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Local self-governments (LSGs) cannot effectively manage emergencies. To overcome this problem, it is necessary to find action policies that would facilitate the increase of capacities of LSGs in such situations. The starting point for defining the policy was collecting data on the current abilities and capacities of LSGs in AP Vojvodina. The research covered 40% of the total number of LSGs and more than 64% of the population in the AP of Vojvodina. A combined open-ended survey questionnaire was constructed for data collection. The data was collected in field conditions through online procedures, direct sending of written surveys, and direct discussion of project implementation leaders. The statistical analysis of data identified that the legal aspect of LSGs and emergencies was not harmonized with other institutional documents at the level of LSGs. Most LSGs had serious difficulties in managing emergencies, especially civil protection. The platform is envisaged to facilitate raising the prevention capacity of LSGs by integrating all relevant information to provide early warnings and indications for implementing corresponding organizational, technical, and economic measures to deal with emergencies.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of corruption on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the Western Balkans countries, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Albania. Secondary data from The World Bank, Transparency International, and International Monetary Fund databases were utilized to complete this study for 2012-2020. The built model of multiple linear regression included four independent variables, namely: Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Western Balkan Corruption Ranking (WBCR), Exchange Rate (EXG), and Inflation Rate (INFL), as well as FDI as a dependent variable, and data effects were analyzed through the SPPS scientific research software program. The results found that if CPI and WBCR were to increase by one unit, FDI would decrease by 0.088, namely 0.624, while if EXG and INFL were to increase by one unit, FDI would increase by 0.165, namely 0.236. In order to fight corruption and potentially attract more foreign direct investment, the governments of these countries should work to harmonize their anti-corruption laws with those of the European Union. In order to prevent the negative consequences of FDI inflows, they should also maintain a balanced rate of inflation, which entails stabilizing exchange rate fluctuations.

This research examined whether there is an elaborate system of protocols, protection, and prevention in place at the local self-government level in the event of a crisis caused by an epidemic or pandemic. The core idea of this paper was to empirically evaluate the protocol's effectiveness at the local self-government. Analysis was conducted using responses of 16 local self-government authorities. During a crisis caused by an epidemic/a pandemic of infectious illnesses, surveys were done as a cross-section documenting and detecting the current state of local self-government functioning. Methods used in the study are defining the objectives of the research, conceptualization, analysis of legal regulations, economic analysis, and decomposition of the problem. Key results and arguments of this paper expanded existing research thus there are only certain empirical data from areas that have been affected by the infectious disease caused by the epidemic/pandemic. Data was collected, processed, and systematized to serve in model formulation. As a brief conclusion, this study suggested protocol effectiveness at the local self-government level representing the idea that emergency and crisis management should be organized to preserve the health and livelihood of the population in the area affected by the pandemic of infectious diseases and thus enable the functioning of economic activities and society as a whole.

Across the destination countries of migration, i.e. migrant-receiving countries, in Europe there has been an increasing emphasis on return and reintegration programmes. These programmes particularly target rejected asylum-seekers forced to return, irregular migrants unable to legalise their stay in the migration country and migrants wishing to return of their own volition. Reintegration commonly refers to the processes that unfold after the return of migrants, refugees and internally displaced persons to their country of origin or place of residence as they set about trying to re-establish their lives. However, the reintegration trajectories of assisted and non-assisted returning migrants in different contexts have scarcely been researched. Funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) under a Special Initiative on "Tackling the root causes of displacement and (re-)integrating refugees", BICC has undertaken over the past four years (2019-2022) a qualitative research project entitled "Trajectories of reintegration" designed to tackle this desideratum. This Synthesis Report brings together selected findings of the project’s empirical studies in the Western Balkans (Serbia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo), West Africa (Ghana, Senegal, the Gambia) and the Middle East (Iraq). The BICC project team conducted an in-depth, long-term investigation into reintegration trajectories focusing on the perceptions, experiences and strategies of returning migrants. We collected data through in-depth qualitative interviews, life-stories, informal conversations and observations. The interview sample includes returnees who were displaced persons (refugees, rejected asylum-seekers), long-term labour migrants, ‘irregular’ migrants, student migrants, and circular or seasonal migrants. We conducted semi-structured interviews with stakeholders, including government officials, municipal actors and representatives of local NGOs and development agencies. The project team also cooperated closely with local researchers and research assistants, integrating their feedback into the ongoing research findings. To this end we ran training courses and organised several stakeholder workshops in the countries of research.

his Working Paper investigates the (re-)integration trajectories of returnees to the two Western Balkan countries Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. By applying a multidimensional and processual understanding of (re-)integration, it scrutinises how returnees' positionality as well as local context conditions influence returnees' experiences and livelihood strategies upon return. The study covers returnees with diverse backgrounds, ranging from self-organised early post-war returns of refugees and IDPs, forced returnees, returning "guest workers", more recent irregular and regular labour migrants, pendular migrants, students, (rejected) asylum seekers, and returnees with diverging socio-eco nomic and educational levels, age and ethnic and religious identities, different durations of stay abroad and a wide array of destination countries. By doing so, it finds - despite significant differences in the return contexts and the socio-economic status of returnees - similar patterns among the very diverse group of returnees covered in both countries, namely the main role of (trans)local networks and mobility for the adjustment processes in the course of migration, displacement and return. By comparing trajectories of returnees who received different kinds of return and reintegration assistance with those who did not, the Paper also provides some insights into the opportunities and limits of reintegration assistance. The study's findings underline the relevance of individualised needs-based support measures in specific cases as well as approaches aiming to generally support inclusive societal structures. The study is based on qualitative data collected among returnees, experts and stakeholders in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia between 2019 and 2022 in the framework of the research project "Trajectories of reintegration. The impacts of displacement, migration and return on social change".

Even though the six Western Balkan countries (WB6) have close political ties with the EU, their alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has in­creasingly come into focus since the beginning of the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine. The EU should take a differentiated view of the WB6’s political and security cooperation with external actors such as Russia, China and Turkey. Within the WB6, the two “outliers” of Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska use their for­eign and security relations with Russia to achieve their own political goals. While Serbia seeks support for its Kosovo policy, Republika Srpska is trying to get backing for its separatist tendencies. The WB6 are not expected to end their cooperation with the aforementioned external actors in the near future. Nonetheless, in today’s shift­ing geopolitical arena, the EU must set priorities that bind the WB6’s outliers to the CFSP. (Autorenreferat)

Purpose: Education policy implementation is as important as policy design. This study applies a literature-based, multi-dimensional framework for success factors and barriers to vocational education and training (VET) reform implementation in the case of a new dual VET law in Serbia. We use the framework to assess factors related to implementation, then relate these factors to actual implementation progress to determine how factors relate to progress. In this application of the framework, we examine whether implementation success requires high scores in every dimension. Methods: This is a mixed methods study. We conduct document analysis of key resources related to the structure and intention of the reform. We also statistically analyze a dataset of two rounds of interviews conducted during the pre- and early-implementation phases. These interviews include key stakeholders from the public and private sectors, and from national, regional, and local-level actors. We examine how the framework's dimensions and determinants relate to implementation progress. Results: The implementation of the law is moving forward in Serbia, making this a successful case of progress in policy implementation. Despite this progress, the factors for implementation are not all strong. We find that the content dimension of the framework is a barrier, capacity is unclear, and context, commitment, and clients—actors' engagement—drive implementation progress. Thus, although the implementation process is imperfect in its determinants, it is successfully progressing and already forming the new system. Conclusions: Based on our results we argue that—even if the framework describes factors that affect VET reform implementation—not all elements are necessary for VET reform implementation to progress. Policymakers can start without perfect implementation conditions and may benefit from striving for "good enough" across dimensions rather than perfect in any one dimension. We discuss potential mechanisms and identify pathways for future research, including moving in the direction of causal research., International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training, 10 (2), ISSN:2197-8638, ISSN:2197-8646

Over the new year, tensions between Serbia and Kosovo rose once again. This occurred in the context of negotiations on a new European Union (EU) proposal - also known as the Franco-German or "European" proposal aimed at formalising relations between Belgrade and Pristina, much along the lines of the 1972 Basic Treaty between the two Germanys. On 27 February, there was a breakthrough in the negotiations: Both sides agreed on the text of the proposal, although it has not yet been signed. Additionally, the prioritisation of individual issues in the so-called implementation map has not yet been determined, which could cause further disputes. To ensure the adoption and full realisation of the agreement, the EU should not only assess its progress in the con­text of the EU accession negotiations of both countries. It should also estab­lish specific implementation and monitoring mechanisms that will secure more modest interim targets for the implementation of individual issues in the agreement. This is the only way to successfully implement the new agreement. (author's abstract)

Zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts ist der Aufstieg der Rechtsextremen in Europa nicht mehr nur als Randerscheinung zu betrachten, sondern als ein ernstes Zeichen der Krise der liberalen Ordnung. Die Zunahme rechtsextremer Wähler:innen und die Verbreitung rechtsextremer Parteien, Bewegungen und subkultureller Gruppen steht für eine veränderte politische und ideologische Landschaft, in der die liberale Demokratie zunehmend und offen herausgefordert wird "Rechte Bedrohungsallianzen" als direkte Opposition zur offenen Gesellschaft sind damit ein nicht zu vernachlässigendes Phänomen geworden. Dieses Papier befasst sich am Beispiel Serbiens näher mit den wichtigsten rechtsextremen Gruppierungen und Organisationen während der letzten zwei Jahrzehnte. Auch wenn die extreme Rechte in den meisten Westbalkanländern noch keinen entscheidenden politischen Faktor darstellt, wird die Grenze zwischen ihrer politischen Agenda und den etablierten politischen Parteien immer dünner. Die Internationalisierung des Rechtsextremismus hat die strategischen Möglichkeiten rechtsextremen Handelns über nationale politische Strukturen hinaus erweitert und diesem damit eine internationale Perspektive und globale Bedeutung verliehen. Diese neuen internationalen "Rechten Bedrohungsallianzen" stellen somit vermehrt eine Bedrohung für die Demokratie sowohl im nationalen als auch im regionalen Kontext auf dem Westbalkan sowie über die Region hinaus dar. At the beginning of the 21st century, the rise of the far-right in Europe should no longer be considered as a peripheral phenomenon but rather as a serious sign of the crisis of the liberal post-Cold War order. The growth of far-right voters and the proliferation of far-right parties, movements, and subcultural groups stands for a changed political and ideological landscape, one where the notion of democracy is increasingly and openly contested. "Rechte Bedrohungsallianzen" - "Right-wing threat alliances" as a direct opposition to open society constitute a phenomenon that must not be ignored. This paper looks closer into the most representative far-right groups and organisations in Serbia during the last two decades. Even though the far-right in most Western Balkan countries is not a decisive political factor yet, the boundary separating its political agenda from mainstream political parties is becoming thinner. The internationalization of right-wing extremism has expanded the strategic possibilities of far-right action beyond national political structures thus giving it an international perspective and global meaning. These new international "signatures of the far-right" continue to be a threat to democracy both in the national and regional context in the Western Balkans as well as beyond the region.

Über den Jahreswechsel haben sich die Spannungen zwischen Serbien und Kosovo wieder einmal verschärft. Dies geschah im Kontext der Verhandlungen über einen neuen Vorschlag der EU - den deutsch-französischen oder "europäischen" Vorschlag -, der darauf abzielt, die Beziehungen zwischen Belgrad und Pristina nach dem Vorbild des deutsch-deutschen Grundlagenvertrags aus dem Jahr 1972 zu formalisieren. Am 27. Februar gab es einen Durchbruch in den Verhandlungen: Beide Seiten haben sich auf den Text des Vorschlags geeinigt, der allerdings noch nicht unterschrieben wurde. Auch wurde bislang die Reihenfolge der Punkte in der sogenannten Implementierungsmappe nicht festgelegt, um die es Streit geben könnte. Um eine Verabschiedung und vollständige Implementierung des Abkommens sicherzustellen, sollte die EU Fort­schritte nicht nur im Rahmen der EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen beider Länder bewerten. Darüber hinaus sollte sie auch spezifische Implementierungs- und Monitoring-Mechanismen etablieren, die bescheidenere Zwischenziele für die Umsetzung einzelner Punkte im Abkommen absichern würden. Nur so ließe sich das neue Ab­kom­men erfolgreich umsetzen. (Autorenreferat)

Schon jetzt sind die sechs Westbalkanländer (WB6) politisch eng mit der EU verbunden. Doch seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs auf die Ukraine rückt nun auch die Frage einer Annäherung der WB6 an die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheits­politik (GASP) stärker in den Fokus. Die EU sollte dabei die Zusammenarbeit der WB6 mit anderen externen Akteuren, wie Russland, China oder der Türkei, differenziert betrachten. Unter den sechs Staaten gibt es zwei "Ausreißer" - Serbien und Bosnien-Herzegowinas Republika Srpska -, die ihre außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Bezie­hungen, beispielweise mit Russland, für eigene politische Ziele nutzen. Serbien sucht Unterstützung für seine Kosovo-Politik und die Republika Srpska bemüht sich um Rückhalt für ihre separatistischen Tendenzen. Es ist nicht zu erwarten, dass die WB6 ihre Kooperation mit den genannten externen Akteuren in naher Zukunft komplett einstellen werden. In einer veränderten geopolitischen Lage muss die EU allerdings Prioritäten setzen, um die Ausreißer in GASP-Fragen enger an sich zu binden. (Autorenreferat)

Namen prispevka je pomagati razumeti, kako se je odnosno zaupanje med ucenci in ucitelji, vgrajeno v proces poucevanja in ucenja, razvijalo med izrednim izobraževanjem na daljavo in prilagodljivim hibridnim izobraževanjem v Srbiji leta 2020. Opredeljuje tudi situacije v odnosih med ucenci in ucitelji, ki imajo potencial za obnovo in krepitev zaupanja. Da bi odnos med ucencem in uciteljem temeljil na zaupanju ter tako pripomogel k ucenju in dobremu pocutju ucencev, je treba doseci soglasje o pricakovanjih glede vlog. Ker je kriza covida-19 prekinila solanje in izobraževanje, so se udeleženci spoprijeli z negotovostjo in dvoumnostjo pri uveljavljanju vlog, poruseni pa so bili tudi temelji odnosnega zaupanja. Da bi razumeli kontekst, v katerem je bilo zaupanje postavljeno pod vprasaj, nacine, na katere je bilo poruseno, in priložnosti za njegovo ponovno vzpostavitev, smo se pri zbiranju podatkov oprli na vecvrstni pristop dinamicnega pripovedovanja zgodb, pri obdelavi podatkov pa na analizo vrednot. Skupaj 136 ucencev in 117 uciteljev iz 22 sol je napisalo 581 pripovedi treh vrst: zgodbe, pisma in prosnje. Analiza je dala 22 kod, ki so omogocile nadaljnje razumevanje, kako so spremembe strukturnih in institucionalnih pogojev vplivale na medsebojna pricakovanja ucencev in uciteljev ter kako se je neskladnost teh pricakovanj odrazila v obcutkih nemoci pri ucencih in uciteljih, neudeležbi pri ucenju pri ucencih ter v veliki delovni obremenitvi in slabi ucinkovitosti pri uciteljih. Poleg tega pripovedi opisujejo pozitivne rezultate, ko so bila ta pricakovanja izpolnjena, in priložnosti za krepitev zaupanja, ce se na stalisca ucencev in uciteljev opozori ter se o njih pogaja na lokalni ravni. Na koncu so podana priporocila za ponovno vzpostavitev zaupanja.Alternate abstract:This paper aims to help understand how relational trust between students and teachers embedded in the teaching-learning process unfolded during the emergency distance and flexible hybrid education in Serbia in 2020. It also identifies niches in student-teacher relationships that hold potential for repairing and building trust. For the student-teacher relationship to be trust-based and thus conducive to students learning and wellbeing, a consensus about role expectations must be achieved. As the Covid-19 crisis interrupted schooling and education, participants faced uncertainties and ambiguities in role enactment, and the cornerstones of relational trust were disrupted. In an effort to understand 1) the context in which trust was challenged, 2) the ways in which trust was disrupted, and 3) the opportunities for its restoration, we relied on a multi-genre dynamic storytelling approach to data collection and values analysis for data processing. A total of 136 students and 117 teachers from 22 schools wrote 581 narratives in three genres: stories, letters and requests. The analysis yielded 22 codes that allowed further understanding of how changes in structural and institutional conditions affected both students and teachers expectations of each other, and how incongruence of these expectations fed into feelings of helplessness for both students and teachers, disengagement from learning for students, and heavy workload and poor performance for teachers. In addition, the narratives account for positive outcomes when these expectations were met, and for opportunities for trust-building if students and teachers perspectives are brought to each others attention and negotiated locally. Finally, recommendations for restoring trust are given.

I examine the pattern of selection on education of asylum seekers recently arrived in Germany from five key source countries: Afghanistan, Albania, Iraq, Serbia, and Syria. The analysis relies on original individual-level data collected in Germany combined with surveys conducted at origin. The results reveal a positive pattern of selection on education for asylum seekers who were able to flee Iraq and Syria, and the selection is neutral for individuals seeking asylum from Afghanistan and negative for asylum seekers from Albania and Serbia. I provide an interpretation of these patterns based on differences in the expected length of stay at destination, the migration costs faced by asylum seekers to reach Germany, and the size of migration networks at destination. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1007/s13524-020-00873-9) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

The state of emergency was declared in the Republic of Serbia on 15 March 2020, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which lasted until 6 May 2020. During the state of emergency, certain human rights were restricted and suspended, which are otherwise protected and guaranteed by the Constitution. One of the measures introduced by the state was the possibility for the defendant to attend the main hearing via Skype. The basic question arises whether the right to a fair trial is violated in this way, since it is one of the rights that cannot be limited or suspended even during a state of emergency. In this regard, this paper addresses the national legal framework under which trials are permitted and conducted via Skype during a state of emergency and relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

When Mr. Raphael Lemkin invented the term genocide in 1944 he was trying to fill the void in the existing list of international crimes because, in his view, none of them was appropriate to address the terrible mass atrocities of World War II. The mass extermination of Jews, Gypsies, Slavs and other groups should have been different from “ordinary” crimes against humanity. His fight led to the adoption of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in 1948. Although the Convention was primarily designed to punish individual perpetrators, States parties can also be held responsible for the same crime. The reference in Article IX of the Convention to the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice clearly shows in that direction. However, the first case appearing before that court was the case of Bosnia v. Serbia in 1993 and the Court made its ruling on the merits in 2007. The following ruling concerned the case of Croatia v. Serbia in 2015. Neither of the final rulings established the responsibility of the respondent state for genocide, although the crime had been established in the case of Bosnia. The article will look into the requirements for the genocide to be established and what was the missing link between the crime and the defendant state., Kada je g. Raphael Lemkin oblikovao naziv genocida 1944. godine, zapravo je pokušavao ispuniti prazninu na postojećem popisu međunarodnih zločina, jer ni jedan, prema njegovu mišljenju, nije bio odgovarajući da opiše strašna masovna zlodjela tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Masovna pogubljenja Židova, Roma/ Cigana, Slavena i drugih skupina trebala su biti različita od „običnih“ zločina protiv čovječnosti. Njegova borba dovela je do prihvaćanja Konvencije UN o zabrani i kažnjavanju zločina genocida 1948. godine. Iako je primarna svrha Konvencija bila kažnjavanje pojedinaca, i države stranke mogu biti odgovorne zbog počinjenja zločina genocida. Odredba članka IX. Konvencije koja predviđa nadležnost Međunarodnog suda u Haagu jasno pokazuje u tom smjeru. Pa ipak, prva parnica pred tim sudom bila je ona između Bosne i Hercegovine protiv Srbije 1993. godine koju je Sud meritorno presudio 2007. Sljedeća presuda odnosila se na predmet Hrvatska protiv Srbije 2015. Ni jedna od konačnih presuda nije utvrdila odgovornost tužene države za zločin genocida iako je Sud utvrdio postojanje genocida u Bosni. Članak će prikazati koje zahtjeve Međunarodni sud smatra potrebni kako bi se utvrdio zločin genocida i koja je to karika potrebna između zločina i tužene države., Als Raphael Lemkin 1944 den Begriff Völkermord erfand, versuchte er, die Lücke in der bestehenden Liste internationaler Verbrechen zu füllen, da seiner Ansicht nach kein dieser Verbrechen geeignet war, die schrecklichen Massengräueltaten des Zweiten Weltkriegs anzusprechen. Die Massenvernichtung von Juden, Zigeunern, Slawen und anderen Gruppen hätte sich von „gewöhnlichen“ Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit unterscheiden sollen. Sein Kampf führte 1948 zur Verabschiedung des Übereinkommens der Vereinten Nationen zur Verhütung und Bestrafung des Völkermordes. Obwohl das Übereinkommen in erster Linie dazu bestimmt war, einzelne Täter zu bestrafen, können Vertragsstaaten auch für dasselbe Verbrechen zur Verantwortung gezogen werden. Der Verweis im Artikel IX des Übereinkommens auf die Zuständigkeit des Internationalen Gerichtshofs zeigt klar in diese Richtung. Die erste Rechtssache, die vor diesem Gericht anhängig wurde, war die Rechtssache Bosnien gegen Serbien im Jahr 1993, und der Gerichtshof entschied 2007 in der Sache. Die nächste Rechtssache betraf die Rechtssache Kroatien gegen Serbien im Jahr 2015. Keine der beiden endgültigen Entscheidungen stellte die Verantwortung des beklagten Staates für den Völkermord fest, obwohl das Verbrechen im Fall von Bosnien festgestellt worden war. Deshalb werden in diesem Beitrag die Voraussetzungen für den Völkermord und die fehlende Verbindung zwischen dem Verbrechen und dem beklagten Staat untersucht., di colmare la lacuna esistente nell'elenco dei crimini internazionali, poiché nemmeno uno, a suo parere, corrispondeva alla descrizione dei terribili crimini di massa commessi durante la Seconda guerra mondiale. Lo sterminio di massa degli ebrei, della popolazione rom, degli slavi, come anche di altri gruppi dovevano essere differenti rispetto ai „comuni“ crimini contro l’umanità. La sua lotta condusse all'accoglimento della Convenzione ONU per la prevenzione e la repressione del crimine di genocidio del 1948. Benché lo scopo primario della Convenzione era quello di punire i singoli, anche gli stati contraenti possono essere responsabili per la commissione di crimini di genocidio. Le disposizioni dell'art. IX della Convenzione, il quale prevede la giurisdizione della Corte internazionale dell'Aia, danno un chiaro segnale in tale senso. Tuttavia, la prima controversia dinnanzi a tale Corte fu quella della Bosnia ed Erzegovina contro la Serbia del 1993 nella quale la Corte pervenne ad una decisione sul merito nel 2007. La sentenza successiva si riferì al caso della Croazia contro la Serbia del 2015. Nemmeno una delle sentenze definitive non ha accertato la responsabilità dello stato convenuto in giudizio con l’accusa per il crimine di genocidio benché la Corte abbia accertato l'esistenza del genocidio in Bosnia. Il contributo illustrerà quali requisiti la Corte internazionale reputi necessari al fine di accertare il crimine di genocidio e quale fu il nesso mancante tra il crimine e lo stato convenuto.

In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wurden die Weisheitsvorstellungen von SerbInnen untersucht. Da seitens der Autorin keine weiteren Studien darüber was SerbInnen unter Weisheit verstehen ausfindig gemacht werden konnten, wurde eine explorative Herangehensweise verwendet. Die Stichprobe setzt sich aus 38 Personen serbischer Nationalität zusammen. Diese wurden mittels selbstkonstruiertem Leitfadeninterview darüber befragt, wie sie Weisheit definieren würden und wie sie eine weise Person beschreiben würden. Außerdem wurden sie gefragt, wann sie etwas Weises im eigenen Leben gemacht haben sowie was das Wichtigste war, das sie im eigenen Leben gelernt haben und wodurch. Die gewonnenen Daten wurden mittels qualitativer Inhaltsanalyse ausgewertet. Die Analyse des Datenmaterials zu den ersten beiden Fragen nach der Definition von Weisheit sowie der Beschreibung einer weisen Person ergab folgende Ergebnisse: Es erfolgte eine Unterteilung in zwei große Bereiche. Der erste Bereich wurde Individuumsorientierte Auffassung genannt und beinhaltet fünf Unterbereiche: Kognitive Komponente, Affektive Komponente, Reflektive Komponente, Biologische Komponente und Sonstiges. Die Kognitive Komponente schließt folgende Teilaspekte ein: Klug sein, Kommunikationsfähig sein, Snalazljivost, Intelligent, vernünftig sein und handeln, Lebenserfahren sein, Urteilsvermögen haben, Überlebensfähigkeit, erfolgreich sein, Allgemeinwissen und Unabhängigkeit von Schulbildung, Effizient sein, Kluge und wirkungsvolle Ratschläge geben sowie Bewusst sein. Die Affektive Komponente beinhaltet folgende Teilaspekte: Positive Lebenseinstellung haben, Aufrichtig sein, Wohlwollend sein, Ehrlich sein, Authentisch sein, Hilfestellung, Verständnis für andere zeigen, Sozial korrekt und sozial kompetent sein und Respektvoll sein. Die Teilaspekte der Reflektiven Komponente sind: Überlegt sein, Zurückhaltend, unaufdringlich sein, Kritische Selbstreflexion, Bescheiden sein sowie Leben in der Gegenwart. Die Biologische Komponente schließt die Teilaspekte Gesund sein, länger leben, hohes Alter sowie Kombination Genetik und Umwelteinflüsse ein. Unter der Komponente Sonstiges sind folgende Teilaspekte eingeordnet worden: Arbeitsam, kultiviert, Religiös sein, Etwas Seltenes und Dauerhaftes, Menschliche Eigenschaft, Listigkeit, ein Betrüger und Tugend. Der zweite Bereich, welcher Weisheit als nicht fassbarer Begriff genannt wurde, beinhaltet folgende zwei Unterkategorien: Abstraktheit und Weise sein.Nach der Analyse des Datenmaterials zu der Frage darüber, wann Menschen etwas Weises im eigenen Leben gemacht haben, ergaben sich folgende Ergebnisse. Einerseits wurden Arten von Lebenssituationen kodiert. Hierzu zählen die Kategorien Lebensentscheidungen, Reaktionen auf negative Ereignisse (fremdbezogen und selbst betroffen), Lebensmanagement, Alle und keine spezifischen Einzel-Situationen und Religion praktizieren. Andererseits wurden Formen der Weisheit kodiert. Selbstbestimmung und Selbstbehauptung, Empathie und Unterstützung, Wissen und Flexibilität, Komplexität, Weisheit ist zu hoch und schwer fassbar, Orientierung am göttlichen Vorbild, leben nach Geboten sowie Sich dem Leben stellen, Lebensfreude zulassen wurden hierunter eingeordnet.Bezüglich der Frage darüber was das Wichtigste war, das die TeilnehmerInnen im eigenen Leben gelernt haben und wodurch, ist wichtig zu erwähnen, dass diese nicht ausgewertet werden konnte. Der Grund war, dass viele Personen durch das Thema Weisheit aufgrund der vorherigen Fragen beeinflusst waren. Denn sie erzählten von dem Weisesten, das sie gelernt haben und nicht von dem Wichtigsten.Zusammenfassend wurde Weisheit seitens der SerbInnen als eine Kombination von Kognitiven, Affektiven und Reflektiven Komponenten definiert sowie als ein komplexes Konstrukt bewertet. Dabei ist ebenfalls erwähnenswert, dass beispielsweise die Komponente Snalazljivost, welche der Kognitiven Komponente zugeordnet wurde, in keinen bisherigen Studien über die Weisheitsvorstellungen der Laien vorgefunden werden konnte.Im Zusammenhang mit den Arten von Lebenssituationen berichteten TeilnehmerInnen weise gehandelt zu haben meistens in Bezug auf das Treffen von wichtigen Lebensentscheidungen wie beispielsweise sich scheiden zu lassen, zu heiraten, umzuziehen usw. Als am häufigsten genannte Form der Weisheit wird die Komponente Selbstbestimmtheit und Selbstbehauptung angeführt., Sanela Malkoč, Masterarbeit Universität Klagenfurt 2022