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Background: Population-level physical activity increases are improbable without intersectoral collaboration across government levels and sectors to develop and implement physical activity promotion policies. This study aims to provide information about the development of the Interaction between National and Local Government Levels in Development and Implementation of Physical Activity Policies Tool (INTEGRATE PA-Pol). A framework was created to examine the development and implementation of national and subnational physical activity policies and the (mis)alignment between government levels. Methods: The work was conducted in 3 phases: (1) a scoping review was carried out to identify local government physical activity promotion policies and instruments for assessing them, (2) an expert group designed 6 questionnaires, and (3) cognitive response testing was employed for validity testing and item modification with a panel of research and policy experts. Results: The INTEGRATE PA-Pol Tool consists of 6 questionnaires assessing how national and subnational governments collaborate to develop and implement physical activity promotion policies. Conclusion: This tool can assist in better understanding the development and implementation of a public policy monitoring system that will allow for benchmarking and priority setting to comprehend how physical activity promotion policies are designed and executed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative political economy scholarship struggles to categorise Italy's model of capitalism between a mixed-market economy and a hybrid, stagnant economic system. To enhance our understanding of the Italian political economy, this article employs the analytical framework of growth regimes to study Italy's regional economic systems. Our analysis indicates that Italy can hardly be defined as a 'national growth regime' due to the presence of two diametrically opposed regional growth regimes: Northern regions conform to a manufacturing-based, export-led growth regime supported by competitiveness-enhancing territorial institutions; southern regions conform to a particular variety of the consumption-led growth regime, that is, an administrative Keynesianism regime, which we theorise to typify a regime where growth and employment are systematically dependent on the state's role of employer of last resort, the state's consumption-enhancing social policies and economic forbearance of labour and corporate tax regulations. The article suggests that studying regional growth regimes is desirable when marked internal diversity in economic outcomes or productive structures exists across regions within (generally larger) countries, and when subnational governments have powers to develop major own institutions/policies in support of regional growth regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada and Italy do not share many of the features associated with modern welfare state development, yet both countries have experienced changes in the way health care programs are administered and funded, and in the shift in fiscal responsibility between center and sub-national governments. This article explores the relationship between federalism, decentralization and health reform in Canada and Italy. It investigates how the two countries – one federal, the other "regionalized" – have designed and adapted their health care systems to respond to similar issues of equity, cost containment and organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Country comparisons, often suffering from unobserved heterogeneity and obscuring subnational variation, dominate the social policy literature. However, the subnational level is better suited to reduce the omitted variable bias. This article distinguishes between social consumption and social investment policies and investigates their determinants at the subnational level. Following the literature across countries, we test the role of incumbent parties' ideology, but for within-country variation in social policy. Austria is a case in point because states have discretion in social policy (e.g., regarding public childcare and social assistance). Panel regressions covering all nine states in Austria for the years 1991 to 2019 reveal that the cabinet share of Social-Democrats increases social investment spending, while the Christian-Democratic party decreases it, and the populist radical right party reduces expenses for social consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that concessions can serve as a useful tool for managing protest. In the face of nonrevolutionary protest, concessions may represent a useful option for getting protesters out of the streets. This article theorizes that, in high-capacity states, actors involved in the process of managing protest are more varied and more capable, making the use of concessions, especially relatively cheap ones, more likely. The article then tests the theory using original event-level data on Mexican protests and responses, and leverages subnational variation in state capacity. It finds that higher levels of capacity are associated with a higher likelihood of concessions in response to protest. This finding represents an important distinction between the management of everyday protests and revolutionary ones, in which concessions are associated with state weakness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local newspapers convey extensive subnational political information but have dwindling audiences. In a nationalized and polarized information environment, can online interventions increase state/local news consumption and with what effects? We explore this question via a preregistered experiment randomizing Pennsylvania residents (n = 5059) to staggered interventions encouraging news consumption from leading state newspapers. A total of 2529 individuals were offered free online subscriptions, but only 44 subscribed; we find little evidence of treatment effects on knowledge, engagement, or attitudes. We then administered a second treatment element—promoting subnational news directly via Facebook feeds—with a higher application rate but similarly limited impacts. Observational analyses of these respondents and separate national samples show that Democratic political partisanship has come to predict local newspaper subscriptions. Contemporary local newspapers may face a demand‐side dilemma: The engaged citizens who formerly read them now prefer national, partisan content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective Methods Results Conclusions We investigate the contributions of state and local governments to the diffusion of American fair housing law and policy, focusing on the period from 1919 to 1968, prior to similar legal requirements and policies being approved at the federal level.Relying on archival data obtained at two presidential libraries, our findings provide insights into diffusion's political effects.Myriad state and local laws, constituting breakthroughs that spread horizontally and/or bottom‐up, preceded similar requirements in the national Fair Housing Act of 1968 and implementation policies subsequently adopted by the federal bureaucracy.Progressive subnational governments can promote the rights of politically marginalized individuals and groups when the national government and other subnational jurisdictions do not. States and localities can use desegregation approaches not available at the federal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the pivotal role of immigration for subnational units, focusing on their efforts to retain immigrants. In the global competition for 'wanted' immigrants, subnational governments have developed innovative immigration-related programmes tailored to their demographic, economic, and linguistic needs. While previous research has mainly focused on the selection of international immigrants, this study delves into subnational efforts to keeping immigrants 'in'. Using Canadian provinces as a case study, and through a qualitative content analysis of policy documents and immigration schemes, this article asks: To what extent do Canadian provinces compete to retain immigrants? The analysis reveals 'subnational competitive immigration regimes', wherein subnational units take policy actions to not only attract immigrants but influence or hinder their internal mobility. Downstream, provinces employ settlement and integration services to encourage retention. Upstream, provinces fine-tune their selection streams to choose migrants who are deemed more likely to stay. Policy outputs reveal how 'wanted immigrants' are conceptualized at the subnational level: those who can demonstrate a commitment to staying, rather than solely those who fulfil economic and demographic needs. The results shed light on the interplay between international immigration policies and immigrants' internal mobility, and emphasize the significance of subnational policy in retaining immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes Argentina−China relations based on the actions of the Argentine provinces between 2014 and 2023. The focus is on the double periphery provinces and the initiatives with Chinese actors, observing the transformations produced within the Argentine federal state and in the interstate relationship between the two countries. The methodological approach is qualitative with case studies through a sample of three provinces located in the double periphery of Argentina: Catamarca, Jujuy, and Salta. This study encompasses the period from the initiation of Comprehensive Strategic Relations between Argentina and China in July 2014, extending up to 2023, coinciding with the conclusion of President Alberto Fernández's term in office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effectiveness of women's policy agencies (WPAs), with a focus on the leadership of subnational women's institutes in the Mexican states. We contribute to the existing research with a new original dataset on WPAs in an important third-wave democracy in Latin America. Our focus on leadership quality provides a useful method for measuring one central component of institutional effectiveness across a large number of cases. We consider high-quality leaders to be those with longer tenure in office and higher levels of education, more professional experience, and closer connections to the feminist movement. Using a dataset of 226 directors, we find evidence that party ideology, electoral competition, and the institutional design of the agency influence the quality of leadership. Moreover, states with stronger women's movements have higher-quality leadership in their WPAs. These findings support a central premise of the state feminism literature – that WPAs are most effective when allied with strong women's movements and left-wing governments – and also point to the importance of electoral democracy in promoting institutional effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We study the effects of the tax enforcement caused by the Consolidation of State and Local Tax Bureau (CSLTB) on corporate green innovation. • The CSLTB decreases corporate green innovation. • Mechanistic tests show our primary discoveries are motivated by the liquidity constraint channel. • Our findings are more pronounced among firms with strong financing constraints, poor profitability, strong legal environment, non-state-owned firms, and poor tax transfer capability. Literature on environmental governance in developing countries often attributes environmental issues to the sub-national governments' lenient enforcement of the law. Based on the data of A-share listed companies spanning from 2010 to 2020, this study conducts a difference-in-differences estimation exploiting an exogenous shock in tax enforcement caused by the Consolidation of State and Local Tax Bureau (CSLTB) in China. We identify strong evidence that the CSLTB decreases corporate green innovation, which is consistent across a range of robustness checks. Mechanistic tests show our primary discoveries are motivated by the liquidity constraint channel, which is manifested by an improvement in firms' effective tax rate, cash holdings, and a decrease in dividend payments. Finally, our study reveals this negative effect exerted by tax enforcement with respect to corporate green innovation becomes particularly pronounced among firms with strong financing constraints, poor profitability, strong legal environment, non-state-owned firms, and poor tax transfer capability. Overall, this study enriches the study of tax enforcement and provides further insight into the environmental effects of non-environmental policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the biggest issues with public accountability in most federal systems is the payment of pensions to former public officeholders such as governors, which is arguably undermining ethical standards in the public sector and impeding socio-economic development. This is because of the arbitrariness of the policy, the huge financial burdens it imposes on subnational governments, and the fact that such practice is often uncorrelated with the fiscal realities of the federating states. The problem is more challenging in developing countries that are weighed by weak institutions and poor governance. Using the Nigerian case, the study shows how public officeholders' pensions are shaped by corruption-prone defective legislative processes configured to birth ex post facto laws that widen rather than narrow corruption and inequalities. Adopting a descriptive exploratory research design and document analysis technique, this study offers valuable insights into addressing the ethical and legal challenges surrounding public pension administration. It advocates for adopting a standardised model for regulating and administering pensions for public officeholders in developing federal systems. By advancing legal and ethical arguments against the prevailing ex-governors' pension practice in Nigeria, this paper contributes to the extant discourse on improving accountability and governance in the public sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The processes involved in the sustainable development goals (SDGs) localization, sustainable rural development (SRD), and the use of public participation to support the achievement of the SDGs have gained importance in recent years. The aim of this article is to analyze the solution created by regional governments in Poland to combine these issues. This paper utilizes a qualitative case study-based approach. Firstly, the analysis of the development strategies of 11 Polish regions was carried out. Further, the analyses of the grant process allowed one to determine the SDG targets, which are associated with individual thematic areas of financing and with specific tasks proposed for implementation by the residents. It may be concluded that the analyzed program targets largely corresponded to the selected SDG targets. Such programs may be used as a tool for supporting the bottom-up diagnosis procedure, in the scope of desired activities supporting the achievement of the SDGs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social organization of childcare is of special relevance to gender equality and family wellbeing. Childcare provision in China is often recognized as a case of familism, which highly relies on family care with limited state support. However, this all‐encompassing view may mask the local discrepancy generated by a decentralized social welfare system, especially when emerging initiatives have been enacted due to the government's concern about fertility. This article analyses the variation of childcare policies across 31 China mainland provinces, from the perspective of welfare regime theory. Using hierarchical cluster analysis, six policy patterns with varying configurations of familizing and defamilizing support are identified: (1) dual‐earner support, (2) moderate dual‐earner support, (3) moderate support, (4) general family support, (5) modified family support, and (6) a geo‐special case. We further explore the socioeconomic contexts of various policy profiles, with a particular focus on fertility and female employment. Findings suggest that, although with a nationally shared welfare ideology, subnational governments could exploit divergent strategies to support childcare in response to localized socioeconomic conditions. This research also provides insights into how childcare responsibilities are distributed between state and family in a non‐western country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dominant approaches to understanding Islamist politics tend to assume a uniform polity. Most notably, inclusion–moderation hypotheses presume Islamist parties are simply in or out: that the lure of office persuades radical Islamist groups to moderate their behaviour and ideologies to participate in elections. We suggest a different dynamic, in which an Islamist party adapts its mien and messaging to appeal simultaneously to heterogeneous audiences, without compromising its core positions. We find an exemplary case in Malaysia, where Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, PAS) contests both nationally and at the state level. At the federal level, PAS seeks support within a multi-ethnic, multi-religious polity, working in coalition with either secular, noncommunal parties, for whom an adamantly Islamist stance would be verboten, or Malay-ethnonationalist parties, for whom Islam is salient, but secondary. Meanwhile, PAS competes subnationally in its northeastern stronghold, where its confirmed Islamism confers strong advantage – but also in other states, with different approaches. Yet, across these stages, PAS sustains its underlying ideological consistency, especially on fraught social issues. We explore the extent to which electoral participation amid differing incentives reveals more a moderating effect on Islamist-party behaviour and ideology, or a capacity for strategic posturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognising the increasingly urban character of Southeast Asian politics, our introduction to this special issue explores the varied patterns of government–business relations found across the region. In some urban centres, businesses form collusive rent-seeking relations with mayors and other politicians; in others, they support governance reform and urban renewal. In beginning to unpick this variation, we briefly highlight what we can learn from literatures on national-level government–business relations and subnational politics – emphasising that local-level government–business relations commonly diverge in significant ways from those at the national level. Next, we survey the articles that follow through three themes: relative strengths of local government and business across distinct urban settings; changes over time in the presence and efficacy of development coalitions spanning government and business; and recent innovations in government–business ties in certain cities. We end by calling for increased research into this important but poorly understood topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South China Sea (SCS), one of the world's most important fishing areas, faces a looming fishing crisis. This impending catastrophe is chiefly driven by rampant overfishing and illegal activities, intensified by escalating maritime conflicts. Current research predominantly fixates on maritime territorial and sovereignty disputes, typically emphasizing the state's primary or exclusive role in the SCS fishery governance. The state centric approach, however, overlooks the integral role of substate entities. This research introduces a new dimension to the discussion, highlighting the pivotal role of subnational governments in China with an in-depth case study on the Hainan provincial government. Utilising the fragmented authoritarianism framework and through a comprehensive analysis of central and local policy documents, news reports, and academic articles, this research discerns Hainan's significant but understudied role in contributing to the SCS fishery crisis. Hainan's impact on SCS fisheries is particularly manifest in three key areas: the advocacy for outward expansion of marine fisheries, the endorsement of Hainan's Giant Clam Handicraft sectors, and the securitization of its fishing fleet in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effects of managerial actions that promote inter-governmental collaboration on organizational performance at the sub-national level. Employing measures of organizational performance (i.e., fiscal performance and education in Colombia), I find that managerial actions that promote collaboration between organizations at the territorial level predict higher levels of organizational performance. Actions oriented toward collaboration enable bureaucrats to accomplish organizational goals by creating trust, increasing information exchange, and producing external collaborative structures. The article provides insights into the discussion about the role of managers in organizational dynamics in the public sector by showing new insights about how managers' intentional efforts can improve public organizations' outcomes. The research contributes to the literature on collaborative public management in a comparative context that focuses on sub-national governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: In 2020, Ucayali was the Peruvian region with the highest loss of Amazonian forest (47,267 hectares). Measures have been taken regarding climate commitments and environmental governance, but the results continue without notoriety, and mitigation actions are limited. From a subnational approach, the article seeks to analyze the perceptions of brokers and actors involved about the implementation of forest policies in the Ucayali region. Methodology: Based on a qualitative strategy that included semi-structured interviews and a co-construction workshop to evidence the perceptions of the actors involved, with direct knowledge of the territory and implementation, and intermediary agents (brokers), the latter with the capacity to influence the decisions made regarding the formulation of action plans. Conclusions: The results demonstrate the existence of a structural difficulty in achieving short- or long-term change actions. There are institutional limitations but also a lack of support from civil society. Originality: Considering the type and limited number of studies on perceptions of climate change-oriented policies, the results obtained allow for generating relevant evidence for policy formulation processes and articulation between different levels of government

Objective/context: In 2020, Ucayali was the Peruvian region with the highest loss of Amazonian forest (47,267 hectares). Measures have been taken regarding climate commitments and environmental governance, but the results continue without notoriety, and mitigation actions are limited. From a subnational approach, the article seeks to analyze the perceptions of brokers and actors involved about the implementation of forest policies in the Ucayali region. Methodology: Based on a qualitative strategy that included semi-structured interviews and a co-construction workshop to evidence the perceptions of the actors involved, with direct knowledge of the territory and implementation, and intermediary agents (brokers), the latter with the capacity to influence the decisions made regarding the formulation of action plans. Conclusions: The results demonstrate the existence of a structural difficulty in achieving short- or long-term change actions. There are institutional limitations but also a lack of support from civil society. Originality: Considering the type and limited number of studies on perceptions of climate change-oriented policies, the results obtained allow for generating relevant evidence for policy formulation processes and articulation between different levels of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the economic and fiscal consequences of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine for subnational governments in Russia. Using annual fiscal and economic data, we study how different groups of regions have been affected by the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. Despite the Russian economy being more resilient to a sanctions shock than initially predicted, we document several important negative tendencies at the regional level, sometimes overlooked in policy discussions and the literature on economic sanctions. In this article, we present new regional data and focus on the effects of the war on overall regional tax collections in 2022–2023, as well as the dynamics of different types of regional and federal taxes. We identify several groups of "winners" (oil- and gas-extracting regions, weapons-producing regions, and the largest city-regions) and "losers" (regions that share a border with Ukraine and regions with sanctions-prone industrial specializations) and discuss the prospects of their resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized business interests often seek to block public interest regulations. But whether firms oppose regulation depends on institutional context. We argue that, in federal systems, sub‐national policies and politics can have a home state effect on firms' national policy preferences and the lobbying coalitions they join. State policies that force firms to absorb regulatory cost can reduce the marginal cost of national policies, leading to preference shifts. In addition, firms regulated at the state level have incentives to strategically align with their state governments to avoid future regulatory cost. We test our argument in the context of U.S. climate politics, matching original data on the positions of electric utilities toward the Clean Power Plan and data on ad hoc coalition membership with data measuring state policy stringency and state government positions. Quantitative evidence is consistent with hypotheses: both state policies and state politics influence utilities' positions on national climate policy. Qualitative evidence from elite interviews helps clarify the roles of different mechanisms. Our findings underscore the importance of sub‐national governments in shaping national lobbying coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most persistent challenges in the study of regional politics in Italy is the lack of systematized data and information about the composition of regional legislatures and governments and the profiles of elected officials. In this paper, we describe the ITREGPARL dataset, a new comprehensive dataset of Italian regional politics comprising 6077 regional politicians from 1993 to 2020. It includes information about regional councillors, regional ministers, presidents and vice-presidents of the regional council, regional presidents and vice-presidents. Along with socio-demographic characteristics – gender, age, previous profession, education – it includes data such as experience and incumbency, number of mandates, length of service and partisanship. It also includes region-level variables, such as geographical area, type of gender quotas and the regional authority index. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public management scholars argue that collective action problems (e.g., incentives to free‐ride on the efforts of others or shirk agreements) threaten the feasibility of intergovernmental cooperation. Drawing on collective action theory, this article examines factors associated with overcoming free‐riding incentives and provides evidence challenging the idea that governments are prone to such strategic behavior. The empirical analysis of a national Danish purchasing group demonstrates how coercion is not necessary to induce subnational governments to incur private costs to join the group and, despite opportunity and incentive to free‐ride, contribute to its production of joint purchasing agreements—collective goods whose quality depends on the staff resources and expertise the participating governments contribute to their production. Further, multivariate analyses find that governments are more likely to help produce these collective goods when they receive more of their benefits, face lower contribution costs, and receive stronger social norm pressures from peers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special section explores contemporary foreign relations of African subnational governments (SNGs), a phenomenon popularly referred to as 'paradiplomacy.' In this introductory article, we examine the historical development of paradiplomacy research in Africa, highlighting its gradual progression from initial academic interests in the 1990s to its present state. The issue comprises four full-length articles focusing on case studies from Nigeria, South Africa, and Ghana. These contributions to the special issue present salient examples of African subnational governments and cities engaging in external relations, which have hitherto been overlooked in the global literature. The issue aims to expand scholarly understanding of African paradiplomacy, underscoring its significance for broader debates on statehood, governance, socio-economic development, and international relations. It also seeks to elevate the profile of African paradiplomacy studies and set the future research agenda, urging further research to explore the implications and effectiveness of African SNGs operating in the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes data from 1999–2019, evidencing strategies utilized by Nigerian Subnational Governments (SNGs) for attracting inward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). These strategies are unique for several reasons, including the fact that they highlight the evidence of paradiplomacy in Nigeria, a case study that is understudied in the paradiplomacy literature. These strategies are also a deviation from the conventional protocols for FDI mobilization in Nigeria. Drawing on Duchacek's conceptualization of these strategies as a percolation of sovereign boundaries, i.e. the idea that SNGs are permeating inter-sovereign 'sieves' designed to restrict their forays into the international plane, this paper conceptually maps and empirically assesses the varied expressions and prevalence of these strategies. Although these strategies are yet to be constitutionally challenged by the central government, they reveal a growing porosity of Nigeria's sovereign boundaries and necessitate a critical reassessment of the extant intergovernmental frameworks that govern FDI mobilization in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the issue of institutional discrimination in relation to the welfare access of migrant minorities in Italy, with a specific focus on the subnational level. Adopting a socio-legal approach that is based on a series of lawsuits, it discusses the role of pro bono legal advocacy in identifying and removing bans introduced by territorial administrations against migrant minorities. First, the paper examines what kind of explicit and implicit criteria of exclusion were introduced. Second, it explores the reasons behind, highlighting why and how «Italians first» has become a widespread welfare politics at subnational level as well as to what extent such sentiment has led to an obstinate resistance for the application of anti-discriminatory principles. Third, the paper brings to the attention the series of obstacles that pro bono lawyers encounter in their activity, showing which problems influence their mission against institutional discrimination in Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the article was to investigate the possible inducing factors that contributed to determine the frequency of social conflicts at the subnational level in Peru between 2016 and 2021, including income inequality, social exclusion, fiscal centralism, corruption and revocation of authorities, for which four regression models were built. Disaggregated official data from the 24 departments and the provinces of Lima and Callao were analyzed. Economic inequality was associated with the Gini coefficient. To establish the association between social conflict and the inducers, it was estimated using Spearman’s Rho correlation coefficient. Statistical calculation was also employed to appreciate the collinearity between the inducers. The results showed that the revocation of subnational authorities determines 42.5% of social conflict. On the other hand, corruption and fiscal centralism determine 28.5% of the perception of suffering social exclusion. Inequality and social conflict determined 21.8% of the relevance of the execution and quality of public spending by the national government in the regions. Sixty percent of social conflicts in Peru are of an environmental nature. The population that has declared the greatest discrimination corresponds to Puno (28%). 55.6% of those surveyed consider corruption to be one of the country’s main problems. Corruption and social exclusion have a negative impact on the effectiveness of economic results and promote social conflicts. Inefficient use of fiscal resources translates into low quality of services and diminished credibility of the national and subnational governments. This situation highlights the need to design public policies that reduce conflicts and promote adequate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, over the last few decades, countries have become increasingly decentralized but only recently did they recognize the need for incorporating a gender dimension into such policies. As a result, the relationship between fiscal decentralization, which implies delegating fiscal powers from national to subnational governments, and gender equality remains elusive. In this paper, I study the impact of expenditure decentralization on gender equality using panel data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development -- OECD countries between 2006 and 2021. I find that decentralization of expenditure increases gender equality in these countries. My results also demonstrate that unionization, the extent of a country's integration with the rest of the world, urbanization, population growth, and the state of democracy also matter for gender equality. This suggests that these factors should also accompany expenditure decentralization if the governments of these countries want to further promote gender equality through such public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous empirical studies suggest that fiscal decentralisation, measured by the number of government layers, is associated with less foreign direct investment (FDI). With an improved dataset on the tax autonomy of sub‐federal government tiers, we present evidence that fiscal decentralisation (de facto) does not reduce FDI. If local governments can set their tax rates and bases autonomously, they attract more FDI. Analysing 128,425 corporate cross‐border acquisitions (CBA), between 194 source and 215 host jurisdictions from 1997 to 2021, we find that full taxation autonomy by subnational governments can double the number of CBAs in a given year. These results apply to high‐income hosts and do not depend on specific periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the amnesty approach from a two-dimensional approaches of the central and sub-national governments in the management of structural conflicts in Nigeria. Using the case study approach, the study explains how the actions of individuals (or groups) escalate militancy, insurgency and banditry, as well as undermine the amnesty initiatives of national and subnational bodies in Nigeria. We argued that: administration bordering on crass corruption is the unacknowledged goal of amnesty; the complicity of state actors is the direct consequence of this unacknowledged goal; and there is a clear link between the financial compensation/payment to the bandits/militants and the proliferation of attacks and armed groups. Thus, in the regions we focused on, there was a proliferation of militant, insurgent and bandit attacks as well as fatalities in the post-amnesty period because of the complicit role of political actors in fuelling insecurity to justify continuous financial investment in these initiatives and present more opportunities for further misappropriation of the amnesty funds. This finding questions the appropriateness of multi-layer amnesty programmes as a conflict management strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study how the quality of local business environments helps explain growth outcomes of micro- and small enterprise microfinance clients by drawing on long-term nationwide administrative data and a policy shock in Cambodia. The staggered launch of special economic zones, which we link to positive shocks to the business environment on both the demand and supply side, leads to significantly increased employment in micro- and small enterprises (MSEs) located in these special economic zones (SEZs), compared to enterprises in contextually similar districts that are unexposed to an SEZ. Key channels explaining the improved growth outcomes include expanded access to external markets for the enterprises' goods and services, more dynamic labor environments, and improved credit terms and conditions. To broaden the relevance of our findings, we combine data from prominent empirical studies on microfinance and demonstrate how related business conditions identified in the enterprise growth literature help explain differences in client business outcomes found in their results. Policy implications are that a smaller but influential segment of microfinance borrowers significantly benefit from opportunities provided by improved local business environments and that governments and lenders can play active roles in facilitating the necessary improvements for such MSEs. Plain English Summary: Financial access may not be fulfilling its real potential in low-income settings, unless coupled with the right opportunities in the business environment for micro- and small enterprises. We use Cambodia's special economic zones as a policy shock to study how the quality of local business environments help explain micro- and small enterprise microfinance clients' growth. We find that the SEZs generate large increases in employment for microfinance borrowers for both micro- and small enterprises. These increases are concentrated in locations where SEZs expand access to local markets and where there are more dynamic labor environments. The SEZs also lead the microfinance lender to improve credit terms, which contribute notably to improved enterprise outcomes. To broaden the relevance of our findings, we demonstrate how related sub-national business environment factors help explain different borrower outcomes found in extant studies that measure microfinance impacts. Policy implications are that an important subset of microfinance borrowers is able to seize opportunities provided by local business environments, and that national and subnational governments can play active roles in facilitating such improved business environments for micro and small enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study builds a theoretical framework on how subnational governments use promotion schemes to motivate local bureaucrats to address conflicting tasks of economic development and environmental protection. We argue that subnational (province) governments can strategically allocate polluting industries to border areas to make neighbors bear the social cost of pollution and use promotion incentives to make their subordinates (city leaders) comply. Hence, when the central government imposes a stricter environmental regulation policy on provincial governments, border-city leaders obtain a higher probability of promotion. Based on a panel dataset of leaders' career information and administrations across cities in China, we find an increase in promotion probability for border-city leaders compared with their non-border counterparts after 2011 when the environmental protection task became more important. A potential channel is that border-city leaders accept the migration of polluting industries as a signal of compliance. In addition, this effect is more prominent for newly appointed leaders who have stronger political motivations and rely more on their superiors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public choice literature has long considered the political economy of environmental regulation and has examined a variety of national and subnational governments' environmental policies aimed at adaption to climate change. However, there has been little attention paid to the determinants of environmental adaptive actions taken by indigenous governments. Given many indigenous peoples' heightened vulnerability to issues caused by climate change, it is important to understand when and why they take action to adapt to climate change and what obstacles may stand in the way. I argue that natural resource abundance, informational resource access, population vulnerability, and reliance on natural resources will impact whether indigenous governments enact policies to respond to climate change. Using an original dataset of tribal actions addressing climate change for 574 federally recognized tribal governments, I find that the amount of land, educational attainment, broadband access, and proportion of tribal members working in the natural resource industries are positively associated with the tribal government's responses to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks how legislative elites—lawmakers serving on statehouse committees with jurisdiction over transportation and energy—set transportation policy and funding agendas and what factors matter for compelling lawmaker policy action or explaining inaction. The role of legislatures in federalist systems has broader implications for the setting of transportation policy agendas, but in this study, we focus on U.S. state legislatures. We report on five focus group discussions conducted with 23 legislative representatives from 19 different states to reveal untapped insights into committee members' perceptions and the factors that drive their attention to certain issues in contemporary U.S. transportation policy. We find that these state-level political elites almost universally see funding as the most important issue and recognize the sector's broad fiscal reliance on motor fuel taxes as structurally unsound, given growing vehicle fuel efficiency and electric vehicle adoption. We find further that, with respect to their own policymaking activities, state lawmakers understand transportation policy and energy transition as distinct issues and appear unable to meet these known challenges by crossing committees to redesign policy. We also see implications of these results more broadly for subnational and provincial governments that, regardless of country setting, must often work across multiple layers of government to set policy agendas in the context of an evolving energy and transportation landscape and that warrant greater attention from policy scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2004 to the present, eleven Argentine provinces have had laws on Mandatory Open Simultaneous Primaries (PASO, in Spanish) and have enforced them at least once. Their creation sought to democratize the selection of candidates through mandatory primary elections for political parties and voters. The PASO law has been criticized because political parties come to agreements on single lists of candidates, complying with the mandatory rule but avoiding internal competition. This paper investigates the factors that have influenced the strategies of agreement or dispute within political spaces, based on the measurement of the number of internal lists presented in PASO. To carry out the analysis, an observational study was conducted by examining the strategies of the main political forces in eleven Argentine provinces. Three political-institutional variables were studied: 1) the re-election of the governor, 2) the electoral calendar, and 3) government vs. opposition. The results show that when the governor does not run for re-election and the electoral calendar is split, there are greater chances of internal dispute between more than one list. Likewise, being part of the opposition was not a determining factor for the dispute between two or more internal lists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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• The impact of secretary's previous environmental protection experience is investigated. • The duration of previous experience is used as an IV for investigation. • The mechanisms are analyzed from the production and discharge stages. • The secretary's previous experience negatively impacts COD discharge intensity. • The negative impact is caused by the improved resource utilization and pollution treatment facilities. Utilizing the firm-level data from the Chinese industrial sector between 1998 and 2010 and taking COD (chemical oxygen demand) regulation as an example, this study investigates the impact of previous environmental protection experience among prefecture-level Communist Party secretaries on the effectiveness of environmental governance within their respective jurisdictions. The study reveals that secretaries' previous environmental protection experience has led to a reduction in COD discharge intensity. The duration of the previous environmental protection experience is selected as an instrumental variable, and endogeneity is further addressed, while the research conclusion remains unchanged. Nevertheless, this negative impact persists for only two years and presents an unclear long-term effect. The negative effect on COD discharge intensity caused by previous environmental protection experience is influenced by the mandatory regulation pressure from the central government and the overall polluting density of sub-sectors. Secretaries with previous environmental protection experience do not reduce COD discharge intensity through the punishment mechanism of increasing sewage charges. The secretaries, instead, encourage enterprises to adopt clean production technology, save water resources, and reduce the produced COD level. Additionally, secretaries place an emphasis on the treatment of wastewater pollutants, thereby reducing COD discharge intensity. The conclusions of this study can provide decision-making reference for the selection and training of local officials, aiming at environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper presents the results of an online survey and subsequent interviews investigating whether, how, and why public administrations of Brazilian states and the federal district (Federation Units) use open government data. According to the literature reviewed, the questions were categorized into four big groups: benefits, barriers, enablers, and drivers. Design/Methodology/Approach: The Survey method, based on a questionnaire followed by interviews, was used to collect and analyze data from the open data officers of 26 Brazilian Federation Units. Findings: The use of open government data is controversial as responses from the questionnaires and interviews do not match and raise questions about how well-represented each Federation Unit was. Evidence of open government data use was found. Among others, findings showed that political leadership committed to using open data facilitates and motivates public agents to use these data. Additionally, interviews indicated that the lack of human resources with the knowledge, skills, and capabilities to use open data is a relevant barrier to data use. Findings also revealed that open government data mainly support policy and decision-making processes. Practical implications: This research contributed to the open data and public administration fields. It portrays diverse realities of open government data use and institutionalization in Brazilian state and district public administrations. In addition, it provides lists of open government data use benefits, barriers, drivers, and enablers from the perspective of these administrations so that they can benchmark against each other and improve their OGD use. Originality and research implications: For academia, this research provides empirical evidence of the factors influencing public administrations' use of open government data at the subnational level in Brazil. Even though Brazil ranks high on OGD global assessments, few studies on its use and reuse in the public sector were identified. This is one of the first academic studies focusing on open government data use in the country. It also contributes by offering to the academic community two instruments, a questionnaire and an interview protocol, which can be applied to other public settings to expand this study's results or open new research paths by applying them to other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State-centered and hierarchical government strategies based on technocratic top-down approaches have proved inadequate to address multiple interacting and cross-scale risks. In contrast, multilevel governance (MLG) provides a form of governance by networks that operate both in a horizontal arena with neighboring local governments, civil society organizations, and local communities, and in vertical settings, with higher-level governmental authorities and international organizations. In this paper, we examined the role and experience of local governments in a multilevel governance system for risk management in Mexico City. We sought to understand what collaborative resources local governments have to address multiple risks in Mexico City? How do they mobilize these resources in specific actions to address a risk, and how do they interact with different levels on diverse organizational scales? Our results show that resources for vertical and horizontal collaboration were key for local governments for coordination to address multiple risks. We found that collaboration was more common between local governments and with the subnational government. Also, the most common actions focused on forecasting and prevention, as well as preparedness and relief of multiple risks. We found evidence of successful elements of multilevel governance and identified the need for further research on the engagement and representation for non-governmental organizations and private actors in networks of risk management. The results from this study provide a better understanding of the arrangement of collaborative resources underlying local government actions under a state of urgency and scarcity, where action cannot wait for institutional change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain's mainstream right parties immediately cooperated with the radical right Vox as a support party for minority governments when it first entered regional parliaments in 2018 and 2019. We ask why the mainstream right opted to engage the radical right to govern and why the latter agreed. Only when we consider parties' regional and national goals can we explain why the parties allied in Spain, and then only when we consider electoral as well as policy and office goals. We argue that centrifugal two bloc competition in the party system and electoral competition among the mainstream right parties on territorial and national identity issues encouraged engagement. Further, we show how the right bloc developed and solidified and how Vox constrained mainstream party choices by pushing for public recognition. It demonstrates the value of examining subnational politics, not only as another arena, but also as integral to party strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subnational governments are generally funded by fiscal rents, that is, transfers of centrally levied taxes. Existing literature concurs that fiscal federalism breeds rentierism and, consequently, hinders subnational democracy. However, in Argentina, fiscal rents do not always lead to low provincial contestation. Building on research on oil-based rentierism and fiscal federalism, we argue that this variation results from the provincial fiscal institutions that distribute central-government transfers from the province to municipalities. Specifically, we claim that as provincial fiscal institutions decentralize fiscal rents from the province to municipalities, they empower mayors to challenge governors. Conversely, as these institutions centralize rents at the province, they empower governors and weaken opposition from below. Using panel data and a comparison between Tierra del Fuego and Santa Cruz—the provinces that receive the largest fiscal transfers—we show that the effect of fiscal rents on incumbent party advantage decreases and eventually disappears as institutions become province-decentralizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The polycentric nature of multilevel governance structures with multiple actors interacting at different levels can facilitate sustainability transitions. This study aims to explore the impact of multilevel governance on the design and implementation of sustainable urban mobility plans within the two-tiered government structure of Sweden. Methodology: The study is based on qualitative review of the academic literature, secondary sources including review of national policy documents and empirical insights drawn from the case study of Umeå, a medium-sized Swedish city which takes part in several national, local, and transnational initiatives to accelerate sustainability transitions. The empirical data is collected through semistructured interviews with policy experts, policymakers, transport, and urban planners who are responsible for formulation and implementation of transport policies within national and local institutions. Results: The multilevel governance of transport and sustainable urban mobility policies in Sweden produces several positive effects for design and implementation of policies. These include clear division of responsibilities among public authorities at national, regional, and local government level which helps to overcome the problems such as lack of accountability and responsibility. Conclusions: Multilevel governance of sustainable urban mobility policies in Sweden enables local authorities to have access additional resources and knowledge exchange through networks consisting of various public and private actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This paper investigates Thailand and Malaysia climate governance policy in practice within their multi-level governance structures. Thailand presents a unique case of a unitary state with a degree of deconcentration and decentralization, while Malaysia showcases a federal state with a high degree of centralization. Methodology: The paper collected and analyzed both primary and secondary data. Indepth interviews with government officials, NGOs, and international organizations were conducted online and onsite in Thailand and Malaysia from May 2022 to September 2023. Interview data was triangulated with secondary data from key national policy documents on climate change and related issues. This paper examines the contributions and hindrances of multi-level governance on climate governance and highlights some lessons learned from both countries. Results: It concludes that multi-level government systems provide opportunities for various stakeholders to engage in decision-making and create policy innovation. However, the administration of decision-making in these systems can be constrained by tensions within these systems, between tendencies towards the centralization of decision-making, and little engagement between subnational governments and local-level stakeholders. Conclusions: Overall, we assert that clear direction and guidance at the national level complemented by mechanisms that engage local stakeholders in administration and civil society is essential to achieve overarching climate action goals regardless of the administrative system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The article analyses intergovernmental relations (IGR) at the subnational level in climate policies in the Spanish case. More specifically, it aims to describe the basic aspects of IGR and identify the IGR instruments used by the actors involved in the policy, pointing out the differences that may exist between the different territories. Methodology: The methodology used is qualitative in nature and resorts to the analysis of a variety of documentary sources (regulations drawn up by the Autonomous Regions on climate and energy, regional plans and strategies, government agreements and other relevant data contained in different institutional websites. Results: In most of the Autonomous Communities (ACs) a variety of IGRs involving regional and local governments can be identified. In these interactions the representatives of the ACs tend to play a leading role, although there are differences between territories. IGRs are developed through a variety of instruments, including coordination and cooperation bodies, intergovernmental funding, and trainings, technical assistance, and information exchange initiatives. Conclusions: The leading role acquired by the ACs in this field, as well as the basic structural factors limiting the capabilities of most local governments, make it unlikely that significant changes will occur in the short term. However, the impact of the European Union, which is clearly felt in the overall IGR system, must also be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, fiscal federalism has been a dominant and contentious issue in Nigeria. The country's chequered political history has affected the practice of federalism and this has in turn affected the performance and service delivery, especially at the local government level. This study assesses the effect of the existing fiscal relations on service delivery in the local government areas from 1999-2019. It adopts a descriptive design survey and relies on primary and secondary sources for data collection. The findings reveal that fiscal relations have not improved the performance in critical areas of services at the local government level. It concludes that the sub-national government has muscled out the local government through its institutions that manage the joint commissions and other political machinery. The study recommends financial and administrative restructuring that will guarantee an appreciable level of financial autonomy for the local government to be able to fulfill its constitutionally assigned responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]