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This article questions and analyses the supranational aspirations of the European Union (EU) over its intergovernmental policies. It addresses first nationalism followed by neo-functionalism, supranationalism, and intergovernmentalism; the dominant theories in European integration. The purpose of the study is to reflect the EU’s supranational limitations. Our main research question is to determine whether there is a new form of Europeanism across Europe. The study shows the rising nationalism across Europe, through the 2019 and 2024 European Parliament (EP) elections, and the growing Euroscepticism through public opinion surveys. Moreover, a “policy analysis” is conducted through the EP resolutions between 1999 and 2024 and in European laws through Eur-lex, to reflect the number of intergovernmental operations. The overall findings indicate that many EU countries have ambiguous positions and altered views on the EU, between “Europhoria” and “Europhobia”. The study suggests a new form of Europeanism is growing, between Pro-Europeanism and Anti-Europeanism: “Adapted-Europeanism”. This new typology is introduced to refer to countries asking for less but more adapted integrational policies.

Ever since Ernst Haas' ground-breaking work on European integration, scholars have been theoretically divided over who or what are the drivers of European integration, mainly between supranationalism or intergovernmentalism. Cutting across the substantive divides have also been differences in analytic frameworks, including rationalist/rational choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism, and constructivist/discursive institutionalism. These cross-cutting methodological cleavages have played out in successive phases of substantive scholarly theorisation, even as alternative developments in theory and practice involving deepening integration and increasing politicisation have complicated such theorizations. While the first phase (late 1950s-1970s) was methodologically pluralist as it divided between neofunctionalist supranationalism and realist intergovernmentalism, subsequent phases were clearly divided also by methodological approach. The second phase (beginning in the 1990s) mainly divided between historical institutionalist supranationalists and rational choice institutionalist liberal intergovernmentalists. The third phase (beginning in the 2010s) divided between 'new' constructivist/discursive institutionalist supranationalists and 'new' constructivist/discursive institutionalist intergovernmentalists. The fourth phase (in the mid to late 2010s) takes greater stock of increasing politicisation while dividing between rationalist/historical institutionalist post-functionalists and constructivist/discursive institutionalist post-functionalists. The conclusion asks how these divides could be more fully bridged in order to achieve more substantive and methodological pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ernst B. Haas pioneered the formation of European integration studies outside the field of International Relations. The European Coal and Steal Community of 1951 was already more supranational than any existing international organisation to date. Supranationalism subsequently expanded with European integration. In his attempt to account for the supranationalism of European regionalism, Haas had developed his neofunctionalism as a general theory, which could be applied to other regions as well as the global level. EU scholars, in contrast, began to treat the EU as a case sui generis insisting on its unique supranational nature. The paper revisits the question of the uniqueness of European regionalism. Combining Ernst Haas' works on supranational regionalism and liberal nationalism, the EU is approached as a strong form of supranational regionalism that has transformed interstate relations in Europe towards what he called 'cosmopolitan internationalism'. The paper argues that liberal nationalism is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for this transformation. It, however, provides an explanation for the contestation of the EU as a model of liberal regionalism by non-liberal forms of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article argues that the ever‐closer Union among peoples of Europe finds itself at a critical juncture: the unstated and implicit assumption of a community made up of liberal democracies is being challenged and pitted against the rival rebirth of the nationalistic narrative of uniqueness and self‐sufficiency. The readiness to live, or paddle together, is on the line as the once sacrosanct 'ever closer union among the peoples of Europe' seems to be the focal point of the principled disagreement that calls into question the very belonging to the community and its continued existence. Faced with these challenges, this article charts an interdisciplinary and holistic road map to grapple with the big supranational questions of the day. It argues that the traditional European discourse moves beyond the technical dichotomy of 'market regulation versus deregulation' and 'Union competence versus Member State competence' and instead zeroes in on the more fundamental questions pertaining to mega‐politics centred on the identity of the common legal order. While the analysis appreciates the critical interaction between the legal dimension of European supranational integration—the search for optimal tools to safeguard the integrity of the supranational order—it stresses the importance of the ethical face—the narrative and justification that would explain in the name of whom the supranational governance and design acts when it defines and then defends its narrative and First Principles of the common legal order today in flux more than ever. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the development of the European Border and Coast Guard (Frontex) and its implications for the EU's approach to border control coordination. Through the theoretical lens of the principal-agent model, it investigates information asymmetry and friction between stakeholders in the implementation of Frontex's increased competence at the borders. The findings of this article show that the development of Frontex has led to growing incentives for the EU's supranational institutions to steer the agency to pursue their individual objectives, creating new supranational elements in EU border management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article examines the development and scope of African Union (AU) law and its role as a facilitator of and contributor to regional integration in Africa. The Article addresses several interlinked questions relating, but not limited, to the sources and foundations of AU law, the role of AU policy organs in the making of AU law, the extent to which EU law presents a comparative framework or useful precedent for analysing and understanding AU law, and the role of supranationalism in the economic and political integration of its member states and in the development of AU law. The Article argues that it is necessary to amend the AU Constitutive Act and other relevant AU legal instruments to enhance the supranational authority and legislative powers of the AU. It concludes that AU supranationalism needs to be rethought, but it need not uncritically mimic the EU's approach to supranationalism in every respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of «demoicracy» challenges the capacity of the normative frameworks of classical democracy to judge the democratic legitimacy of the EU's political system. «Demoicracy» makes the different peoples or demoi of the member states and European citizens as a whole the normative subjects of its theory, standing as a transnational third way between sovereignism and supranationalism, as both link democracy to the existence of a single demos. The questions guiding this article are: is 'demoicracy' a genuine alternative to classical theories of European integration, and can 'demoicracy' explain the European Union's recent legitimation strategies? After a thorough analysis of the normative foundations and development of the theory, it is argued that «demoicracy» does not provide an alternative to classical theories of European integration and is not able to explain recent EU legitimation strategies (in particular, deliberative innovations such as the European Citizens' Panels). In any case, «demoicracy» is useful in highlighting that the debate on democratic legitimacy in the EU must also point to relations between member states and between member states and the EU itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The independent role of international institutions has been taken to be the core of the debate between institutionalists and realists. This study explores the EU’s relations with Russia in two cases as a testbed for this debate. Institutional independence, meaning restriction on the ambitions of powerful states on the one hand, and the impact of less powerful states on decisions on the other, are taken here to be the opposite of the power politics of realism. Two cases are studied to show how the EU safeguards the rights and interests of small members and restrains the ambitions of powerful ones to make the case for the institutionalists’ argument. The article also shows how a supranational entity like the European Commission is relatively more successful than an intergovernmental one like the Council of Europe in furthering institutionalisation, even in high-profile cases which are lynchpins of the EU’s Russia policy. This is in line with institutionalists’ argument about the significance of institutionalisation, as the European Commission, through its regulatory mechanism, sets overarching rules and links issues, brings transparency by forcing information sharing, dispels the fear of cheating and paves the ground for more comparative empirical research to evaluate the depth of institutionalisation in supranational and intergovernmental institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2018, Belgium and Tunisia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at dealing with the expulsion of irregular migrants. The MoU would have been unnoticed had it not been stipulated after the Council granted the European Commission the exclusive mandate to negotiate a European Readmission Agreement (EURA) with Tunisia. This article examines the factors that have been conducive to the post-mandate conclusion of the bilateral MoU. Approaching informalization as a systemic and evolving process in European and international relations, this article makes four contributions. First, it questions the assumption that informal deals can be equated with a political act that is unimportant or legally non-binding. Second, the article argues that the July 2018 MoU is symptomatic of unprecedented deviations, at the EU level, that today consolidate the drive for informalization. Third, the analysis shows that the MoU has been, as it were, above suspicion, for its existence has been silently tolerated as a result of broader policy developments that normalize the use of informal instruments, especially in the EU–Africa context. Fourth, beyond the official rhetoric about flexibility and informalization, the case study reveals the limits of international cooperation on readmission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problems and prospects of consideration of interstate applications of Ukraine against the Russian Federation by the ECtHR. The article analyzes that the ECtHR is currently considering five interstate cases initiated by Ukraine against the Russian Federation. However, the Russian Federation does not participate in the proceedings on the claims of Ukraine and does not intend to comply with the ECHR judgments. However, the ECHR will continue to consider the applications submitted to the ECtHR after Russia's withdrawal from the Council of Europe. The article proves that today there is no mechanism for enforcement of the ECtHR judgments on interstate claims of Ukraine by the Russian Federation. Since the Russian Federation does not intend to execute the decisions of the ECtHR voluntarily, there remains the option of either enforcing such judgments by the affected Ukrainians individually on the principle of reciprocity in other countries or creating a supranational mechanism for the execution of such decisions. It is indicated that in the future, the ECtHR will be able to consider and award compensation in all existing cases against the Russian Federation. Affected companies and individuals can file a claim for violation of property rights against the Russian Federation only in respect of actions or omissions before September 16, 2022. Nevertheless, even in light of the Russian Federation's withdrawal from the ECHR, all decisions taken before the exit from the ECHR and the CoE must be implemented. Although after the ECtHR has decided on the merits, it takes a long time to decide on just satisfaction. In conclusion, it is noted that the Russian Federation also does not comply with the interim measures demanded by the ECtHR to cease hostilities in Ukraine immediately. At the same time, this procedural decision is vital for considering the case "Ukraine v. Russia - X" on the merits from a historical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond the thorny, even insoluble question of the definition of a region and the definition of the criteria that should make it possible to apprehend the polymorphism of RIO s, the raison d'être of these organizations, their mode of operation and their activities are at the heart of the debate on "international governance". For many authors, the advent of RIO s has often been seen as a challenge to the state monopoly in the international legal order and a redefinition of the relationship between these particular organizations and states. It is this relational dynamic between the States and the RIO s that this contribution aims to describe and analyse. The aim is to examine the originality and specificity of the relationship between the RIO s and the States, compared to the latter's relationship with the 'classic/universal' IOs, which would reveal something about the very nature of regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the significance of accessing the Roman archives of the Catholic Church for Portuguese historical studies. Topics include the supranational organization of the Catholic Church and its impact on Portugal, the Church's international initiatives and policies, and the historical influence of the Church on Portuguese society.

Whereas most studies on the European Union's (EU) responses to the rule of law crisis stress the underenforcement of EU law, this article offers a different perspective. Focusing on the long‐term dynamics concerning rule of law protection, we detect a gradual trend towards supranationalism. The Rule of Law Conditionality mechanism adopted in 2020 is the first instance of 'effective supranationalism', that is, a rule of law tool that combines supranational decision‐making procedures with binding and enforceable consequences. To explain this development in an area that has been marked by considerable resistance to efforts to strengthen supranational oversight, we draw on the agent‐centric historical institutionalist approach. Our qualitative study shows that supranationalisation has become possible through two interrelated factors: the joint strategies of community bodies, which have promoted competence transfer to the EU level, and the increasing marginalisation of sovereigntist positions within the Council, given the escalating conflicts with Hungary and Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines postwar supranational parliamentarism by focusing on the political role of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe. While the historical significance of the Assembly has been re-investigated, less attention has been given to the political role of the parliamentary body of the Council in the framework of political theorizing of postwar parliamentarism. Neither has the parliamentary role of the Assembly been much discussed in studies about European integration. It is often argued that as the Consultative Assembly was given merely a deliberative role, without legislative or executive powers, it bears less political significance. Contrary to this view, our article shows, how after the founding of the Council of Europe in 1948, the limited powers of the Assembly were renegotiated, and the representatives tried to challenge the ‘consultative’ role of the body particularly in the framework of the drafting of the so-called ‘European political authority’ in 1949–51. By analyzing the minutes of plenary sessions and committee reports, we turn our attention to the views and arguments presented by contemporaries and argue that there was a missed opportunity for the Assembly to become supranational that could have potentially influenced the course of the European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much attention has been paid to European policy arrangements in individual policy fields, European intersectoral policy coordination has been mostly an overlooked phenomenon, especially within the sectors of education and employment. Thus, in the introductory paper for this Special Issue, we offer a contemporary discussion of European intersectoral policy coordination. We firstly review the literature on intersectoral policy coordination, and secondly look at the application of concepts related to intersectoral policy coordination to supranational arrangements, especially the European Union. We then employ the concept of boundary-spanning policy regime and the related 'I' framework (issues, ideas, interests, and institutions) to discuss the individual pieces' contributions. This serves to explore the strength of the intersectoral perspective when analysing European policy coordination in education and employment. We conclude with a discussion of the strengths and limitations of this approach and offer a research agenda to study supranational intersectoral policy coordination (in education and employment). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article elaborates upon Blue Anatolianism as another form of supranationalism with which Turkish nationalism is linked. Having quite different arguments from other types of Anatolianisms and supranationalisms on culture and civilization, Blue Anatolianists 'creatively' include the West in their perception of Turkishness. This study investigates the Blueists' claims regarding Western civilization – as the only civilization – and the Turkish nation – as the 'real owner' of this civilization – within the framework of Social Identity Theory (SIT). It explores Blueists' perceptions of national identity through content analysis of selected works of Kabaağaçlı, Eyüboğlu and Erhat, the core trio of the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of electoral competition of populist radical right (PRR) parties has mostly focused on the national and supranational levels, leaving the subnational arena unexplored. This article contributes to filling this gap by theorizing on PRR parties' strategic behaviour in regional elections and testing the hypotheses using the Alternative for Germany (AfD) as a case study. Combining new Regional Manifestos Project data with a qualitative exploration, the article shows that the AfD has adapted to a regional frame of competition in different ways. While its radical conservatism on cultural issues is cross-regionally homogenous, the positions in other dimensions do significantly vary across Länder, revealing a mix of economically rightist and leftist positions as well as a mix of national and regional identity appeals. The latter are combined with differentiated and conflictive competential demands. These findings pave the way for a more ambitious research agenda on PRR substate competition, which so far has been limited by the lack of comparable data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political group formation in the European Parliament (EP) after European elections is a core feature of supranational party politics. The research objective of this article is to scrutinise democratic practices and the role of values, more specifically gender equality, in this political group formation. Complementing extant literature, this article engages with gendered political group formation as a dynamic process consisting of three intertwined layers, which are assessed by analysing formal and informal institutions around democracy and gender. The article draws on a unique data set of 130 interviews with MEPs, political group and parliamentary staff conducted in 2018–2020. The key findings of the article show that gender plays a role in each layer of political group formation, yet there are clear differences between political groups. By deciphering the reasons behind these differences, the article enhances the understanding of the political dynamics and struggles within the political groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to assess the effectiveness of deliberative democratic mechanisms in the practice of international organization, with the Conference on the Future of Europe serving as the main object of the study. The analysis is focused on a comparison of the usefulness of two concepts (deliberative democracy and deliberative supranationalism) to the analysis of the EU political decision--making. On the basis of both approaches four hypotheses are formulated and initially verified. The dependent variables of the hypotheses are confronted with the essential features of the course and follow--up of the Conference in the first year after its conclusion. The most important results of the study include four findings. Firstly, the structure of the Conference did not fully correspond to the assumptions of the concept of deliberative democracy, while -- secondly -- the substantial quality of the Conference's proposals was low. Thirdly, one year after the conclusion of the Conference, no interinstitutional debate on the implementation of its proposals has started. Fourthly, there is no inter-state discussion on the results of the Conference, no Convention is planned, and support for introducing treaty changes is low. So far, the only measurable results of the Conference are minor non--treaty reforms proposed by the Commission. Therefore, the introduction of the principles of deliberative democracy at the EU level proved to be an ineffective step. If the activity of the Union is considered in deliberative terms, then the concept of deliberative supranationalism is more useful here. After the Conference, the EU turned out still to be an international organization in which major decisions on reforms are taken by the governments of the member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text analyses the introduction of the supranational notion of cultural heritage together with the related processes (heritagization) at the Hungarian legal- and institutional level. First, the national governing powers and the legislative texts are analysed in order to find out the named processes on macro level. Then the connecting professional and scientific disciplines (monument-, environment protection and ethnography) are investigated through the institutional structures and their realization steps as well to decode their transformations to cultural heritage on national level. The research focuses on the period between the mid-20th century and the early 2010s, as during this period the international and scientific usage of the term cultural heritage got fully customized in the Hungarian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature argues that with ever‐increasing levels of supranational constraints governments have less 'room to manoeuvre'; therefore, voters will place less weight on policy outcomes in their voting decisions. The question that remains less explored is how voters fill this accountability gap. We argue that, in this context, voters may move away from outcome‐ to input‐oriented voting. Fulfilling their promises becomes less vital for incumbents as long as they exhibit effort to overturn an unpopular policy framework. We test this argument against a survey experiment conducted in the run‐up to the September 2015 election in Greece, where we find a positive impact of the incumbent's exerted effort to challenge the status quo of austerity on vote intention for SYRIZA – the senior coalition government partner at the time – despite the failed outcome of the government's bailout negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the European Union has been influenced by many social, economic, techno-logical, political or even climate factors since its creation in 1957. The supranational character of the Union has been questioned over the years by many authors focused on the study of European integration due to the changes that occurred within the EU. Over the last century, the rapid pace of technology development, especially digitalization, directly influenced EU and the integration theories related to it. The COVID-19 pandemic showed everyone that digitalization does not represent an option anymore, it is a necessity. In regard to this matter, the European Union adopted over the last years several policies, strategies and normative acts that aim to ensure a higher level of digitalization at EU and Member States level. A key factor in the digital transformation is represented by cybersecurity, therefore, EU took important steps into protecting itself and the Member States from cyber threats: it established specialized institutions, developed two strategies and adopted compulsory normative acts for the Member States. This paper focuses on the new established European Cybersecurity Industrial, Technology and Research Competence Centre, emphasizing its supranational features with the purpose of proving that development of such institutions sustain the supranational theory of European integration, as well as EU’s supranational character.

This article examines the origins and operationalisation of the concept of a 'geopolitical Commission', which has been promoted by President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen since 2019. This concept has been used to guide the stronger co‐ordination of the external aspects of the Commission's work. It is also symptomatic of the growing role of strategic considerations in the Commission's recent initiatives, particularly through the objective of strengthening the EU's 'open strategic autonomy'. To explain this phenomenon, I combine three different theoretical perspectives: neorealism, neofunctionalism, and geoeconomics. I conclude that the geopolitical Commission should be understood as the result of the interactions between exogenous factors – the intensification of global power competition and the rise of geoeconomic strategies – and endogenous factors, such as the rivalry between the Commission and the European External Action Service and the functional link between the Commission's economic powers and international security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The refugee crisis, or commonly referred to as the European migration crisis, is characterized as the mass migration of displaced people to the European Union between 2014 and 2019. In addition to being a highly controversial topic, mass migration has had a profound impact on the European Union as both a political institution and as a community of states. This paper analyzes the effects of the refugee crisis on the solidarity and politics of the EU through national comparisons. A comparative analysis of individual member states’ responses to the refugee crisis determines and explains how it affects the EU as a whole. Evidence suggests that the influx of refugees has incited a perverse reaction from member states in the form of value deviation, a populist resurgence, and political disunity. This paper argues that the refugee crisis has affected the solidarity and politics of the European Union by destabilizing European integration. Integration is vital to the success and prosperity of the EU as a supranational authority, but divergences over the refugee crisis signify disintegration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Covid-19 pandemic was the breaking-even point for many of the EU’s orientations. One of them, was the digital agenda of the Union. Deeply inside the mind of the EU’s stakeholders, the transformation of single market, into a digitalized one, was the first step. Despite the ambitious perspective of that incentive, the truth lies elsewhere; In order to digitalize the traditionally lucrative single market, huge effort is required, adequate capitals and on the top of all, the member-states socio-political consent. It is neither an easy nor an ultra-difficult step for the European Union. The proper synergies of supranational and national level will maximize EU’s efficiency and optimality. In that paper, the evolution of Digital Single Market and the right path to achieve that target is being analyzed as thoroughly as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's war on Ukraine has upended the European security order. Ukraine has requested EU membership, unprecedented sanctions have been imposed on Russia, European countries have shipped weapons and munitions to Ukraine and NATO has shored up its military presence. Despite such action, is it possible to speak of a transformative moment or 'Zeitenwende' for EU security and defence? This article analyses the state of EU integration in defence since the war on Ukraine. Drawing on hypotheses developed under 'new intergovernmentalism', this article analyses how EU Member State preferences in defence and intergovernmental-supranational dynamics are being shaped by the war. In particular, the article probes how supranational and intergovernmental institutions have reacted to the war and how domestic preferences have fed into recent EU defence efforts. In doing so, the article provides a preliminary assessment of the state of EU integration in defence since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author considers the issues of one's legal personality in international law in general, with emphasis on the international legal personality of the European Union. The focus of discussion is on the character and structure of the European Union's international legal personality and its peculiarities as a unique, juridical person. Special attention was given to the notion of the EU as a sui generis subject of international law, along with its scope of activities and supranational elements. As pointed out in this paper, these issues are numerous. Firstly, the issue of the European Union's status within the international legal order is analysed and, further on, the character and the elements of its legal personality and the scope of the EU's legal capacity as a juridical person in international law is also looked at. By conducting this discussion, conclusions were reached regarding the determination of the EU's international legal personality (primarily regarding its current character and structure), which undoubtedly exists within the framework of the international legal order, but as a specific and unique personality in many respects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the geographical, historical, and cultural spatializations of Turkish national identity by political elites in the post-2000 era. Considering the close link between the formation of national identity and the spatial constructions of homeland, the paper shows that Turkish national identity since the foundation of the Republic has been constructed through different supranational visions, navigating through different civilizational ingredients. We show that the Kemalists' Western-oriented or Eurocentric geopolitical discourses, which perceive Turkey as a "bridge country", have been transformed in the post-Cold War era into a more ambitious geopolitical discourse of a "central country", which aims to broaden Turkey's "identity space" through its Ottoman heritage. In line with this transformation, in the 2000s, the Turkish homeland was imagined as the "cradle of civilizations", but the national identity did not develop as a counter-hegemonic measure against the West (Europe). The post-2010 era - with a pronounced emphasis on Islamic culture and Ottoman geopolitical space - constitutes a departure from the previous years' spatial and identity constructions of Turkey, in the sense that the political elites' perception of national identity has never gone beyond the national frontiers to this extent, and the West (Europe) has never been so trivialized in terms of progress and civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(1), 439-464 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The "principles" common to admission to and withdrawal from the European Union. - II.1. The principle of democracy. - II.2. The respect for the acquis communautaire. - II.3. The principle of good neighbourliness. - III. The emergence of integovernmentalism in the admission and withdrawal procedures. - III.1. The interplay between law and practice. - III.2. The role of the EU political institutions. - III.3. The application of conditionality. - IV. Making intergovernmentalism prevail over supranationalism. | (Abstract) This Article assesses the practice of withdrawal in the light of the practice of admission and high-lights the numerous commonalities between the two practices. The analysis shows that most of the principles underlying the accession conditions underpin the exit from the EU, contributing to the enhancement of the values on which the EU legal system is rooted. Moreover, the techniques Member States make recourse to during the admission procedure, to strengthen their control over membership, were also used in Brexit, fostering intergovernmentalism in the process of European integration.

The article aims to familiarise the reader with the concept of luxury tourism (high-end tourism), trace relevant global consumer trends and to look at the relationship between luxury tourism and sustainable development. The authors rely on the literature that refers to the concept of luxury or high-end tourism, strategic documents published by supranational and national tourism organizations, and a pilot comparative analysis of selected tourist products from the luxury tourism sector. The article is for illustrative purposes only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is a complex system of governance that involves various institutional actors and decision-making processes. The ongoing debate among scholars regarding the most important mode of governance and institutional actor in the EU's development is indicative of the significance of this topic. This paper explores the supranational and intergovernmental approaches to governance. The paper highlights the tension between the community method and intergovernmentalism in the EU institutional framework and explores the various perspectives regarding the locus of power and interest in the EU. Ultimately, this paper aims to provide a nuanced analysis of EU governance and the potential implications for its future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What obligations do supranational human rights bodies have as guardians of sensitive and vital information and administration of international justice? To keep individuals' private data secure? To proactively publish the decisions that result from their petitions? Advocates, in particular, face significant risks when their communications are intercepted, and their work is frustrated when they cannot obtain necessary information. Cognizant of such concerns, human rights bodies are increasingly requiring States to ensure individuals' rights to data privacy, access to information, and use of encrypted communication channels. Yet, human rights bodies themselves lack formal policies and consistent practices with regard to receiving, processing, and sharing information. At times, their information management methods imperil advocates and impede access to justice. Advocates and human rights bodies depend on one another for information and impact, but inattention to these risks may perpetuate a dangerous symbiosis. This article provides a first, comprehensive overview of United Nations and regional human rights bodies' public-facing information management practices. It identifies the gaps between those practices and international human rights norms, and offers recommendations for future policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper tackles the conflicts of laws on property rights over cryptocurrencies, starting from characterization issues. Building upon the distinctive nature of cryptocurrencies as "pure" de facto assets, that do not give a claim against an issuer, and the relevance of control over said assets as a suitable alternative to the traditional possession, the paper supports the characterization in terms of "assets", over which property rights may, subject to the relevant lex causae, be constituted and enjoyed. By examining the available options for a conflict-of-law regime and considering the first legislative efforts conducted in this area of law both at the supranational and national level, the elective situs approach is identified as the most appropriate, possibly backed by some regulatory requirement, whilst different approaches are envisaged for the fall-back rule applicable to cryptocurrencies originated in, respectively, permissioned and permissionless DLT systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the structural elements of the Collective Complaints Procedure, seen as an avenue of socio-economic rights strategic litigation, that potentially enable or impede NGOs and trade unions in addressing violations of the European Social Charter before the European Committee of Social Rights. The findings show that the procedure is a unique form of collective redress in the human rights system, with exceptional structural characteristics, which render it an avenue of strategic litigation by its nature. Its main strength lies in that it enables the participation of organisations and vulnerable groups of people that are denied access in political or judicial fora, either at the domestic or supranational level, to deliberate on social policy issues and put pressure on States to address social issues on the basis of economic and social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The single-valued neutrosophic set efficiently handles the imprecisions of data and makes a simulation of the decision-making method of humans by considering all features of decision (i.e., agree, not sure and disagree). By keeping the benefits of this theory and combining the properties of the parameter-dependent soft set theory, this research article introduces hypergraphs in single-valued neutrosophic soft environment and presents the concept of regularity as well as hyperedge regularity of the proposed hypergraphs. We discuss regular, totally regular, perfectly regular, full regular and perfectly irregular as well as hyperedge regular, totally hyperedge regular, perfectly hyperedge regular, full hyperedge regular and perfectly hyperedge irregular single-valued neutrosophic soft hypergraphs. Moreover, we illustrate that how one can structurally relate the concepts of regularity and hyperedge regularity in a single-valued neutrosophic soft hypergraph. Finally, we describe the proposed model with the help of an application representing the multilateral relationships of the Asian countries through various regional organizations. The proposed hypergraphs are applicable in genetics, human activities and applied sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the past decades, the notion of "independence" has become an object of contention in EU politics in fields ranging from monetary policies to rule-of-law standards, to regulatory agencies. This article takes a broad socio-genetic approach to question the deep-seated, cross-sectoral entanglement between EU polity and the notion of "independence." It explains how the European Union has been a laboratory of the notion of "independence," transforming it from a negative institutional device (independence from) into a broad empowering technology of supranational government connected to notions of general interest, professional expertise, and discretionary powers (independence for). The article analyzes the emergence of this European style of independence in conjunction with the jurisdictional claims and legitimizing efforts of the European Court of Justice ("the Court"), the European Commission, and the European Central Bank. The article examines three major EU constitutional crises from the inaugural years of the mid-1960s to the creation of an uber-independent European Central Bank in the 1990s and the more recent debates on judicial independence, and it traces how a controversy on the meaning and scope of independence unfolded in each of these critical junctures. The article is meant to spark a productive debate about Europe's "independence wars" in view of framing a more robust, yet democratically open, notion of independence to which policymakers (whether European or national) could be held accountable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]