of President Javier Milei, who is hostile towards LGBTQI rights and denies dictatorship abuses, threatens to erode progress. However, a recent court ruling has brought justice for trans victims of dictatorship-era crimes, marking a significant step towards truth and reconciliation. [Extracted from the article]

The 1981 massacre of political dissidents could be considered the most extensive atrocity committed by the Iranian government after the 1979 Revolution. Yet, this massacre is one of the least investigated aspects of state-sponsored violence in contemporary Iran. In this article, we aim to shed light on the nature and scope of this forgotten massacre. The central thesis of this article is twofold. First, we claim that the 1981 massacre was a mass atrocity characterized by the extra-legal use of state violence. To substantiate this claim, we draw on first-hand archival material and empirical evidence that were collected during fieldwork. Secondly, we claim that the 1981 massacre played a major role in establishing the legal foundations of the theocracy that has remained in power for more than four decades. On a political level, this massacre took place within a crisis that was caused by post-revolutionary circumstances. During this crisis, the clerical rule seized power by suspending the pre-revolutionary legal order. On a legal level, the execution of political dissidents was carried out within a legal vacuum. The practices of Islamic Revolutionary Courts filled this legal vacuum and paved the way for the ratification of the first Islamic Penal Code (1982). The manifestation of state violence during the 1981 massacre embodies the fundamental characteristics of a political system that has built its foundations upon the disintegrated bodies and ruins of its political others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dynamic relationship between international news organisations and politics in the United Kingdom and Russia. Using the 2014–15 Ukraine conflict as its case study, this research argues that humanitarianism has been applied to set the news agenda by RT. The BBC, on the other hand, used relatively less human rights frames but depicted Russia and Russia-backed separatists as responsible for the conflict. Despite the concepts of manufacturing consent and indexing may not capture the arguments in journalistic practice comprehensively, they are useful in explaining and revealing broader insights into the market and politics-driven media industry and the illiberal tendency in the reporting of international war/conflict in that news framing constitutes a vital soft power tool. This also raises the question that where should we draw lines of distinction between the state-sponsored soft power media RT and the publicly funded BBC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whenever revolutionaries in Nigeria challenge the powers that divest them of their space, rights, and security, state-actors label them terrorists. It is puzzling how terrorism is often defined as a paroxysm perpetrated by groups seeking their unassailable rights in their societies while the combustible actions of the state are ignored. Using the reader-response criticism, this study defines terrorism as an act of intimidation and oppression from the upper place of power to the lower place of marginalization. Charles Akinsete's Dance of a Savage Kingdom poem and Ndubuisi Martins' Answers through the Bramble poem aptly portray the monstrosity of the state in calibrating what is termed terrorism and picturing same in the oppressed. The poems portray the failure of the Nigerian State to provide an enabling environment for its teeming population to strive and grow. The structures of the poems indict state-actors for terrorism and depict the oppressed masses and activists as reactors to the inimical actions of the state. Rather than being sober, the oppressive state continually clamps down on aggrieved revolutionaries whose rights have been contravened, and cynically projects their oppressive actions as war against indiscipline and terrorism. Ironically, the masses strongly believe that the war against terrorism which the state-actors flaunt as an alibi for their wrongdoing is devious and self-serving. Leaning on the remonstrations of the poets, this study advocates that terrorism be situated properly within the context of its progenitors and stopped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the networked frames built in Twitter trending hashtags by proponents and opponents of abortion legalization in Argentina. The online discourses exemplified the dynamics of networked framing, where activists reshaped their framing of issues through crowdsourcing practices. While both sides focused their attention on defining violence and deservingness, the impact of abortion on democracy, and the appropriate geopolitical scope of the debate, they developed stark oppositional views. Supporters of legalization defined illegal abortion as state-sponsored violence against gestating people and highlighted transnational solidarities. On the other hand, pro-life users identified legal abortion as state-sponsored violence against the unborn and accused pro-abortion politicians of subverting the democratic rights of the pro-life majority. Both movements portrayed themselves as embodying reason and righteousness while projecting negative connotations onto their counterparts. Our findings provide a nuanced examination of the discursive work of Global South feminists whose advocacy shifted policy against formidable opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notions of "concepts of the political" and that of "political concepts" refer to different but intertwined phenomena. As I will argue in this article, the concepts of the political refer to the self-institution of societies, while political concepts are those that emerge in the realm of politics, a field some societies institute as precisely the site in which the reversibility of the political takes place. This article will argue that the concepts of the political and the political concepts coming out of South America in its contemporary history spring from the main events and processes—the political and social history—that dominated the period. The events and concepts first discussed will be those related to the conquest and its legacy, only to later move fully to the past fifty years of dictatorships, transitions to democracy, and the emergence of the neopopulist political form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between terrorism and human rights has attracted considerable research and policy attention. As countries grapple with formulating effective strategies to combat terrorist groups, governments have faced criticism for resorting to increased repression in the name of counterterrorism. One common response by states to terrorism has been the implementation of counterterrorism legislation, with numerous countries enacting such laws in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks to establish a legal framework for addressing the terrorist threat. In this paper, we delve into the impact of counterterrorism legislation on abuses by the state, with a specific focus on the use of torture and political imprisonment. We argue that the introduction of counterterrorism legislation has exposed more citizens to the threat of being detained and the risk of torture by state forces. We contend that this relationship is particularly pronounced in countries adopting new counterterrorism legislation after 9/11. To substantiate our argument, we utilise data on counterterrorism legislation and conduct empirical testing, uncovering some supportive evidence for the relationship between the introduction of counterterrorism legislation and the prevalence of torture and political imprisonment, especially in cases where new laws were introduced in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Desire for combat and death: State terrorism as a man's thing" by Santiago Garaño, published in Cuadernos de Antropología Social, addresses the emergence of State terrorism in Argentina, focusing on the Operativo Independencia in Tucumán since 1975. Garaño analyzes the emotional and affective conditions that led military personnel to participate in political repression, highlighting the desire to fight and the value of sacrifice. The book also explores the culture of terror and masculinity in the context of repression. [Extracted from the article]

The article begins, as a trigger, by analyzing a meme about the stereotype of Latin American violence in literature as an essentialist, decontextualized evil that plagues, without nuances, our continent to warn the importance of its location in specific, situated forms. in its full historicity. In this sense, in the second section, three lines or routes are proposed within the Argentine literary production of the 21st century that refers to three historical moments: the violence of the founding of the nation in the revisits to the classic of our literature, El gaucho Martín Fierro, by José Hernández; the violence of State Terrorism installed during the last civic-military dictatorship and its effects on the generation of children; In relation to the last route, what we can broadly call the different modalities of violence of the patriarchal system within the framework of the productions of women and other gender identities. Finally, taking into account the last line, it stops at the figure of Camila Sosa Villada whose writing project is formulated from a key affective gesture: writing as a scratch at the world; a writing that operates a tear in contemporary literary discourse to make transvestite existence visible. The story "Cotita de la Encarnación" elaborates negative affects from sexual, generic and racial difference as a way of validating existence in the face of oppression and opprobrium suffered by the queer world in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article studies the travel narratives of contemporary writers Flávia Péret (Brazil), Introções para montar mapas, ciudades e quebra-cabeças (2021) and Fernanda Trías (Uruguay), La ciudad invencible (2014), both of which depict a stay in the city of Buenos Aires as a precarious displacement. In their texts, the writers construct a heterogeneous temporality plotted in the journeys of their protagonists for whom inhabiting a strange territory implies testing their traveling conditions as foreign Latin American women. The writing progresses by registering the political effects of this crossing in the continuities of a violence that links past and present in the Cono Sur to the extent that this space-time is marked by poverty and abandonment together with forms of politics that broaden the frameworks of cultural legibility for the recognition of loss. Their writings on displacement manage to capture in the city of Buenos Aires a zone of contact between the consequences of the 2001's economic crisis that marks lives of dispossession, particularly those of immigrant workers, while at the same time pointing to the emergence of instances that make possible a public mourning of the lives eliminated by the State terrorism of the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"A Chinese Rebel beyond the Great Wall: The Cultural Revolution and Ethnic Pogrom in Inner Mongolia" is a scholarly book that examines the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia and the violence inflicted upon the Mongol minority. The authors argue that the violence was a result of the transformation of Inner Mongolia into a Chinese settler colony and the tension between nationalism and communism. They propose that the violence was not genocidal, but rather a case of "politicide" aimed at taming and suppressing the Mongols' political organization. The book provides a detailed exploration of the events in Inner Mongolia and offers insights into ethnopolitics in China. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the Russia-Ukraine war and its impact on the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate (ROC MP) and its branches outside of Russia. The Ukrainian government is attempting to ban the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) due to its affiliation with the ROC MP and its dissemination of Russia's religion-related propaganda. However, this raises questions about the balance between religious freedom and national security. The article also explores the challenges of banning the Russian World ideology, as its definition is broad and vague, potentially leading to arbitrary applications and labeling of UOC believers as traitors. The article concludes by highlighting the need for nuanced approaches and solutions to address these complex issues. [Extracted from the article]

After the flood of 1927, the US government decided to master the Mississippi River. Nowhere was this state-sponsored determination more evident than in the lower Mississippi River delta. An historical examination of a cluster of Catholic churches in Pointe Coupée Parish, Louisiana, permits some understanding of how physical and material alterations to landscapes are not easily traced, especially when we consider the temporal and spatial scales of change to the Mississippi over the last one hundred years. In that time, Catholics of Pointe Coupée Parish managed to retain, erase, and revise aspects of their bonds to a river once central to the lives of their ancestors. This is not at all surprising, as the fallibility of memory is made apparent every time we try to tell stories about our pasts. Pointe Coupée Parish is one site where we can explore how alterations to a landscape have an impact not only on the trajectory of a Catholic community's future, but also on access to its past. Absences of memory in the living, combined with the erasure of material remains in modified landscapes, challenge us to consider how we might account for the relationship between Catholicism and the built environment throughout American history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Sahel, which refers to the regions of West and Central Africa, coups are increasingly associated with rising state fragility, which fuels the proliferation of terrorist activities and exacerbates instability (Dahiru, 2024; Armed Conflict Location & Event Data, ACLED, 2023). This study explores the relationship between coups, state fragility, and terrorism in the Sahel region, with a focus on Niger and Burkina Faso. It contextualises recent coup attempts and successful seizures of power in West and Central Africa since 2020 within the broader historical landscape of coups on the continent. The study employs a qualitative descriptive approach, integrating a variety of sources such as data from ACLED, scholarly articles, and grey literature such as policy reports and media sources. The study aims to show how the emergence of juntas and the erosion of state stability precipitate the spread of terrorism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Domestic abuse of women, despite being illegal, is common in India: on average, every 4.4 minutes a woman suffers abuse. During the pandemic, owing to curfew and lockdowns, women had additional caring responsibilities, but they lacked social support. A legal system made lethargic by lockdowns, lack of safety protocols for dealing with cases of domestic violence during the pandemic, extended delays in processing cases, and limited protection for victims—all combined to increase domestic violence nationwide. Purpose: What was the response of the Indian government to domestic violence during the COVID‐19 pandemic? We evaluate policies and interventions through the lens of intersectional feminism and social equity. Methods and approach: We review publicly available documents and scholarly journals published between 2018 and 2022. We identify the national anti‐domestic violence and state‐specific programmes offered to women in India. We critically evaluate the country's anti‐domestic violence campaign. The policy analysis draws on the cultural knowledge and professional expertise of the authors. Findings: The government's efforts to address domestic violence during the pandemic were limited. Pre‐existing vulnerabilities such as economic hardship, the gender‐based digital divide, and strict gender roles were exacerbated by the pandemic. Although the government tried to address domestic violence, through helplines, keeping shelters open and offering virtual court sessions, it also released convicted abusers from prison, increasing women's vulnerability. Government and non‐governmental organization interventions were not scaled up to meet demand. Many programmes had little oversight and quality control, resulting in differential results that often further victimized victims of domestic violence among vulnerable populations. Policy implications: Our findings highlight the importance of services and policies on domestic violence being explicit and sensitive to the culture and context in disaster preparedness and public health emergency planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the value of urban history and material culture in the study of memory. More specifically, it offers an examination through a masculine lens of the ways in which urban icons have impacted and shaped individual and national identities. The article focuses on Bulnes Square in Santiago de Chile and the Eternal Flame of Liberty as a key place and symbol of Augusto Pinochet's "fascism in progress." I draw on local press archives, advertising, and photographs to further explore the gender metaphor of state and nation as expressions of monolithic nationalism and their perpetuation of a hypermasculine tone, examining their links to place and national memory construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]