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In this follow-on report to Europe's High-End Military Challenges: The Future of European Capabilities and Missions, the CSIS Europe, Russia, and Eurasia Program and International Security Program examine the other side of the coin of European military effectiveness: the political will of European countries to conduct military missions and operations. The report identifies the endogenous and exogenous factors constraining or increasing political will and maps them onto six country case studies. Four prototypes of political will emerged from the analysis: global partners, international activists, constrained partners, and minimalists. The report then assesses the political will of European allies and partners to conduct fifteen types of military missions and operations worldwide, from peacekeeping to large-scale combat. It concludes with a summary of key findings. First, it finds that internal and external factors—such as strategic culture and alliance dependence, respectively—will continue to constrain European political will in many cases, even after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Second, European states are more likely to have the political will to engage in military missions at the lower end of the conflict spectrum (such as maritime patrol missions) and less likely at the higher ends of the spectrum, except in cases of significant collective or national defense.

Der Krieg in der Ukraine hat alle Hoffnung zerstört, dass Europa keine bewaffneten Konflikte mehr erlebt. Wieder, wie nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg und nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs, muss eine neue Friedensordnung gefunden werden. Dazu muss über die aktuelle militärische Lage im Ukrainekrieg hinaus gedacht werden. Die Autoren dieses Buches eint die Sorge um eine Verkürzung der aktuellen Debatten auf die militärische Logik und gleichzeitig eine falsche Moralisierung der Außenpolitik. Sie eröffnen unterschiedliche Perspektiven für eine neue Realpolitik, in der die Interessen der Ukraine berücksichtigt und zugleich die Chancen für stabile Sicherheit und Frieden ausgelotet werden. Fundierte Debattenbeiträge renommierter Experten aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen und mit unterschiedlichen Einstellungen, die dringend gebraucht werden.

Die Souveränität eines Staates ist untrennbar mit seiner Verteidigungsfähigkeit verknüpft. Angesichts wachsender Herausforderungen steht die Europäische Union (EU) vor der Frage, welcher Grad an strategischer Autonomie zur Wahrung der Sicherheit ihrer Mitgliedstaaten notwendig und möglich ist. Mit Voranschreiten der europäischen Integration und insbesondere durch Inkrafttreten des Vertrags von Lissabon (2009) erfolgte eine Stärkung der Rechte der Parlamente der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, die ihre Mitwirkung auf nationaler Ebene in den Bereichen sicherstellen soll, in denen durch Abgabe von Hoheitsrechten an die EU ein Kompetenzverlust entstanden ist. Diese Studie setzt bei der Frage an, ob die im europäischen Vergleich weitreichenden Rechte des Deutschen Bundestages sich auch auf den Bereich der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik der EU (GSVP) erstrecken und untersucht die konkreten Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten des Bundestages in Fragen der europäischen Verteidigung.

This open access book features various studies on democratization, transformation, socio-economic development, and security issues in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) geographical region and beyond. Written by experts and scholars working in the field of human dimension, security, transformation and development in Europe and Asia, particularly in post-soviet and communist countries, it examines the connectivity that the OSCE provides between the East and the West.The 2021 edition of this Compilation Series of the OSCE Academy presents studies on peace and conflict as well as political regime development in various member states of the OSCE as well as their economic, security and human rights performance and the challenges countries and society face currently. The OSCE is working in promoting Human Rights and Democratization under the notion of Human Dimension of ODIHR and is enhancing securitization and development policies in Eurasia, Europe, Central Asia and North America since 1991. 2021 marks the 30th anniversary on the tremendous efforts in promoting democracy, security and development. This compilation reviews some of these efforts in light of this anniversary, the achievements and shortcomings.

Im Zuge ihres Wandels von einer Verteidigungsallianz zu einem global handelnden Sicherheitsakteur hat die NATO innere und äußere Krisen gemeistert, doch heute steht sie vor größeren Konflikten zwischen ihren Mitgliedern als je zuvor. Ist die Allianz noch gegenüber Herausforderungen wie Russland handlungsfähig? Dieses Buch diskutiert Struktur, Politiken und Probleme der NATO von 1949 bis heute.

Jan Eichler se řadí k našim předním bezpečnostním analytikům. Tématem jeho knihy je rozšiřování NATO směrem na východ a jeho dopady na bezpečnostní situaci v celé Evropě. Veřejnosti předkládá osobitý a fundovaný pokus o aplikaci neorealistické teorie na reflexi vztahů mezi Spojenými státy a Ruskem v postsovětském prostoru po skončení studené války

Die Jahrzehnte gültige Weltordnung ist erschüttert, alte Sicherheiten sind zerbrochen, neue globale Machtverhältnisse entstehen. Drei große Player treffen dabei auf eine Europäische Union in der Krise: Russland mit einem zwischen Kooperation und Konfliktbereitschaft pendelnden Putin, das durch seinen wirtschaftlichen Aufstieg mit neuem Selbstbewusstsein ausgestattete China, die USA mit der'America first'-Politik eines unberechenbaren Donald Trump. Wohin geht Europa? Wie sind europäische Werte durchsetzbar? Welche Rolle kann es in der entstehenden neuen Weltordnung spielen? Welchen Einfluss hat Deutschland?

This book provides the first detailed comparative analysis of the unusual partnership between the main European neutral states and NATO. Neutrality and alliance membership are fundamentally incompatible, but through the vehicle of NATO's post-Cold War partnerships the European neutral states and NATO have found a way to bridge this gap and cooperate with one another. Based on case studies of Austria, Finland, Ireland, Sweden and Switzerland written by leading experts, this book explores the detail of each country's relationship with NATO, the factors shaping those relationships and whether any of these states are likely to abandon neutrality and join NATO. The book also contributes to broader work on foreign policy by exploring different explanations of the European neutral states'foreign and security policy choices. This book will be of interest to scholars of the European neutral states, NATO and European security, as well as to those interested in understanding the dynamics behind states foreign policy choices.

This book is a compilation of CRS reports on Ukraine. The collection opens by discussing the 2014 protests of the Ukranian government's postponement of an associate agreement that would facilitate a firm relationship with the European Union. Also discussed is the 2016 uprising in Maidan Square and the 2017 collapse of the government of Viktor Yanukovych. Russia's alleged part in the disappearance of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 is examined in the context of the security concerns this preempted. In closing, the United States sanctions on Russia are reviewed.

This book examines the evolution of the Euro-Atlantic security system, from cooperation to rivalry and crisis, since the beginning of the 21st century. By highlighting the causes, manifestations and international consequences of this evolution, the author describes a stage of crisis in the security system, characterized by increasing rivalry for spheres of influence, militarization of policies and the suspension of cooperation due to the growing divergence between the interests of the West – now including the Central European states – and Russia, leading to a subsequent reconfiguration of the world order.Adopting a neo-realistic approach, the author demonstrates that members of the Euro-Atlantic security system, irrespective of the values they claim to hold, are guided in their actions on the international stage by clearly defined interests. The first part of the book analyses the nature of the Euro-Atlantic security system, while the second part illustrates the limited success of Euro-Atlantic collaboration, for example in combating terrorism. Lastly, the third part discusses the consequences of the crisis, such as the conflict in Ukraine, and prospects for the future evolution of the Euro-Atlantic security system.

The intercultural contexts and new configurations in Europe offer fertile ground for social conflict, tensions and threat. This book challenges predominant and fear inducing approaches of justice and security as they appear in intercultural contexts, and develops alternative understandings by exploring both theoretically and empirically the potential of dialogic and restorative justice oriented actions in sensitive areas of living together. The book offers unique opportunities for rethinking frames of (in)justice, (in)security, and their intersections, and for reshaping European practices and policies in a more sustainable way.This book is based on an innovative and exploratory action research project in four European countries, which challenges the obsessive focus on security concerns, the merging of the security discourse with intercultural contexts, and the emphasis on technology and surveillance as a way to conceive the doing of security. Both the project and the book offer another vision on what security means and how it can be done, by multiplying participatory encounters between different groups in society, promoting opportunities for deliberations and dialogue about alternative forms of conviviality. The book is one of two volumes resulting from the work by a group of researchers in six European countries having cooperated intensively during four years in ALTERNATIVE, an action research project funded under the EU Seventh Framework Programme.

Die NATO steht wieder im Zentrum einer von Unsicherheit und Turbulenz geprägten internationalen Un-Ordnung. Wurde der Bündnisverteidigung jahrzehntelang kaum Bedeutung beigemessen, ist die Frage der kollektiven Verteidigung seit Beginn der Ukraine-Krise 2014 wieder auf der Agenda und hat zu weitreichenden Veränderungen geführt. Gleichzeitig bleibt die Allianz im Bereich des militärischen Krisenmanagements aktiv und widmet sich neueren Themen wie Cyberkrieg, hybrider Kriegsführung, Kontrolle der Migration über das Mittelmeer oder Stabilisierung von Partnern im Süden. Gleichzeitig positionieren sich die USA unter Präsident Trump radikal neu und fordern von den Europäern einen wesentlich größeren Beitrag in der NATO ein – sofern die Trump-Administration formalisierten Allianzen überhaupt noch einen hohen Stellenwert einräumt. Mit dem Ausscheiden Großbritanniens aus der EU wird zudem ein traditioneller Blockierer einer engeren verteidigungspolitischen Zusammenarbeit im EU-Rahmen seine Vetomöglichkeiten verlieren. Soll dies nicht zu einer Abkoppelung der EU von der NATO im Sinne der Etablierung eines Konkurrenzverhältnisses führen, resultiert daraus ein erhöhter Druck zur Stärkung bzw. Vertiefung der strategischen Partnerschaft zwischen Amerika und Europa. Die Bedeutung der NATO in einer turbulenten internationalen Sicherheitspolitik unterliegt damit einem grundlegenden Wandel, und die transatlantische Sicherheitspartnerschaft wird derzeit unter erheblichen Spannungen neu austariert. Dies spiegelt sich auch in einer zentralen Rolle Deutschlands bei der Neuausrichtung der NATO wider. Sicherheitspolitik ist mehr als Militärpolitik und kluge Außenpolitik muss daran arbeiten, Konflikte zu entschärfen und Interessen friedlich auszugleichen. Aber solange es militärische Gewalt, Streitkräfte und Allianzen gibt, solange ist es auch Aufgabe politikwissenschaftlicher Analytiker, sich mit diesen Themen zu befassen.

This book presents a cutting-edge assessment of NATO's collective defence strategies in the immediate aftermath of the July 2016 NATO Warsaw Summit.Collective defence and deterrence came back on the agenda at the 2014 Wales Summit following the Russian annexation of Crimea, and was in many respects a game changer for NATO. The Warsaw Summit was a follow-up and operationalization of the Wales Summit, as well as adding further initiatives to the agenda. But is NATO delivering? This book provides a thorough assessment of the on-going debates and discussions taking place within and outside of NATO in Europe and North America. In its return to deterrence, NATO is confronted with challenges relating to strategic thinking, capability development, and the role of nuclear weapons. It has also raised questions about the future prospects for NATO membership for countries such as Sweden and Finland, with broader implications for the security situation in the Baltic region. Central to all this is of course NATO's relationship with Russia and questions of a new security dilemma, in turning bringing to the fore the challenge of maintaining an appropriate balance between deterrence and dialogue. The chapters in this volume address these questions and provide a much-needed analysis of the results of the NATO Warsaw Summit. This book will be of interest to policymakers and students of NATO, international security, European Politics, security studies and IR in general.

Relations between the United States and Russia have recently escalated from strained to outright aggressive. From imperial expansion in Ukraine to intervention in Syria to Russian hacking during the US election in 2016, it is clear that the United States must be prepared to defend itself and its NATO allies against Russian aggression. Resurgent Russia, researched and written by six residents and internationally experienced officers at the US Army War College, analyzes the current threat of Russian acts of war—both conventional military attacks and unconventional cyber warfare or political attacks—against the United Stated and NATO. The officers detail how the America can use its international military resources and political influence to both prepare for and deter aggression ordered by Vladimir Putin, making it clear that such an attack would be unsuccessful and therefore keeping the peace. This study provides a clear assessment of how the United States and its allies must utilize their political and military power to deter Russian aggression and maintain the hierarchy of power in today's world.

NATO Europe is an underestimated factor in strategic arms control. NATO Europe was the nemesis of the SALT II process. Europe feared an early SALT ratification. The SALT process was artificially delayed in order to create a'time window'for an INF deployment. NATO sought negotiation currency prior to the start of the planned SALT III negotiations. The NATO dual track decision killed the SALT II treaty. Superpower détente was the victim. The Second Cold War originated in Europe and not on the periphery. This multi-archival research monograph analyzes the penetration of US decision-making under the Carter Administration, the limitation of the influence of NATO Europe to non-central systems and the re-nationalization of US decision-making under the Reagan Administration. The latter paved the way to the arms control breakthrough of the mid-1980s.

Why does soft power conflict management meet with variable success over the course of a single mediation? In Nested Security, Erin K. Jenne asserts that international conflict management is almost never a straightforward case of success or failure. Instead, external mediators may reduce communal tensions at one point but utterly fail at another point, even if the incentives for conflict remain unchanged. Jenne explains this puzzle using a'nested security'model of conflict management, which holds that protracted ethnic or ideological conflicts are rarely internal affairs, but rather are embedded in wider regional and/or great power disputes. Internal conflict is nested within a regional environment, which in turn is nested in a global environment. Efforts to reduce conflict on the ground are therefore unlikely to succeed without first containing or resolving inter-state or trans-state conflict processes.Nested security is neither irreversible nor static: ethnic relations may easily go from nested security to nested insecurity when the regional or geopolitical structures that support them are destabilized through some exogenous pressure or shocks, including kin state intervention, transborder ethnic ties, refugee flows, or other factors related to regional conflict processes. Jenne argues that regional security regimes are ideally suited to the management of internal conflicts, because neighbors that have a strong incentive to work for stability provide critical hard-power backing to soft-power missions. Jenne tests her theory against two regional security regimes in Central and Eastern Europe: the interwar minorities regime under the League of Nations (German minorities in Central Europe, Hungarian minorities in the Carpathian Basin, and disputes over the Åland Islands, Memel, and Danzig), and the ad hoc security regime of the post–Cold War period (focusing on Russian-speaking minorities in the Baltic States and Albanian minorities in Montenegro, Macedonia, and northern Kosovo).

Oft forgotten but simmering “frozen conflicts” continuously mark the political map of Europe. All located in South Eastern Europe, the Black Sea area and Transcaucasia, these conflicts run along ethnic, national, cultural and linguistic lines, separating communities. This insightful book offers a rare critical analyses of the cases of Northern Cyprus, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kosovo, and Crimea.

A most timely publication in view of current concerns about snooping. Thomas Mathiesen describes how the major databases of Europe have become interlinked and accessible to diverse organizations and third States; meaning that, largely unchallenged, a ‘Surveillance Monster'now threatens rights, freedoms, democracy and the Rule of Law. As information is logged on citizens'every move, data flows across borders via systems soon to be under central, global or even non-State control. Secret plans happen behind closed doors and ‘systems func­tionaries'become defensive of their own role. Goals expand and entire processes are shrouded in mystery. Alongside the integration of automated systems sits a weakening of State ties as the Prüm Treaty and Schengen Convention lead to systems lacking transparency, restraint or Parliamentary scrutiny. As Mathiesen explains, the intention may have been fighting terrorism or organized crime, but the means have become disproportionate, unaccountable, over-expensive and lacking in results which ordinary vigilance and sound intelligence in communities should provide.

This book examines the processes and factors shaping the development of homeland security policies in the European Union (EU), within the wider context of European integration.The EU functions in a complex security environment, with perceived security threats from Islamist terrorists, migration and border security issues, and environmental problems. In order to deal with these, the EU has undertaken a number of actions, including the adoption of the European Security Strategy in 2003, the Information Management Strategy of 2009, and the Internal Security Strategy of 2010. However, despite such efforts to achieve a more concerted European action in the field of security, there are still many questions to be answered about whether the European approach is really a strategic one. European Homeland Security addresses two major debates in relation to the development of homeland security in Europe. First, it reflects on the absence of ‘homeland security'in European political debate and its potential consequences. Second, it examines the significant policy developments in the EU that suggest the influence of homeland security ideas, notably through policy transfer from the United States.The book will be of great interest to students of European security and EU politics, terrorism and counter-terrorism, security studies and IR.

This book examines the European Union's contribution to providing security in Europe amidst an increasingly complex and challenging environment.In this new and comprehensive guide to the EU's role in security since the end of the Cold War, the authors offer an explanation of EU internal and external security regimes, and argue that the Union has become an important exporter of security within its region. However, the Union's rhetorical ambitions and commitments continue to outstrip its capabilities and it lacks both a common conceptualisation of security and a meaningful, shared strategic culture. Drawing extensively on primary sources the book examines the Union's relations with the US and Russia in a time of shifting geostrategic calculations and priorities. With the EU capacity for enlargement slowing, this text presents a detailed assessment of EU security policies towards Central Europe, the Mediterranean, the Western Balkans, Eastern Europe and South Caucasus.European Union Security will be of interest to students and scholars of the EU, security studies, and international relations.

Europe has undergone quite profound changes since the end of the Cold War. Having been a highly militarised, conflict-ridden and war-ridden region, the core of Europe today constitutes a security community where armed conflicts among the constituent states has become inconceivable. This comprehensive book offers a theoretically founded and thoroughly documented analysis of European security, with a special emphasis on the role played by the United Nations and the various regional and sub-regional organisations, especially the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the European Union. When it comes to explaining peace in Europe opinions differ widely. Some argue that it was only because the West refused to give in to Soviet threats that the latter eventually gave up; or that the'long peace'in Europe was due to the combination of a bipolar alliance structure, pitting the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) against the Warsaw Pact, with the presence of nuclear weapons on both sides. Others point instead to the extraordinarily dense network of international institutions and organisations in Europe, offering a wide panoply of fora in which to handle disputes peacefully; or to the web of interdependence in economic and other affairs, tying together all states in Europe in relations which militate strongly against war. Still others believe that the external peace between the states in Europe is simply a reflection of a convergence of cultures, democracies with marked economies that are open towards the world market. These questions are the focal point of this book, which concentrates on security, albeit not in the sense of being a treatise on military matters, but security obtainable by much more indirect and non-military means. It will be required reading for all students and scholars of European security and the organisations which underpin it.

How did the North European states react to the terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001? Michael Karlsson argues that 9/11 led to a considerable pressure to strengthen rules and practices for counterterrorism and security, but that this pressure was mediated by several other conditions. The reforms were also affected by, among other things, how the threat of global terrorism was perceived, pressure from international institutions such as the UN, EU, and NATO, the domestic political context, and pre-existing rules and practices. His analysis uses the new institutionalism framework, tested through case studies of Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The book offers a unique lens on the study of counterterrorism from a new theoretical and regional perspective.

Die Arbeit untersucht anhand neuer Quellen zunächst, inwieweit Egon Bahrs gesamteuropäische Konzeptionen in der Ostpolitik Willy Brandts eine Rolle gespielt haben und den Weg zur Konferenz für Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa (KSZE) bereiteten. Dabei wurde berücksichtigt, wie bei Bahrs gesamteuropäischen Vorstellungen die westeuropäische Kooperation bzw. die engen Beziehungen zu den USA bewertet wurden. Weiterhin wurde analysiert, inwieweit sowohl die Verhandlungen der Bundesrepublik mit der Sowjetunion, mit Polen und mit der DDR bis 1972 als auch der Meinungsaustausch mit den drei Westmächten, insbesondere den USA, für die Entstehung der KSZE entscheidend waren und unter welchen Umständen und wie die Bundesrepublik im Rahmen der KSZE ihre nationalen Interessen verfolgte. Außerdem wird mit Hilfe von neu zugänglich gewordenen oder erst kürzlich veröffentlichten Dokumenten verfolgt, wie die Bundesrepublik bei den KSZE-Verhandlungen bis zur Unterzeichnung der Schlussakte unter den Bedingungen der Supermächtepolitik durch die Abstimmungsprozesse mit ihren westlichen Partnern ihre Interessen vertrat. Dabei werden u. a. die besonders bedeutenden Fragen der Unverletzlichkeit der Grenzen, der vertrauensbildenden Maßnahmen und der menschlichen Kontakte berücksichtigt, die bei den KSZE-Verhandlungen sehr kontrovers diskutiert wurden. Aus diesen Bereichen wurden die wesentlichen Elemente Bahrs außenpolitischer Ideen bei der operativen KSZE-Politik zusammengesetzt. Am Beispiel dieser Verhandlungen wird deutlich, inwieweit Bahrs außenpolitische Vorstellungen durch innerwestliche Abstimmungsprozesse über bilaterale Verträge auf gesamteuropäischer Ebene umgesetzt wurden.

This book presents and discusses the financial crisis in Europe, as well as the various security issues these nations face because of this global crisis. In addition, the book also publishes chapters in area studies and comparative politics of Europe. Topics discussed herein include the European Union; a European economic recovery plan; the financial crisis; missile defense; The Lisbon Treaty; the U.S.-U.K. relationship from a historical viewpoint; and the role of the international monetary fund.

Dyson explains the convergence and divergence between British, French and German defence reforms in the post-Cold War era. He engages with cultural and realist theories and develops a neoclassical realist approach to change and stasis in defence policy, bringing new material to bear on the factors which have affected defence reforms.

Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? Charlotte Wagnsson investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe'through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security: the crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book is available in paperback for the first time. It contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security'with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow-Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-à-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European'common view on security. Wagnsson considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor. This meticulously researched book will interest scholars and students with an interest in international security, the EU's international role, European international relations and Russian security.

A new in-depth assessment of ‘soft security'threats in Europe and Eurasia. These threats are now posed by many kinds of trafficking and are being responded to with a range of methods. Experts from around the world are brought together to provide a detailed analysis of the various aspects of trafficking, covering illegal migrants, the black market weapons trade, sex trafficking and drugs. They consider the nature of this threat facing society and the effectiveness of national and international attempts to eradicate it. An assessment of EU responses to ‘soft security'and a case study of US Homeland Security deliver the latest developments in this key area. Is the concept of ‘soft security'useful to analysts and policy-makers? Will they be able to manage these sources of insecurity successfully in the future? This work provides likely trends and projections to resolve these pressing questions. This book is a Special Issue of the leading journal European Security.