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Marked by both deep interconnectedness and polarization, the contemporary media system in the United States features news outlets and social media that are bound together, yet deeply divided along partisan lines. This article formally analyzes communication flows surrounding mass shootings in the hybrid and polarized U.S. media system. We begin by integrating media system literature with agenda setting and news framing theories and then conduct automated text analysis and time series modeling. After accounting for exogenous event characteristics, results show that (a) sympathy and gun control discourses on Twitter preceded news framing of gun policy more than the other way around, and (b) conservatives on Twitter and conservative media reacted to progressive discourse on Twitter, without their progressive counterparts exhibiting a similar reactiveness. Such results shed light on the influence of social media on political communication flows and confirm an asymmetry in the ways partisan media ecosystems respond to social events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social mediation role of mobile technology is typified by mHealth apps designed to connect individuals to others and support substance use disorder (SUD) recovery. In this study, we examined the use and utility of one such app designed to support people living with HIV (PLWH) and SUD. Drawing on Ling's emphasis on reciprocity and micro-coordination in mobile telephony as a social mediation technology, we gathered digital trace data from app logs to construct two metrics, initiation (i.e. whether a particular feature is engaged on a given day) and intensity (i.e. degree of involvement in the activity when engaged on that day), at three levels of communication—networked (one-to-many), dyadic (one-to-one), and intraindividual (self-to-self). We consider these system features alongside use of information resources, games and relaxation links, a meeting and events calendar, and support tools to address use urges. We found few differences in patterns of use by race, sex, and age, though African Americans were less likely to engage in intraindividual expression, whereas women and older users were more likely to make use of this feature. The initiation and intensity of network and dyadic reception, as well as the intensity of network expression, predicts recovery outcomes as measured on a weekly "check-in" survey, suggesting the utility of mobile log data for digital phenotyping in mHealth. By implementing this app during the COVID-19 pandemic, the study also found the disruption caused by national lockdown was negatively related to the app use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political campaigns often feature jarring revelations against candidates. This study examines how audiences come to understand major campaign events, the extent to which they shape evaluations of candidates, and how their impact is filtered through an increasingly partisan news media environment. Using national rolling cross-sectional survey data collected over the 2016 U.S. presidential election period, we show partisan asymmetries in the way major campaign events influenced candidate appraisals. Event effects during the 2016 campaign were dependent on various media use patterns and concentrated among Independents. In particular, the reopening of the investigation into Clinton's email server by James Comey reduced her favorability, especially when paired with liberal and conservative partisan media use. By providing a nuanced picture of partisan selective exposure and campaign effects, our findings reinforce that the role of campaigns in candidate appraisals should be understood at the intersection of media use, partisanship, and specific events during a contentious race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how individuals' interactions with the shifting contemporary communication ecology—either by seeking information selectively from partisan sources or immersing themselves in a broad range of partisan communications — relate to shifting levels of social trust and online engagement. Using national panel surveys of young adults (i.e. millennials age 18–34) collected over the 2016 U.S. presidential election, we find that individuals' partisan communication flows—calculated by algorithmically combining patterns of news consumption, social media use, and political talk—explain: (a) polarized shifts in levels of trust towards people of other nationalities, religions, races, and ethnicities and (b) increases in levels of online political engagement. By elaborating the relationship between citizens' communication patterns and their levels of trust and participation, this research forces a reconsideration of theoretical traditions in the field of communication, especially those linking mass and interpersonal processes in the study of social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing attention to an increasing partisan divide and populist voting, little attention has been directed at how social contexts might encourage greater or lesser political polarization. We address this gap by studying how county-level conditions—economic resilience, population change, and community health—intersect with individuals' political orientations and communication patterns to shape partisan evaluations. Our context is Wisconsin around the 2012 election, with our focus on two prominent political figures: Governor Scott Walker and President Barack Obama. Multilevel modeling reveals that partisans living in counties with more affluent, less precarious conditions during 2009–2012 exhibited more polarized partisan attitudes toward Walker and Obama. Our analysis also finds a significant role for interpersonal communication and digital media in shaping polarized attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aims to investigate the relationship among different types of internet sources for health, medical check-up beliefs and the timeliness of annual medical check-ups among African Americans, accounting for both health TV usage and health service use.Methods: Hierarchical linear regression analysis was conducted on data from 1734 African Americans surveyed in the 2013 Consumer Health Multimedia Audience Research Systems national pharmaceutical study of 19,420 U.S. adults.Results: The results indicate a positive association between seeking health information on medical websites (β = 0.052, p = 0.04) and consumer-driven health sites (β = 0.066, p < 0.01), and the timeliness of check-ups among African Americans, an association not found in relation to mainstream or news-related sites. Health TV program use was not associated with timeliness of medical check-ups. Medical check-up belief is positively associated with seeking health info on consumer-driven health sites (β = 0.072, p < 0.01) but not on medical sites or on TV.Conclusion: Seeking information on health-specific websites was associated with more timely check-ups in African Americans and more positive preventative medical care belief, even after controlling for traditional barriers, such as poor provider relationship.Practice Implications: Health specific websites may provide an avenue for intervention to improve preventative care use in African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to investigate the nature and effects of exchanging emotional support via a smartphone-based support group for patients with alcohol dependence. Of the 349 patients who met the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.) criteria for alcohol dependence, 153 patients participated in the discussion group within the Addiction-Comprehensive Health Enhancement Support System, a smartphone application aimed at reducing relapse. This was developed to prevent problem drinking by offering individuals in recovery for alcohol dependence automated 24/7 recovery support services and frequent assessment of their symptom status as part of their addiction care. The results showed that receiving emotional support from health care providers improved coping self-efficacy. Giving emotional support and receiving emotional support from health care providers acted as a buffer, protecting patients from the harmful effects of emotional distress on risky drinking. Clinicians and researchers should use the features of smartphone-based support groups to reach out to alcoholic patients in need and encourage them to participate in the exchange of emotional support with others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines whether physicians' framing of clinical interactions is related to patient shared decision-making (SDM) satisfaction when using a clinical decision support tool (CDST) concerning mammographic screening. To answer this question, we combined (a) system log data from a CDST, (b) content coding of the physicians' message framing while using the CDST, and (c) a post-visit patient survey to assess SDM satisfaction concerning screening mammography. Results suggest that two types of message frames — consequence frames and numerical frames — moderated the relationship of the CDST on SDM satisfaction. When the CDST displayed low risk of breast cancer for a patient, physicians were able to improve the cognitive aspects of SDM satisfaction by framing the consequences of mammography screening in positive terms. However, when the physician delivered the numerical information in relative, rather than absolute terms, the patient's SDM satisfaction was reduced. Our study advances previous message framing effect research in health communication from experimental settings to clinical encounters. It also discusses the importance of delivering risk-congruent frames in clinical settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parental concerns over the safety or necessity of childhood vaccination have increased over the past decades. At the same time, there has been a proliferation of vaccine-related information available through a range of health information sources. This study investigates the associations between evaluations of health information sources, parental perceptions of childhood vaccination benefits, and the maintenance of vaccination schedules for their children. Specifically, this study aims to (a) incorporate social media into the battery of health information sources and (b) differentiate households with a childhood autism diagnosis and those without, given unsubstantiated but persistent concerns about vaccine safety and autism. Analyzing a sample of U.S. households, a total of 4,174 parents who have at least one child under the age of 18 were analyzed, including 138 of parents of households with a childhood autism diagnosis. Results show that the more the parents value interpersonal communication and magazines as sources of health information, the more they perceive vaccination benefits, and the more the value they put on television, the better they keep vaccination schedules up-to-date for their children. On the other hand, social media are negatively associated with their perceptions of vaccination benefits. Although parents of children diagnosed with autism are less likely to perceive vaccination benefits, no interaction effects with evaluations of health information sources are found on parental perceptions of vaccination benefits or maintenance of schedules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With increasing evidence on deepening cleavages along geographic lines, we argue that the local political climate plays an important role in political decision-making and engagement. In this study, we aim to understand the role of political contexts in shaping different forms of political participation, whether centered in the local community or in digital spaces. We specifically consider two important contextual factors that potentially relate to participation: the partisan composition of the neighborhood environment and the nature of political representation at the state government level. We introduce two sets of competing arguments: Mobilization and Resignation vs. Activation and Complacency to explain different participatory mechanisms. Using both national survey data collected during the 2016 U.S. election period and zip code and state-level contextual data, we employ three-level multilevel modeling to tease out how multiple factors operating at different levels are related to online or public forms of participation. In general, our findings reveal that individuals living in a state with political underrepresentation are more likely to engage in public forms of actions. Additionally, we examine subgroup analyses to show how contextual relationships with participation are different according to political orientations, such as party identification and political interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Coagulopathy and platelet dysfunction commonly develop after traumatic brain injury (TBI). Thromboelastography (TEG) and platelet function assays (PFAs) are often performed at the time of admission; however, their roles in assessing post-TBI coagulopathy have not been investigated. We hypothesized that compared to blunt TBI, penetrating TBI would (1) demonstrate greater coagulopathy by TEG, (2) be associated with abnormal PFA results, and (3) require more blood product transfusions.Methods: We performed a retrospective study of patients admitted to the neuroscience intensive care unit of a level 1 trauma center from 2013 to 2015 with head Abbreviated Injury Scale ≥3. Patients were compared by mechanism of injury (blunt vs. penetrating). Admission demographics, injury characteristics, and laboratory parameters were evaluated. VerifyNow® Aspirin and P2Y12 tests were used for platelet function analysis.Results: Five hundred and thirty-four patients were included in the analysis. There were no differences between groups in platelet count or international normalized ratio; however, patients with penetrating TBI were more coagulopathic by TEG, with all of the TEG parameters being significantly different except for R time. Patients with penetrating head trauma were not more likely than their blunt counterparts to have abnormal PFA results, and PFA results did not correlate with any TEG parameter in either group. The penetrating cohort received more units of blood products in the first 4 and 24 h than the blunt cohort.Conclusions: Patients presenting with penetrating TBI demonstrated increased coagulopathy compared to those with blunt TBI as measured by TEG and need for transfusion. PFA results did not correlate with TEG findings in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how giving and receiving emotional support in a smartphone-based alcoholism support group changed over time, and what factors predicted the changing patterns. Data were collected as part of a randomized clinical trial of testing a smartphone-based relapse prevention system for alcoholics. Findings suggested that giving and receiving emotional support in a smartphone-based alcoholism support group tended to decline over time. The initial value and growth rate of giving and receiving emotional support varied depending on the group participants' characteristics. These features should be considered in building strategies for the design and implementation of smartphone-based addiction support groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how social support and family relationship perceptions influence breast cancer patients' online communication networks in a computer-mediated social support (CMSS) group. To examine social interactions in the CMSS group, we identified two types of online social networks: open and targeted communication networks. The open communication network reflects group communication behaviors (i.e., one-to-many or "broadcast" communication) in which the intended audience is not specified; in contrast, the targeted communication network reflects interpersonal discourses (i.e., one-toone or directed communication) in which the audience for the message is specified. The communication networks were constructed by tracking CMSS group usage data of 237 breast cancer patients who participated in one of two National Cancer Institute-funded randomized clinical trials. Eligible subjects were within 2 months of a diagnosis of primary breast cancer or recurrence at the time of recruitment. Findings reveal that breast cancer patients who perceived less availability of offline social support had a larger social network size in the open communication network. In contrast, those who perceived less family cohesion had a larger targeted communication network in the CMSS group, meaning they were inclined to use the CMSS group for developing interpersonal relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A long tradition of research focuses on conversation as a key catalyst for community integration and a focal mediator of media influence on participation. Changes in media systems, political environments, and electoral campaigning demand that these influences, and the communication mediation model, be revised to account for the growing convergence of media and conversation, heightened partisan polarization, and deepening social contentiousness in media politics. We propose a revised communication mediation model that continues to emphasize the centrality of face-to-face and online talk in democratic life, while considering how mediational and self-reflective processes that encourage civic engagement and campaign participation might also erode institutional legitimacy, foster distrust and partisan divergence, disrupting democratic functioning as a consequence of a new communication ecology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of presidential debates on candidate evaluations remains an open topic. Research has long sought to identify the factors that matter most in citizens’ responses to debate content, including what candidates say, how they say it, and the manner in which they appear. This study uses detailed codings of the first and third 2012 presidential debates to evaluate the impact of candidates’ verbal and nonverbal behaviors on viewers’ “second screen” response—their use of computers, tablets, and mobile devices to express their reactions to the viewing experience. To examine the relationship between candidates’ on-screen behaviors and the social media response, we conduct generalized least squares regression (Prais–Winstein estimation) relating two data sources: (a) a shot-by-shot content analysis coded for rhetorical/functional, tonal, and visual elements of both candidates’ behavior during the debates, and (b) corresponding real-time measures of the volume and valence of online expression about the candidates on Twitter. We find that the nonverbal communication behaviors of candidates—their facial expressions, physical gestures, and blink rate—are consistent, robust, and significant predictors of the volume and valence of public expression during debates, rivaling the power of memes generated by candidates and contributing more than rhetorical strategies and speech tone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of hybrid media campaigning in relation to the authors' claim about how 2016 U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump utilized mass media coverage to secure the American Republican Party's nomination. Political communication in America is addressed, along with populist politicians, celebrity culture, and Trump's blend of politics and entertainment. Publicity and Trump's use of social media platforms such as Twitter during his campaign are assessed.

Histone deacetylase inhibitors (HDACi) are promising therapeutics for cancer. HDACi alter the epigenetic state of tumors and provide a unique approach to treat cancer. Although studies with HDACi have shown promise in some cancers, variable efficacy and off-target effects have limited their use. To overcome some of the challenges of traditional HDACi, we sought to use a tumor-specific dendrimer scaffold to deliver HDACi directly to cancer cells. Here we report the design and evaluation of tumor-specific dendrimer-HDACi conjugates. The HDACi was conjugated to the dendrimer using an ester linkage through its hydroxamic acid group, inactivating the HDACi until it is released from the dendrimer. Using a cancer cell model, we demonstrate the functionality of the tumor-specific dendrimer-HDACi conjugates. Furthermore, we demonstrate that unlike traditional HDACi, dendrimer-HDACi conjugates do not affect tumor-associated macrophages, a recently recognized mechanism through which drug resistance emerges. We anticipate that this new class of cell-specific epigenetic therapeutics will have tremendous potential in the treatment of cancer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the importance of family environment and computer-mediated social support (CMSS) for women with breast cancer, little is known about the interplay of these sources of care and assistance on patients' coping strategies. To understand this relation, the authors examined the effect of family environment as a predictor of the use of CMSS groups as well as a moderator of the relation between group participation and forms of coping. Data were collected from 111 patients in CMSS groups in the Comprehensive Health Enhancement Support System "Living with Breast Cancer" intervention. Results indicate that family environment plays a crucial role in (a) predicting breast cancer patient's participation in CMSS groups and (b) moderating the effects of use of CMSS groups on breast cancer patients' coping strategies such as problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analyzing data from a national panel survey of adolescents (ages 12-17) and their parents conducted around the 2008 general election, this study explores the varied roles communication plays in socializing youth into democratic citizenship. In particular, we propose and test a communication mediation model of youth socialization, in which interdependent communication processes located in the family, schools, media, and peer networks combine to cultivate communication competence, a set of basic communication skills and motives needed for active and informed participation in public life. Analysis of our panel data indicates that participation in deliberative classroom activities and democratic peer norms contribute to civic activism among youth. These peer and school influences, however, are found to be largely indirect, working through informational use of conventional and online news media, and expression and discussion of political ideas outside of classroom and family boundaries. In particular, our findings highlight strong online pathways to participation, centering on news consumption and political expression via digital media technologies, suggesting the key role of the Internet in this dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article advances a communicative approach to social capital that views communication as the fundamental source of societal integration. We contend that integration occurring at the system level via news consumption and at the individual level via interpersonal discussion is amplified through ties at the community level. This cross-level interaction is theorized to encourage civic engagement, writ large, above and beyond the influences of news, talk, or social ties. This perspective distinguishes between the extent of news use and political talk and the orientation toward news consumption and political conversation. We offer evidence that communication variables, specifically news attention and exposure along with conversational frequency and orientation toward conversational understanding, interact with associational membership and network size to foster engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary addresses Olivola and Todorov’s “Elected in 100 ms: Appearance-Based Trait Inferences and Voting” and considers its valuable contribution to the field of nonverbal communication. This work suggests that contemporary politics and voting behavior are so complex that they can be better understood outside of laboratory settings where the vital elements on culture and context come into play. By using consumer culture theory and other cultural theories of branding, this commentary evaluates elements of Barack Obama’s presidential run, and considers why his campaign resonated so well with voters in contemporary United States culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political communication researchers have devoted a great deal of attention to the role of political advertising, the Internet, and political discussion in civic and political life. This article integrates and extends this research by developing a campaign communication mediation model of civic and campaign participation. Two data sets are merged for this inquiry: content-coded ad-buy data on the placement of campaign messages on a market-by-market and program-by-program basis, and a national panel study concerning patterns of traditional and digital media consumption and levels of civic and campaign participation. Exposure to televised campaign advertising is estimated by developing an algorithm based on the market and program placement of specific advertisements and geo-coded survey respondents' viewing of certain categories of television content in which these advertisements were concentrated. Structural equation models reveal that advertising exposure drives online news use in ways that complement conventional news influences on political discussion and political messaging. However, campaign exposure emphasizing "attack" messages appears to diminish information seeking motivations via broadcast and print media yet only indirectly and weakly suppresses participation in civic and political life. Further, alternative specifications reveal that the authors' original model produces the best fit, empirically and theoretically. The authors use these insights to propose an O-S-R-O-R (orientations-stimuli-reasoning-orientations-responses) framework as an alternative to the longstanding O-S-O-R model in communication and social psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of the Internet as a source of political information and a sphere for public expression. Informational media use, whether traditional news sources or online public affairs content, is expected to foster interpersonal political discussion and online civic messaging, contributing to increased civic participation. Using two-wave national panel survey data, three types of synchronous structural equation models are tested: cross sectional (relating individual differences), fixed effects (relating intraindividual change), and auto regressive (relating aggregate change). All models reveal that online media complement traditional media to foster political discussion and civic messaging. These two forms of political expression, in turn, influence civic participation. Other variable orderings are tested to compare the theorized model to alternative causal specifications. Results reveal that the model produces the best fit, empirically and theoretically, with the influence of the Internet, rivaling the mobilizing power of traditional modes of information and expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long debated the role of media and discussion in encouraging tolerance and engagement in politics and community. Theories range from the dismissal of effects to the assertion of powerful influences, and from claims of"media malaise"to the promise of"virtuous circles."Of course, results from research exploring these issues vary by context and methods of study. Yet most past research is plagued by at least 1 of 2 methodological weaknesses: the difficulty of assessing causality in cross-sectional survey designs and/or of attributing the observed effects to information gains rather than to the deliberative process itself. Acknowledging these weaknesses, we rely on data from a quasi-experimental study examining a media dialogue effort. In this study, randomly selected public television members and partners were recruited into various forms of"real world"exposure and discussion about the documentary film Two Towns of Jasper. This documentary highlights the divisions in Jasper, Texas following the racial killing of James Byrd, Jr., who was dragged to his death behind a pickup truck by 3 White men. Controlling for a wide range of preexisting differences, including past political discussion and participation, we compared individuals who had different experiences of the intervention. Results reveal that media consumption was positively related with willingness to discuss the issue of race and participate politically around this issue. Above and beyond media consumption, participation in a heterogeneous citizen's forum that discussed the documentary contributed to awareness of racism, as well as increased willingness to further discuss and participate on this issue. This article highlights the importance of citizen dialogue in combination with media consumption for engagement, and suggests an alterative to forums such as citizen juries, study circles, and deliberative polls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, research has come to recognize that nonpolitical associations have unintended but important consequences for citizens' participation in public affairs. Scholars theorize that these associational activities-embedded within social networks and sustained by confidence in the motives of others-encourage and facilitate participation in civic life. This study tests and broadens these theses by (1) assessing the relative impact of different types of associational activities (i.e., informal socializing, public attendance, and religious participation) and (2) examining interactive relationships between these activities and generalized interpersonal trust. Findings show that all of these associational activities significantly contribute to civic engagement. Furthermore, all three interactions between the social associations and social trust are significant, indicating that those involved in associational activities are even more likely to become civic participants when they hold trusting attitudes toward others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars employ various methods to measure exposure to televised political advertising but often arrive at conflicting conclusions about its impact on the thoughts and actions of citizens. We attempt to clarify one of these debates while validating a parsimonious measure of political advertising exposure. To do so, we assess the predictive power of six different measurement approaches—from the simple to the complex—on learning about political candidates. Two datasets are used in this inquiry: (1) geo-coded political advertising time-buy data, and (2) a national panel study concerning patterns of media consumption and levels of political knowledge. We conclude that many traditional methods of assessing exposure are flawed. Fortunately, there is a relatively simple measure that predicts knowledge about information featured in ads. This measure involves combining a tally of the volume of advertisements aired in a market with a small number of survey questions about the television viewing habits of geo-coded respondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We focus on the relationships among three types of television viewing news, police reality, and crime drama) and attitudes toward capital punishment and handguns, as well as the likelihood of actually owning a handgun. A host of exogenous variables are treated as predictors of television use, support for police authority, fear of crime, and our criterion variables. A series of direct and indirect relationships are assessed. Analysis suggests that veining police reality/ shoves is both directly and indirectly related to the endorsement of capital punishment and handgun ownership, while also directly predicting a greater likelihood of actual handgun ownership. In addition, TV news viewing predicts fear of crime in audience members, and this fear contributes to the endorsement of capital punishment and handgun ownership. Crime drama indexing is positively/ related to support for the death penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research considers how distinct news frames work in combination to influence information processing. It extends framing research grounded in prospect theory (Tversky & Kahneman, 1981) and attribution theory (Iyengar, 1991) to study conditional framing effects on associative memory. Using a 2 × 3 experimental design embedded within a probability survey (N = 379), tests examined the effects of two different frame dimensions--loss-gain and individual-societal--on the complexity of individuals' thoughts concerning the issue of urban growth. Findings indicate that news frames interact to generate more or less complex cognitive responses, with societal-gain frame combinations generating the most detailed cognitions about the causes, components, and consequences of urban growth. Directions for research on media framing are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the cognitive mediation model by addressing the methodological weakness of several research and replicating findings in the context of the 2000 U.S. presidential election campaign. Possible influence of surveillance motivations on information processing; Psychological explanation for knowledge gaps in response to media campaigns; Reciprocal nature of relationships between information processing and knowledge.

Scholars studying the content of televised entertainment programming bare long argued for a relationship between exposure to sexist media representations of women and opinions concerning women's status in society, yet research has rarely examined prime-time television audiences and their sociopolitical opinions concerning women's rights. To explore these relationships, we engaged in a secondary analysis of the 1997, 1998, and 1999 DDB Life Style Studies. Using hierarchical regression, we found three forms of entertainment television use (traditional drama, progressive drama, and situation comedy) that retain statistically significant, unique relationships with opinions concerning women's rights, even after accounting for variables thought to shape patterns of media use and influence support for women's rights. Further, regression path analysis revealed that these three forms also mediate relationships between various demographic, situational and orientational variables and the criterion variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on a study which examined the effect of Internet use on public or social life. Social consequences of Internet use; Engagement of community life; Data and methods; Results; Discussion.

During the period of exceedingly critical news coverage surrounding the Monica Lewinsky debacle, President Bill Clinton's job approval ratings were at some of the highest levels they reached during his tenure in office. Given this public response, many pollsters, pundits, and scholars argued that news coverage of the scandal must have been largely irrelevant to the public. Our view counters these claims by advancing a theory that recognizes that citizens' political preferences are influenced substantially by frames and cues provided by news media. To test our ideas, we draw upon three types of data, all from January 1993 to March 1999: (a) a longitudinal content analysis of major news media, (b) a time-trend of opinion polls on presidential job approval, and (c) monthly estimates of real disposable personal income, seasonally adjusted. Analyses reveal that news media emphasis upon and framing of certain issue regimes -- specifically, coverage of the economy, general policy performance, and scandal -- explained changes in mass evaluations of Clinton throughout his presidency, including the surprising trend during the "Lewinsky period." In particular, findings suggest that sustained support for Clinton can be explained as a complex counter-response -- a backlash -- to the framing of the scandal in terms of the strategic motives of conservative elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores the influence of mass media use and community context on civic engagement. The article presents a multilevel test of print, broadcast, and Internet effects on interpersonal trust and civic participation that acknowledges there are (a) micro-level differences in the motives underlying media use, (b) age-cohort differences in patterns of media use and levels of civic engagement, and (c) macro-level differences in community/communication context. Accordingly, the effects of individual differences in media use and aggregate differences in community context are analyzed within generational subsamples using a pooled data set developed from the 1998 and 1999 DDB Life Style Studies. The data suggest that informational uses of mass media are positively related to the production of social capital, whereas social-recreational uses are negatively related to these civic indicators. Informational uses of mass media were also found to interact with community context to influence civic engagement. Analyses within subsamples find that among the youngest adult Americans, use of the Internet for information exchange more strongly influences trust in people and civic participation than do uses of traditional print and broadcast news media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between Internet use and the individual-level production of social capital. To do so, the authors adopt a motivational perspective to distinguish among types of Internet use when examining the factors predicting civic engagement, interpersonal trust, and life contentment. The predictive power of new media use is then analyzed relative to key demographic, contextual, and traditional media use variables using the 1999 DDB Life Style Study. Although the size of associations is generally small, the data suggest that informational uses of the Internet are positively related to individual differences in the production of social capital, whereas social-recreational uses are negatively related to these civic indicators. Analyses within subsamples defined by generational age breaks further suggest that social capital production is related to Internet use among Generation X, while it is tied to television use among Baby Boomers and newspaper use among members of the Civic Generation. The possibility of life cycle and cohort effects is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on a study which examined the processes through which social capital is maintained. Three dimensions of social capital; Concept of opinion leadership; Effects of opinion leadership or personality strength on social capital.

This study explores the framing strategies and language features of U.S. news coverage surrounding sexual violence and gender issues across the ideological media spectrum at two pivotal phases of the #MeToo movement: (1) during its initial rise as a hashtag-driven social movement in 2017 and (2) during the Kavanaugh nomination and confirmation in 2018. Using structural topic modeling, community detection, and feature extraction, we reveal a heightened employment of political framing during the Kavanaugh accusations. Topical prevalence and language use in news treatment also showed clear partisan differences, consistent with theories of moral foundation and issue ownership. Implications for research on news coverage of gender rights and framing of social movements are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on a study which determines whether individuals estimated others to be both more susceptible to and more severely affected by mass communications than themselves. Methodology of the study; Results and discussion on the study.

Focuses on a study which argued that campaign news coverage about the nation's economic conditions influences voting behavior from 1984 to 1996 in the United States. Factors that contributed to the electoral evaluation of voters; Models of media effects on the public's presidential preferences; Methodology; Results and discussion.

The article examines how the role of media in framing moral issues help the public to make attributions about candidate integrity. Three hypothesis are discussed that suggests media coverage of political issues activates certain cognitions, which are then more broadly accessible for use by individuals in evaluating other applicable elements of the political environment. The cognitions activated by media coverage of one issue may subsequently be used by voters to process information about additional issues. The article presents a study that offers insights into priming effects i.e. how the process of priming occurs depends on the degree of inter-connectedness of an individual's mental system. The study concludes that media priming effects may be contingent upon the specific features of an issue and the manner in which media frame issue coverage. The future research should conceptualize priming more broadly to include considerations of both the accessibility of cognitions in short-term memory and the pathways among information in long-term memory.

What explains the shift in public opinion over time on the issue of the 1996 U.S. federal budget? Public opinion polls demonstrate dramatic shifts in the percentage of people considering the budget issue to be the most important problem facing the country from November 1994 through April 1996. In this article, we model Roper Center opinion polls against a prediction of opinion from media content to investigate how media coverage affects the importance assigned to the budget issue. We identify four dominant frames present in media coverage of the budget issue and argue that a model combining the theories of agenda setting and framing provides a better explanation for the shifts in aggregate opinion than either theory on its own. By combining framing with the traditional agenda-setting approach, we take into account the nuances of coverage within the issue, in addition to the sheer amount of coverage, for a more complete explanation of media effects on public opinion on the issue of the federal budget. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on a study which focused its research on the mental processes involved, when political issues are presented by the media. How the research was conducted; Details on the way that the media frames political issues; What factors affect the way the issues are viewed; Identification of the groups that data was gathered from.

Despite the fact that social distancing is an effective mean to slow the spread of COVID-19, individuals often fail to practice this behavior. Major US news media provided information to the public about social distancing after COVID-19 was declared a pandemic, potentially spurring this preventative health practice. Using data from a representative sample of US residents, this study aims to understand the relationship between news media attention and social-distancing behavior via three potential mediators: perceived effectiveness of social distancing, perceived susceptibility to COVID-19 infection, and perceived negative consequences of infection. Media trust and social norms concerning social distancing were included as potential moderators of these relationships, along with political ideology. With multiple regression and mediation analyses, we found that news media attention was positively associated with social-distancing behavior during this period. Perceived effectiveness of social distancing mediated this relationship, while perceived susceptibility and negative consequences of COVID-19 did not. Notably, media trust negatively moderated news attention's impact on the perceived effectiveness of social distancing, with the relationship being more pronounced among those who have lower trust in media. Political ideology did not moderate the relationship between news attention and perceived effectiveness. Further, social norms negatively moderated the relationship between perceived effectiveness and social-distancing behavior, with this relationship growing stronger among those uncertain about the adoption of social-distancing norms in their circle. Overall, the study found news media to have an important role in promoting social-distancing behavior when they emphasized safety measures across the ideological spectrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communicating within digital health interventions involves a range of behaviors that may contribute to the management of chronic illnesses in different ways. This study examines whether communication within a smartphone-based application for addiction recovery produces distinct effects depending on 1) the "level" of communication, defined as intraindividual communication (e.g., journal entries to oneself); dyadic communication (e.g., private messaging to other individuals); or network communication (e.g., discussion forum posts to all group members), and 2) whether individuals produce or are exposed to messages. We operationalize these communication levels and behaviors based on system use logs as the number of clicks dedicated to each activity and assess how each category of system use relates to changes in group bonding and substance use after 6 months with the mobile intervention. Our findings show that (1) intraindividual exposure to one's own past posts marginally predicts decreased drug use; (2) dyadic production predicts greater perceived bonding; while dyadic exposure marginally predicts reduced drug use; (3) network production predicts decreased risky drinking. Implications for digital health interventions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have adopted Street's (2003) ecological model of communication in medical encounters to investigate the factors promoting patient participation in health care. However, factors demonstrated in the ecological model were bounded in the context of medical care primarily focusing on health care providers and patients. Social factors, such as patients' relationships and supportive communication with others outside the context of health care remain relatively unexplored. To expand the purview of our understanding of factors that influence patient participation, this research integrated social support literature into the research on physician-patient communication and proposed a model which described a process through which social support can enhance patient participation in health care. The data analyzed in this study were a part of two larger clinical trials in which 661 women with breast cancer were recruited from three cancer institutions in the United States. The results from structural equation modeling analysis from cross-sectional and longitudinal data provided strong evidence for the hypotheses predicting that perceived social support was positively associated with health information competence, which in turn fully mediated the association between social support and patient participation in health care. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond a consciousness-raising hashtag, #MeToo has become a transnational movement, crossing the borders of many societies. However, outsized attention has been paid to the manifestations of #MeToo in the US and on Twitter when the reach of this movement was not restricted to a single country, language, or platform. Drawing from the concept of hybridization, we seek to understand how the uses of #MeToo are contextualized across cultures, languages, and social media platforms. By establishing a macroscopic computational approach, we examine the global diffusion of #MeToo as a hybrid communicative process across different language groups (English, Spanish, and Korean) and social media platforms (Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram). Through time-series analysis and comparative descriptions of language groups and platforms, we demonstrate how discourse flows, language characteristics, and actors differ across cultural and platform contexts and how public discourse of #MeToo was reappropriated and re-signified in different parts of the world to localize connective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extending literature on political polarization and political expression, we study patterns of polarized expression by vocal partisans from opposing camps on social media. Specifically, we argue that polarized partisan expression can be characterized by three divergences: 1) different thematic emphases on the same issue; 2) response to different real-world events on the same issue; and 3) a temporal disconnect at the aggregate level. Highlighting how online expression by different partisan groups is animated by discrete concerns and events and exhibits different temporality, the three divergences in polarized partisan expression not only reflect and explain existing polarization concepts but also speak to the epistemological chasm between partisan groups. Our empirical analysis is based on Twitter discussion about the issue of immigration in the U.S. and applies topic modeling and time series analysis. Results demonstrate that liberal and conservative tweets exhibit different thematic emphases, are often spurred by different event features, and remain largely temporally independent, though both Trump's tweets and emotionally evocative events can draw simultaneous reaction from both sides. These findings suggest that opposing partisan groups not only hold different views on the same issue, but also weave different events and facts about the issue into partisan expression in response to different exogenous factors. In short, they "talk past each other." These polarized partisan expression patterns indicate a splintered public sphere, a concerning quality for deliberative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD) improves treatment retention and reduces illicit opioid use. A-CHESS is an evidence-based smartphone intervention shown to improve addiction-related behaviors. The authors tested the efficacy of MOUD alone versus MOUD plus A-CHESS to determine whether the combination further improved outcomes. In an unblinded parallel-group randomized controlled trial, 414 participants recruited from outpatient programs were assigned in a 1:1 ratio to receive either MOUD alone or MOUD+A-CHESS for 16 months and were followed for an additional 8 months. All participants were on methadone, buprenorphine, or injectable naltrexone. The primary outcome was abstinence from illicit opioid use; secondary outcomes were treatment retention, health services use, other substance use, and quality of life; moderators were MOUD type, gender, withdrawal symptom severity, pain severity, and loneliness. Data sources were surveys comprising multiple validated scales, as well as urine screens, every 4 months. There was no difference in abstinence between participants in the MOUD+A-CHESS and MOUD-alone arms across time (odds ratio=1.10, 95% CI=0.90–1.33). However, abstinence was moderated by withdrawal symptom severity (odds ratio=0.95, 95% CI=0.91–1.00) and MOUD type (odds ratio=0.57, 95% CI=0.34–0.97). Among participants without withdrawal symptoms, abstinence rates were higher over time for those in the MOUD+A-CHESS arm than for those in the MOUD-alone arm (odds ratio=1.30, 95% CI=1.01–1.67). Among participants taking methadone, those in the MOUD+A-CHESS arm were more likely to be abstinent over time (b=0.28, SE=0.09) than those in the MOUD-alone arm (b=0.06, SE=0.08), although the two groups did not differ significantly from each other (∆b=0.22, SE=0.11). MOUD+A-CHESS was also associated with greater meeting attendance (odds ratio=1.25, 95% CI=1.05–1.49) and decreased emergency department and urgent care use (odds ratio=0.88, 95% CI=0.78–0.99). Overall, MOUD+A-CHESS did not improve abstinence relative to MOUD alone. However, MOUD+A-CHESS may provide benefits for subsets of patients and may impact treatment utilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political polarization surrounding the COVID-19 health crisis has been on the rise since the beginning of the pandemic. We combine prior research on motivated reasoning, selective exposure, and news framing to understand the association between partisan media use and social distancing behavior related to COVID-19. To do so, we collected media content data and national survey data during the onset of the pandemic. We employed structural topic modeling (STM), dependency parsing, word co-occurrence, and manual coding to examine the media coverage. Next, we analyzed survey data collected with a Qualtrics panel from a sample of U.S. residents for factors explaining social distancing behaviors. Results reveal coverage from the right leaning outlets downplayed the virus and highlighted the consequences of lockdowns on the economy. Our survey findings show that even after accounting for a range of demographic, political orientation, and COVID-19 awareness variables, conservative media use was linked, although modestly, with a lower likelihood of social distancing behavior. Our findings echo past research on media framing of pandemics and their association with public attitudes and behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]