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The article refers to the dismissal of president Omar al-Bashir and the rise of democracy in Sudan. Topics include the demonstrations against autocratic Inqaz (Salvation) regime due to economic imbalance in the country; rising corruption due to authoritarianism; and violation of the basic human right abuses.

Between 2007 and 2014 the United Nations (UN) assisted more than one-third of all national elections worldwide. Its experts routinely provide substantial technical advice on election management, logistical support such as the procurement of ballot papers and financial assistance. However, it remains doubtful if, and under which conditions, such assistance contributes to free and fair elections or has a positive long-term impact on democratization. This study assesses the impact of UN electoral assistance (UNEA) in Sudan, Nigeria and Libya. It finds that such assistance contributed to election quality in the presence of regime elites prioritizing electoral credibility in Nigeria (2011) and Libya (2012). In Nigeria, it seems plausible that UNEA had a medium-term impact on democratization. However, if regime elites undermine electoral freedom and fairness – as in Sudan (2010) – such positive effects are unlikely. Furthermore, in such contexts, the involvement of the UN may legitimize authoritarian practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislating a minimum age of marriage at 18 has stirred counter-mobilization in some, but not all, countries where religious or traditional institutions enjoy constitutional authority. To explore differences between states regarding likelihood of counter-mobilization, we investigate two cases in Africa. In Sudan, a government-led child marriage reform initiative has sparked counter-mobilization by conservative religious actors, while a similar initiative in Zambia has not caused visible counter-mobilization among traditional groups and has gained the support of many chiefs. With the literature on doctrinal gender status issues as theoretical background, we argue that the nature of law—codified versus living—is a factor in these distinct trajectories. We further identify variations in two mechanisms, legal power structure (centralized vs decentralized) and type of political battle (interpretation vs administration), that link nature of law to variation in the likelihood of counter-mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the humanitarian presence and programs in the disputed border area of Abyei between Sudan and South Sudan can be understood as a buffer between conflicting parties, rather than as mere assistance to a displaced population. It aims to contribute to debates about the spatial impact of humanitarian governance and the politicization of aid in protracted crisis contexts, and specifically in relation to territorial disputes and border struggles. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork in South Sudan between 2011 and 2013. The article argues that the humanitarian response became part of the politics of belonging that lies at the heart of the dispute. The very acts of labelling, categorizing, and maintaining the subjects of aid are highly political, such as the creation of the category of the ‘people of Abyei’ in contrast to refugees or Internally Displaced People. As a result, the interventions have sustained governance over the territory and can be understood as a humanitarian buffer that may shape the border area of Abyei for many years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regime ruling Sudan since 1989 represents a pioneering experiment in the field of Islamist politics, being the first case in which a movement affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood managed to conquer power and hold on to it for a considerable time. During the late 1990s, internal and external pressures threatened the survival of the regime, leading the ruling class to abandon its ambition to represent a model of revolutionary Islamic governance. Oil exports provided a catalyst for this pragmatic shift, intensifying patronage-based relations at the expense of ideological affiliation. Seen from a political economy perspective, the Sudanese experience proves the flexibility of Islamism as an ideology, but also its failure as a political practice to constitute a real alternative to the authoritarian dynamics that are widespread in the MENA region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at civil war in South Sudan that broke out in December 2013. Topics include splitting of Sudan People's Liberation Army from the political party Sudan People's Liberation Movement following political conflict; signing of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan by the government and opposition; and accusation made on the government by United Nations for preparing genocide.

The article reflects on political conflict in Sudan in which politicization of ethnicity has played a major role. It looks at leadership disputes in the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). It also focuses on the understanding of the identity politics involved in the conflict by obscuring the processes of politicization of identity.

The article looks on the effectiveness of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions in Africa as of June 2015. Topics include the UN peacekeeping missions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Sudan and Côte d'Ivoire, the Security Council's renewal of the mandates for these missions, and the UN's continued collaboration with DRC President Joseph Kabila, South Sudanese President Salva Kiir and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. Also discussed is the peacekeepers' support on these individual political leaders, which compromises the UN's impartiality.

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Since its independence in 1956 until September-October 2013, at the completion of this study, Sudan has had seven civilian or military regimes. All of them, excluding the military regime headed by General Abd al-Rahman Muhammad Hasan Siwar al-Dahab (1985–86) and the current Bashir regime, were overthrown. These regimes focused only on remaining in power and did little to relieve Sudan's desperate hardships. This study, which surveys the decade (1989–99) under the two-headed leadership of Bashir and Turabi, will explore the truth of this claim. The Bashir-Turabi regime marked a unique and important chapter in Sudan's political history and had crucial ramifications for Sudan's politics in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]