Search

Understanding the link between constitutions and individual attitudes has, by and large, been ignored in favor of focusing on the impact of specific institutional arrangements. This paper attempts to bridge the gap between theoretical expectations concerning the importance of constitutions and empirical work in the field. Beginning with Jürgen Habermas’ theory of discursive democracy, I analyze how constitutions affect both behavior (discourse) and individual levels of perceived regime legitimacy. Constitution drafting and implementation across Central and Eastern European countries provide a unique natural experiment to test hypotheses derived from normative theory. Findings suggest that constitutions impact both behavior and attitudes, but not in the way that Habermas predicted. While both the effective level of checks and balances and rule of law significantly impact the probability of political discourse. Guaranteed rights (necessary and non-necessary) actually decrease levels of perceived legitimacy. Interestingly, the inclusivity of the constitutional drafting and ratification processes appear to have no impact on perceived legitimacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arendt’s conceptualization of the public sphere as an arena of freedom is a sadly ironic construction. It remains only as a potentiality for beginnings--something waiting for its own natality. If the rebirth of the public is essential for collective freedom, then Arendt is suggesting that a revolution of sorts is in order. This is why her work has been heralded by the postmodernists (Lyotard 1992). However, this interpretation misses Arendt’s central point: freedom remains contingent as long as beginnings lack remembrance. Rejection of the modern, with all of its antithetical impulses, will lead to a beginning with no reference to the past. Freedom is not the rejection of the past, but the projection of the past into the future..x000d.Arendt’s insight that mere “generation” is doomed to failure is crucial if the project of collective freedom is to be achieved. However, Arendt’s cynicism leaves her own storytelling incomplete. As the historical process unfolds beginnings bring us collectively one step closer to freedom, because history itself is a form of remembrance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores social movements in non-independent territories of the Caribbean oriented toward greater political autonomy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central question explored in this paper is whether agricultural policy decentralization in Cuba resulted in the creation of a series of social networks. No assumptions are made that creating social networks was the end goal for President Fidel Castro and his administration. Rather, I seek to include agricultural reform as a possible avenue for increased social and economic participation in Cuba. To this end, I trace policy changes beginning with the re-institution and expansion of People's Councils, the establishment of "incentive" based agricultural reform and the legalization of farmer's markets. My argument is that the economic crisis in the 1990's prompted the need for local administration of formerly centralized responsibilities. Relationships formed between agricultural workers and delegates to the People's Councils creating social networks. Further, networks were formed when agricultural workers became (partially) responsible for their own production and when non-farm workers began practicing urban agriculture. The formation of "weak" networks coupled with both the experience and organization gained during this period produces a potentially new political actor in Cuba's future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is two-fold. The first purpose is to briefly explain and chronicle the work of Marti. The second purpose is to trace the influence of Marti?s thought in Castro?s Agrarian policy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the development, strategies and goals of the Piqueteros movement in Argentina. We argue that the Piqueteros are a powerful new political actor which can bridge the gap between social movement and political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]