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The challenge arises from Malaysia's struggle to foster peaceful connections among its diverse ethnic groups, mainly due to the prevalence of politics centered around religious and ethnic identities. To examine how racialised political sentiments subtly influence power dynamics, this study analyses four digital excerpts using a critical discursive approach. The primary sources are secondary materials such as videos and social media posts in cyberspace related to the 15th General Election political campaigns. This article demonstrates that language is used to create and reinforce religious and racial divisions in pursuing political power by the two most significant political parties, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and the Democratic Action Party (DAP). It emphasises the underlying power that drives these discourses, where cyberspace linguistic features and access to digital technologies have the "power" to shape audience reactions. The selected analysed excerpts collectively contribute to the primary discourse that fuels racial sentiments, especially those related to race, religion, and royalty (3R sentiments) in electoral competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how resentment among Malaysians towards Rohingya refugees become amplified on social media during the COVID-19 crisis. The focus of this article is the public discourse of Malaysians on Twitter, regarding Rohingya refugee issues. Through a qualitative content analysis of Tweets from Malaysian users during the country's Movement Control Order, this article argues that the cause of Malaysians' grievances was due to the citizens' echo chambering of implicit insecurities. A deeper problem was also rooted in the nation where the distinction between refugees and undocumented migrants does not exist, and the inconsistencies of government policies towards refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of Kaum Muda in Malaya around 1900s was seen as successfully filling the intelectual vacuum by bringing awareness to the Malay community. Malay community that was colonised by the British was seen to be in a backward situation in terms of education and economy, and even from religious understanding. In addition, they were also trapped in the practise of taqlid and elements of bid'ah. Based on the concept of fundamentalism and through qualititave analysis, this study analysises the relationship between fundamentalist-reformist and Muhammad 'Abduh's influence on Kaum Muda's thoughts. The activism of Kaum Muda can be associated with fundamentalist-reformist terminology based on the characteristics presented in Islamic fundamentalisme. From religious understanding, Kaum Muda has the characteristics of being fundamentalists, which is the urge of returning to Quran and Sunnah. In fact, there is no denying that the thought of Kaum Muda was also influenced by Muhammad 'Abduh based on writings published in al-Imam and al-Ikhwan. In conclusion, Kaum Muda can be associated as fundamentalist-reformist and was influenced by Muhammad 'Abduh reformism thoughts, especially on the issues of education, women and social revolving the Malays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Finally, the author concludes the book by saying that the prospects of a positive role for international law in the Israel-Palestine conflict are less than optimistic. Noura Erakat, an Associate Professor at Rutgers University-New Brunswick, is no stranger to human rights issues, especially concerning the Israel-Palestine conflict. Yet the framework of peace-making also obfuscated the power imbalance that continued to characterize the relationship between Israel, a state with exceptional military and economic power, and the Palestinians, a stateless people i " (p. 167). [Extracted from the article]

"Islam and the Arab Revolutions: The Ulama Between Democracy and Autocracy" is a book that examines the involvement of Muslim scholars, or the ulama, in the 2011 Arab Revolutions and their role in navigating the tensions between democracy and autocracy. The book explores the various positions taken by the ulama during the Arab Spring, ranging from those who supported the popular movements for regime change to those who opposed them. It also delves into the relationship between the ulama and the state in the Arab world, primarily in Egypt, and how this relationship has changed in the aftermath of the revolutions. The book highlights the complex and varied role of the ulama in the Arab Revolutions, reflecting the diverse opinions and interests within the religious establishment in each affected state. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses separatism and terrorism in Southeast Asia by referring to the cases of Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in Indonesia, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in Southern Philippine and Patani United Liberation Front (PULO) in Southern Thai. The focus of this research is to examine the extent to which GAM, MILF and PULO related to terrorisme via several violent incidents that took place in Southeast Asia. This research adopted qualitative method through document analysis such as reports, newspapers dan websites. Between 1990s until 2000s, the three separatist groups had been actively struggling for independence and self-determination. Throughout these periods, a number of terrorist-styled attacks such as kidnapping, suicide bombing and mass shooting had occurred which involved civilians and authorities. This situation had affected the stability and security of Southeast Asia region since the inclination of GAM, MILF and PULO separatists in implementing the ways of transnational terrorist organisations operate e.g Al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyyah to gain attention and for the sake of achieving their self-determination goal. Although the leadership of GAM, MILF and PULO denied their involvement with terrorist activism, this article found that there were similarities in terms of movements' behaviours, sources for military training, funding and equipments that indirectly supports the argument of the interconnectedness between terrorism and separatist movements in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the two major revolutionary events occurred in the Muslim world- the 1979 Iran's Revolution and the 2011 Arab Uprisings. In particular, it highlights the snapshots of events' background and examines the factors that ignited the mass uprisings, both in Iran in 1979 and selected countries in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011. These two momentous events were significant in the context of Muslim politics as the nature and outcome of these events shared several common aspects for instance the elements of popular mass protest to topple an autocratic regime, 'exports' of the revolution to the global Muslim community as well as the prospect for political change in the countries involved. The methodology of this work employs document analysis, predominantly through published reports and secondary sources. This article revealed that serious economic downturn and unemployment crisis, along with the persistence of autocratic leadership and centralisation of power are the core reasons why the Iranian revolutionaries in 1979 and the Arab protesters in 2011 took to the streets to demand economic and political reform as well as an immediate resignation of their respective ruling regime. Regarding the trajectory of post-Arab Uprisings development in Syria, Yemen and Libya, the situation seems unpredictable, let alone to determine the prospect for democratic transition. Contrary to Iran's case, those few Arab countries in the post-Uprisings are very unlikely to experience any holistic political change in the near future due to the escalation of on-going domestic tensions and global conflicts across the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the establishment of the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) in 1970s as one of the prominent Islamic movements in Malaysia, ABIM regularly pays attention on the global issues in the Middle East, stretching from the event of 1973 Arab-Israeli War and 1979 Iranian Revolution up to the 2011 Arab Uprisings. However, negative polemics emerged in social media regarding the connection between the Arab Spring and Islamist movements in Malaysia after several incidents of civil resistance and political protest (Bersih) which involved Islamist movements' members, including ABIM occurred circa 2011-2015. The government has voiced out their concern over the issue. However, the extent to which the connection between the Arab Spring and Islamist movements in Malaysia, specifically ABIM remain unanswered. Therefore, this article explores the perceptions of ABIM members toward the Arab Spring phenomenon which occurred in early 2011. The research was conducted through a quantitative approach which involved a questionnairebased survey on 80 registered and active ABIM members. Besides that, face-to-face interviews with selected ABIM's leadership were also conducted in Selangor and Perak. The findings reveal that all 80 members of selected ABIM's activists were attentive on the existence of the Arab Spring events with a view that it was a total political revolution against the dictatorship of Arab rulers. The post-Arab Spring events have also influenced the respondents' attitude towards the acceptance of election and democracy as the best medium to determine the country's leadership along with a view on moderation issues and regional political stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]