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Despite the availability of effective medication, blood pressure control rates are low, particularly in low‐ and middle‐income countries. Adherence to medication and follow‐up visits are important factors in blood pressure control. This study assessed the effectiveness of reminder telephone calls on follow‐up visits and blood pressure control among hypertensive patients as part of the Mumbai Hypertension Project. This project was initiated by PATH with the support from Resolve to Save Lives from January 2019 to February 2020. The study included hypertensive patients attending 164 private practices in Mumbai, India; practitioners screened all adults visiting their clinic during the project period. Among 13 184 hypertensive patients registered, the mean age was 53 years (SD = 12.38) and 52% were female. Among the 11 544 patients that provided phone numbers and gave consent for follow‐up calls, 9528 responded to phone calls at least once and 5250 patients followed up at least once. Of the 5250 patients, 82% visited the clinic for follow‐up visit within one month after receiving the phone call. The blood pressure control rate among those who answered phone calls and who did not answer phone calls increased from 23.6% to 48.8% (P

Background India, world's leading Tuberculosis burden country envisions to End-TB by optimally engaging private-sector, in-spite of several unsuccessful attempts of optimal private sector engagement. Private Provider Interface Agency (PPIA), a new initiative for private-sector engagement, studied the private-sector networking and dynamics to understand the spread, typology of providers and facilities and their relations in TB case management, which was critical to design an intervention to engage private-sector. We report the observations of this exercise for a larger readership. Method ology: It is a descriptive analysis of mapping data (quantitative) and perceived factors influencing their engagement in the PPIA network (qualitative). Results Of 7396 doctors, 2773 chemists and 747 laboratories mapped, 3776 (51%) doctors, 353 (13%) chemists and 255 (34%) laboratories were prioritized and engaged. While allopathic doctors highly varied between wards (mean ratio 48/100,000 population; range 13–131), non-allopathic doctors were more evenly distributed (mean ratio 58/100,000 population; range 36–83). The mean ratio between non-allopathic to allopathic doctors was 1.75. Return benefit, apprehension on continuity of funding and issues of working with the Government were top three concerns of private providers during engagement. Similarly, irrational business expectations, expectation of advance financing for surety and fear of getting branded as TB clinic were three top reasons for non-engagement. Conclusion A systematic study of dynamics of existing networking, typology and spread of private providers and using this information in establishing an ecosystem of referral network for TB control activities is crucial in an effort towards optimal engagement of private health providers. Understanding the factors influencing the network dynamics helped PPIA in effective engagement of private health providers in the project.

In India, the private sector provides 70% of the total outpatient medical care. This study describes the Mumbai Hypertension Project, which aimed to deliver a standard hypertension management package in private sector clinics situated in urban slums. The project was conducted in two wards (one “lean” and one “intensive”) with 82 private providers in each. All hypertensive patients received free drug vouchers, baseline serum creatinine, adherence support, self-management counseling and follow-up calls. In the intensive-ward, project supported hub agents facilitated uptake of services. A total of 13,184 hypertensive patients were registered from January 2019 to February 2020. Baseline blood pressure (BP) control rates were higher in the intensive-ward (30%) compared with the lean-ward (13%). During the 14-month project period, 6752 (51%) patients followed-up, with participants in the intensive-ward more likely to follow-up (aOR: 2.31; p p

BackgroundThe control of tuberculosis (TB) in India is complicated by the presence of a large, disorganised private sector where most patients first seek care. Following pilots in Mumbai and Patna (two major cities in India), an initiative known as the ‘Public–Private Interface Agency’ (PPIA) is now being expanded across the country. We aimed to estimate the cost-effectiveness of scaling up PPIA operations, in line with India’s National Strategic Plan for TB control.MethodsFocusing on Mumbai and Patna, we collected cost data from implementing organisations in both cities and combined this data with models of TB transmission dynamics. Estimating the cost per disability adjusted life years (DALY) averted between 2014 (the start of PPIA scale-up) and 2025, we assessed cost-effectiveness using two willingness-to-pay approaches: a WHO-CHOICE threshold based on per-capita economic productivity, and a more stringent threshold incorporating opportunity costs in the health system.FindingsA PPIA scaled up to ultimately reach 50% of privately treated TB patients in Mumbai and Patna would cost, respectively, US$228 (95% uncertainty interval (UI): 159 to 320) per DALY averted and US$564 (95% uncertainty interval (UI): 409 to 775) per DALY averted. In Mumbai, the PPIA would be cost-effective relative to all thresholds considered. In Patna, if focusing on adherence support, rather than on improved diagnosis, the PPIA would be cost-effective relative to all thresholds considered. These differences between sites arise from variations in the burden of drug resistance: among the services of a PPIA, improved diagnosis (including rapid tests with genotypic drug sensitivity testing) has greatest value in settings such as Mumbai, with a high burden of drug-resistant TB.ConclusionsTo accelerate decline in TB incidence, it is critical first to engage effectively with the private sector in India. Mechanisms such as the PPIA offer cost-effective ways of doing so, particularly when tailored to local settings.

The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted health systems and health programs across the world. For tuberculosis (TB), it is predicted to set back progress by at least twelve years. Public private mix (PPM)has made a vital contribution to reach End TB targets with a ten-fold rise in TB notifications from private providers between 2012 and 2019. This is due in large part to the efforts of intermediary agencies, which aggregate demand from private providers. The COVID-19 pandemic has put these gains at risk over the past year. In this rapid assessment, representatives of 15 intermediary agencies from seven countries that are considered the highest priority for PPM in TB care (the Big Seven) share their views on the impact of COVID-19 on their programs, the private providers operating under their PPM schemes, and their private TB clients. All intermediaries reported a drop in TB testing and notifications, and the closure of some private practices. While travel restrictions and the fear of contracting COVID-19 were the main contributing factors, there were also unanticipated expenses for private providers, which were transferred to patients via increased prices. Intermediaries also had their routine activities disrupted and had to shift tasks and budgets to meet the new needs. However, the intermediaries and their partners rapidly adapted, including an increased use of digital tools, patient-centric services, and ancillary support for private providers. Despite many setbacks, the COVID-19 pandemic has underlined the importance of effective private sector engagement. The robust approach to fight COVID-19 has shown the possibilities for ending TB with a similar approach, augmented by the digital revolution around treatment and diagnostics and the push to decentralize health services.

BackgroundPrivate providers dominate health care in India and provide most tuberculosis (TB) care. Yet efforts to engage private providers were viewed as unsustainably expensive. Three private provider engagement pilots were implemented in Patna, Mumbai and Mehsana in 2014 based on the recommendations in the National Strategic Plan for TB Control, 2012-17. These pilots sought to improve diagnosis and treatment of TB and increase case notifications by offering free drugs and diagnostics for patients who sought care among private providers, and monetary incentives for providers in one of the pilots. As these pilots demonstrated much higher levels of effectiveness than previously documented, we sought to understand program implementation costs and predict costs for their national scale-up.Methods and findingsWe developed a common cost structure across these three pilots comprising fixed and variable cost components. We conducted a retrospective, activity-based costing analysis using programmatic data and qualitative interviews with the respective program managers. We estimated the average recurring costs per TB case at different levels of program scale for the three pilots. We used these cost estimates to calculate the budget required for a national scale up of such pilots. The average cost per privately-notified TB case for Patna, Mumbai and Mehsana was estimated to be US$95, US$110 and US$50, respectively, in May 2016 when these pilots were estimated to cover 50%, 36% and 100% of the total private TB patients, respectively. For Patna and Mumbai pilots, the average cost per case at full scale, i.e. 100% coverage of private TB patients, was projected to be US$91 and US$101, respectively. In comparison, the national TB program's budget for 2015 averages out to $150 per notified TB case. The total annual additional budget for a national scale up of these pilots was estimated to be US$267 million.ConclusionsAs India seeks to eliminate TB, extensive national engagement of private providers will be required. The cost per privately-notified TB case from these pilots is comparable to that already being spent by the public sector and to the projected cost per privately-notified TB case required to achieve national scale-up of these pilots. With additional funds expected to execute against national TB elimination commitments, the scale-up costs of these operationally viable and effective private provider engagement pilots are likely to be financially viable.

BACKGROUND: While diabetes mellitus (DM) is a known risk factor for tuberculosis, the prevalence among TB patients in India is unknown. Routine screening of TB patients for DM may be an opportunity for its early diagnosis and improved management and might improve TB treatment outcomes. We conducted a cross-sectional survey of TB patients registered from June-July 2011 in the state of Kerala, India, to determine the prevalence of DM. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: A state-wide representative sample of TB patients in Kerala was interviewed and screened for DM using glycosylated hemoglobin (HbA1c); patients self-reporting a history of DM or those with HbA1c ≥6.5% were defined as diabetic. Among 552 TB patients screened, 243(44%) had DM - 128(23%) had previously known DM and 115(21%) were newly diagnosed - with higher prevalence among males and those aged >50 years. The number needed to screen(NNS) to find one newly diagnosed case of DM was just four. Of 128 TB patients with previously known DM, 107(84%) had HbA1c ≥7% indicating poor glycemic control. CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE: Nearly half of TB patients in Kerala have DM, and approximately half of these patients were newly-diagnosed during this survey. Routine screening of TB patients for DM using HbA1c yielded a large number of DM cases and offered earlier management opportunities which may improve TB and DM outcomes. However, the most cost-effective ways of DM screening need to be established by futher operational research.

Rationale: The mushrooming of medical schools in India has primarily occurred because of the large-scale privatization of medical education and the simultaneous loosening of government control over medical education. Private medical colleges that charge capitation fee are indicative of such commercialization of medical education. The term 'capitation' refers to huge sums of money and deposits demanded by private institutions, especially medical and engineering colleges, for granting admission to prospective students. World Health Organization norms state that there should be one doctor per 2,500 people; India approximately has one doctor per 1000 people. According to NSS data, the Indian government's share in overall expenditure on education is declining steadily; from 80 percent in 1983 to 67 percent in 1999. We see that Medical education has grown rapidly in India; from 11,800 admissions per year in 1990 to 24,000 in 2005. Much of this growth can been attributed to the opening of private, for-profit medical schools, which now account for about 42 percent of medical seats in the country. The flow of doctors from these medical schools and its impact on accessibility, cost of health care and perceived quality of medical care has to be explored Objective: The objective of this paper is to analyse the health care impacts such as equity, accessibility, cost and standard of medical care arising out of the opening of private-for-profit medical schools and the affordability of medical education and admission patterns. Methodology: Trivandrum district was chosen as the study area because of the presence of a large number of private-for-profit as well as a government medical college in the district. A pretested interview form, checklist, Focus Group Discussion (FGD) were conducted in each of these medical schools with students, parents of students, faculty and other community leaders as the participants. Convenient sampling was done to select a few health centres (private and public) in the district to assess the education background of the doctors (private-school educated or government school educated), locations of these centres, accessibility of the centre, cost of privately-educated-doctor-run health care facility vis-a-vis a government-educated doctor. Exit interviews were done for every 5th patient coming out of these conveniently selected health centres. Secondary data and literature searches were used to assess the present scenario of private medical education, the students who study in these colleges and the effect on the community of these privately-educated doctors. Results: The average cost of medical education in private medical scholl is Rs 400.0000 ( 88,920$), while in government sector around 400,000 ( 8892$) .The facillities in private sector fall behind the national standards. FGD results, most students said that decision for the admission were took by their parents, in this part of the country the status accrued to the medical doctor is commandable, most parents are bussiness gaints, non resident Indians and doctors.Senior faculties are mainly retired or staff on leave from government medical schools, they said the perfomance and commitment of the students are graded as very poor, but they said the school owners are interferiring with the examination marks. Community leaders belive that the more supply of doctors will solve the existing staff crisis in governmet sector, most of them were doubtful about the quality of doctors from private medical schools, majoriy of them didn't prefer to consult a doctor trained in a private medcal schools for their illnesses. Based on the available secondary data, the establishment of private medical schools has contributed to the rich being able to study more than the poor, has had no significant impact on improving accessibility to health care facilities, has contributed to rising costs of health care, but no significant difference in the standard of medical care provided. Conclusion: The privatisation of medical education in India and its effect of enabling only a few rich people to study has not contributed significantly to the health care of the poor and rural populations nor has it improved accessibility of health care and standard of health care but has contributed indirectly to rising costs of health care.