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Si bien "emergencia" es un concepto clave en el campo de la educación en emergencias (EeE), los académicos y especialistas han sido ambivalentes con respecto a este término y las condiciones a las que se refiere. A partir del trabajo de la antropóloga Janet Roitman, en este artículo propongo revisar de forma crítica los conceptos de emergencia y crisis. Asimismo, propongo que entender "emergencia" como si fuese un momento de conmoción o un hecho inesperado oscurece la forma en la que condiciones aparentemente normales pueden producir sus propios impases. En lugar de caracterizarse por un consenso de significado, las crisis implican construcciones narrativas que crean nuevas temporalidades, al mismo tiempo que enmarcan solo ciertas preguntas y respuestas como posibles. En este artículo yuxtapongo dos construcciones narrativas de crisis en la cultura popular para explorar cómo las construcciones narrativas sobre la guerra contra las drogas pueden producir dos relatos discordantes y diferentes sobre las crisis que dicen representar. Sugiero que prestar atención de manera explícita a las políticas que subyacen a la narración de la crisis, incluso si este ejercicio complica el diseño de la respuesta a la emergencia, es vital para nombrar y resolver posibles puntos ciegos éticos e impases en el campo de la EeE.

Though "emergency" is a key concept in the field of education in emergencies, scholars and practitioners have long been ambivalent about this term and what conditions it can refer to. In this article, drawing from the work of anthropologist Janet Roitman, I critically revisit the concepts of emergency and crisis, and propose that understanding emergency primarily as a moment of shock or the unexpected event obscures how seemingly normal conditions may produce their own impasses. Rather than being characterized by a consensus of meaning, crises entail narrative constructions that create new temporalities and frame certain questions and responses as possible, others as not. In this article, I juxtapose two narrative constructions of crisis in popular culture to explore how narrative constructions of the war on drugs can produce jarringly different accounts of the crises they are said to represent. I suggest that explicitly attending to the underlying politics of crisis narration—though possibly complicating emergency response—is vital to naming and resolving possible ethical blind spots and impasses in the field of education in emergencies.

The lives of minoritized migrant youth are marked--although distinctly--by histories and contemporary practices of exclusion. As subjects who are refused (or refuse) recognition as members of settler-colonial or postcolonial states, these youth often contend with disaffection within the spaces where their lives unfold. Informed by a research collaboration with migrant newcomer youth in France, this article engages autobiographical histories and Indigenous theoretical frames to explore how critical youth-directed research may enable new relationalities and youth political subjectivities. The consonant experiences and histories of migration that emerged in this research--in discussions of displacement, surveillance, reorientation, and movements through school spaces--raise questions of what approaches to research on youth political subjectivities are needed when disaffection and displacement are shared conditions. Exploring these questions with migrant newcomer youth yields insights on how research can constitute a terrain for imagining new relationalities and possibilities of belonging.

Contributing to a growing body of research on acknowledging U.S. imperialism within teacher education, this article explores how knowledge production on Iran--and U.S.-Iran relations more broadly--in secondary education represents a site of what Britzman has called difficult knowledge. Here, the difficulty of classroom engagements with the theme of U.S. imperialism is highlighted in several epistemic stumbling blocks, notably notions of White epistemic authority, neoliberal multiculturalism, and imperial feeling. Drawing upon data collected during a 9-month ethnographic study, the analysis presents classroom scenes from a high school world literature unit on Marjane Satrapi's "Persepolis," selected by the teacher to explore themes of colonialism, imperialism, and revolution. Despite these intentions, classroom engagements with the text often reproduced Orientalist understandings. These findings inform the concluding argument that mobilizes contrapuntal reading as a generative technique for teacher education research and practice to identify and confront the epistemic bases that normalize systems of oppression.

In this article, we explore how locally situated educational practices and policies aimed at inclusion and integration may contribute to racialised exclusion for students. Our analysis brings together two ethnographic studies of how minoritised Muslim youth navigate secondary schooling in Denmark and the US. Our cases illustrate how assumptions held by school staff toward the youth in our studies were rooted in both Islamophobic tropes and deeply held nationalist beliefs about the benevolence of the US and Denmark. Cindi Katz's notion of 'countertopography' is critical to our argument that Islamophobia is productive of similar practices of surveillance and exclusion across disparate educational settings. As an analytical framework, countertopography opens important possibilities for critical and comparative qualitative inquiry, with specific promise for highlighting how seemingly dissimilarly educational spaces may be imbued with similar social meanings, and how these meanings are constituted by recurring unequal social relations between individuals and groups therein.

Berlant's notion of cruel optimism refers to investments in material structures, social norms, and ideological claims of being that work against individual and collective flourishing. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data spanning 2007-2016, this longitudinal study utilizes cruel optimism to explore material and affective investments of middle class Jordanian men into becoming educated, despite their acknowledgement that education delivers limited social mobility. Analyses of school-to-work transitions suggest Jordanian youth is confronting longer periods of transition, rather than indefinitely living in times of compromised possibility. However, a focus on ameliorating transitions and 'mismatches' in youth skills and expectations, does not adequately consider how shared understandings of the promise of education change over time, nor how uncertainties of transition become normalized as everyday life. Through participants' life trajectories, this article examines youth modes of improvisation when 'transitions' persist indeterminately, and sanctioned means of future-building fail to deliver normative ideals of the present.

Drawing upon ethnographic and case study research conducted across two educational settings in the United States, this article examines emergent spaces and practices of education that result from, or are affected by, the presence of minoritized diasporic communities. In light of ongoing currents of xenophobia in the United States and practices of racialization in everyday experiences of schooling, I argue that these diasporic educational spaces work as counterspaces of epistemic possibility, in which conceptions of identity and belonging--ones that are often foreclosed in the mainstream and predominantly white educational spaces--become viable. Examining the cultural production within these spaces troubles the idea that diasporic educational spaces primarily maintain or privilege transnational ties to "home." I conclude that these educational spaces highlight two related points: first, diasporic educational sites engender creative possibilities for reworking exclusionary discourses; second, they point to the need for a further decentering and decolonization of pedagogy and curriculum in public secondary schools.

This qualitative study examines how notions of sociopolitical membership and belonging are constructed in conversations about cultural difference. Drawing upon nine months of participant observation, informal conversation, and interviews with transnational youth at two U.S. high schools during the 2013-2014 academic year, my analysis highlights classroom conversations in which notions of "us" and "them" are delimited. These exchanges reveal tensions over the epistemic authority of teachers and how inquiry spaces of the classroom are constructed.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how the exercise of administrative authority to suspend the Muslim Student Association (MSA), an affinity group at a suburban Midwestern high school, was experienced and perceived by affected students. Notably, it traces the mobilization of the MSA students to challenge the principal's authority through formal channels within the district to reopen the affinity group. In doing so, the students' activism represents an example of dissensus, or mode of political engagement that challenges top-down models of fostering equity and diversity in schools. Design/methodology/approach The data are drawn from a nine-month ethnographic case study at an inner-ring suburban school in a large Midwestern metropolitan area. Data include participant observation of classrooms and affinity group meetings, semi-structured individual and group interviews, informal conversation and analytical memos synthesizing ethnographic fieldnotes. Findings Though the school and district have made different investments in strengthening equity and diversity at the school, transnational and minoritized Muslim students report a school climate that is characterized by exclusion and racialized surveillance. The principal's decision to suspend the MSA was characterized by a narrow understanding of the purpose of the group and the identities of the student members. The decision to suspend the MSA, however, produced conditions centering the agentive potential of marginalized and minoritized students. Originality/value This paper opens up the tensions challenges of incorporating student voice into educational decision making. Notably, it highlights important possibilities for political action students when their voices cannot or will not be heard by those who make decisions on their behalf.

This article utilizes the idea of hospitality to explore how educative practices contribute to the making of citizens at Light Falls High School (LHS), a suburban American secondary school that professes a strong commitment to racial equity and global awareness. The data are derived from an ethnographic case study which took place in 2013-2014. I primarily draw upon the classroom experiences and narratives of transnational youth--those with social lives, cultural practices, and notions of self that are not bounded by one nation--and several educators to tell the story of hospitality at LHS. Three techniques emerged by which conditional hospitality shaped the possibilities of welcome and recognition of transnational students--questioning attachment, conditioning speech, and conditioning space--and these in turn constitute normative thresholds that fix these students in difference, delimit their belonging, and constrain their possibilities of membership. The gift of welcome meant to make non-normative students feel welcome often comes with caveats that uphold narratives of benevolence and superiority of the United States as an exceptional nation, affirm the notion of White indigeneity, and allow for mitigation in acknowledging structural racism.

This article offers three meditations on the 2016 election of Donald Trump for consideration by the readers of "Anthropology & Education Quarterly": first, to query what is "new" about this political era; second, to draw attention to the performance of political opposition and violences of solidarity; third, to document my own navigations of the political present as a researcher and educator with thoughts for others who work with or are marked as "targeted populations."

This paper explores the plausibility of a hypothesis that puts forth perceived educational opportunity as a significant pull factor influencing Iranians' decisions to immigrate to the United States. Drawing on various literatures, including research on educational policy in Iran, government policy papers, and figures from recent studies and census data, the authors establish a case for investigating the correlation between perceived educational opportunity (or lack thereof) and immigration. Empirical findings presented here from a preliminary survey of 101 Iranian-born individuals living in the U.S. suggest that such a correlation may indeed exist, thus providing compelling grounds for further research in this area. The paper expands on existing literature by extending prevailing accounts of unfavorable conditions in Iran as push factors for emigration, to include the draw of perceived educational opportunity, as a coexisting and influential pull factor for immigration to the U.S. (Contains 3 figures, 3 tables, and 7 notes.)

The intent of this series is to generate a space for critical reflection and inquiry on a burgeoning form of sociopolitical labor of schooling, that of educating against "extremism." In the United States' ongoing "War on Terror" being waged across the Middle East, North and East Africa, and South Asia, formal and informal schooling have long been conscripted into efforts to mitigate extremism among "vulnerable" youth populations. More recently, the rise of strident anti-immigrant and anti-refugee sentiments across North America and Europe has contributed to the normalization of xenophobic-and particularly Islamophobic-political discourse. In this climate, state surveillance and policing of immigrant and Muslim communities are proliferating (as are racially/religiously motivated attacks against them). Regardless of their citizenship status, youth from these communities (or who are imagined to be from these communities) are often construed as vulnerable/threatening Others. This has implications for education research, and suggests global movement and production of discourse around education as a means of security and countering extremism, which warrants closer and comparative inquiry. In response to these developments, we ask: what does it mean to educate against extremism? Who has the power to name bodies, ideas, and acts as extremists? What is the utility of this terminology at this particular historical moment? We have invited different scholars to think with these questions and to contribute original perspectives on the interplay of security, education, migration, and xenophobia.

In Jordan, gender equality is often depicted as an important social concern in policy texts, national media, and reports by international development institutions. In these reports, "gender" is often synonymous with "women", and efforts are directed to improving parity in social and economic outcomes. This article argues that males are often overlooked or invisible in such accounts, and are more readily visible as obstacles to gender equality or embodiments of masculine crisis. Drawing upon ethnographic work in two government high schools for boys, I analyse everyday practices and social experiences of male students and teachers in schools to argue that they constitute an overlooked site to analyse the construction of gendered subjectivities. Mainstream accounts fail to account for how schooling is constitutive of gender struggle for boys, and how this struggle is connected to the changing nature of social membership in Jordan spurred in part by social and economic pressures.

This article highlights how a community-organized language school that teaches Persian serves as a site of diasporic cultural production. Specifically, I examine how the school serves as a site to teach the Persian language, delimit cultural meanings, and facilitate a sense of belonging and community membership among a diverse group of parents and children. This study also endeavors to situate the views of parents, teachers, and students in this exploratory case study within a larger history of diasporic Iranian experience in the United States. In doing so, the analysis shows that community education efforts remain vital to the understanding and exploration of notions of identity and culture that may be socially contested and produced within diasporic communities.

From a human capital perspective, schooling has long represented an engine of economic growth, individual advancement, and competitiveness in the global market. In recent years, this theorization of schooling has become linked with articulations of national security in both the Global North and South, as policymakers, private sector actors, and international donor agencies frequently describe economic growth and opportunities for individual advancement as requisites to social and political stability. Lost amid the current US foreign policy discourses about the Middle East is an analysis of how neo-liberal educational reforms in both regions are similarly reconfiguring relationships between the nation-state and its young citizens. In critically interrogating how the sociopolitical work of schooling is articulated in Jordanian and American education policy texts, this article argues that neo-liberal discourses of "choice", "accountability" and "participation" in current regimes of education reform seemingly produce new formations of citizenship locally (national security) and globally (global citizenship). Yet, this reordering of civic relationships serves to reify the (economic) interests of the nation-state and maintain a specific global hegemonic order. However, the article also highlights ways in which peoples' movements in the United States of America (USA) and Jordan are challenging the notions that these policies are merely tacitly accepted by most.

Through educational campaigns and partnerships with the international community, the Jordanian government has indicated a desire to create a more loyal, democratic, and self-enterprising citizenry. While the participation of girls in public life is encouraged by the Jordanian regime and valorised by the international community, little effort is made to ensure and understand the participation of boys in such spaces, and what this participation produces. By highlighting the experiences and narratives of boys, including those of Palestinian origin, in two government secondary schools in Amman, this article examines how top-down efforts to produce a particular national identity have engendered a performative kind of citizenship in schools, in which students interrogate official accounts of Jordanian-ness through various practices of signification. This use of performativity, adapted from Judith Butler's work on gender, raises two important points: first, the learning of citizenship and national identity is a contingent and self-reflexive process; second, practices of citizenship cannot be understood outside the sociopolitical norms that regulate them.

By juxtaposing male secondary student and teacher classroom practices with a postcolonial analysis of the structural and discursive forces that characterize education reform in Jordan, this study draws attention to the ways that authoritarian regimes may coopt peace education language and concepts, such as "dialogue" and "empowerment", to create a democratic veneer for neoliberal educational projects. Jordanian (along with other Arab and Muslim) male youth are often discursively positioned in transnational accounts as objects of educational intervention requiring assistance to become democratic and empowered citizens rather than subjects of self-empowerment. Employing a postcolonial framework of centering "marginalized" voices, then, challenges prevalent cultural representations of Jordanian youth as "vulnerable" and allows scholars and practitioners to see how students enact agency and contest sociopolitical norms in everyday practices of schooling. Using ethnographic data collected in two government secondary schools in Jordan, the author highlights satirical practices in different venues as a means by which male secondary students subvert such structural constraints and exercise transformative agency in schools. These findings are then related back to the need for critical educators to engage with local knowledge and meanings to become more effective practitioners and scholars in the field across diverse sociopolitical and economic contexts. (Contains 1 note.)

Across the world, Muslims in non-Muslim majority countries are seen as alien humans, relegated to the margins of citizenship, permitted tenuous forms of belonging as long as they follow the "Good Muslim" script assigned to them by the majority. In the U.S., youth from Muslim American immigrant communities have awakened to, and are rejecting, this conditional citizenship. Drawing on a nation-wide qualitative study with youth from diverse Muslim immigrant communities, we argue that, since 9/11, there have been significant changes in young Muslim Americans' self-perceptions and attitudes toward their rights, citizenship, and feelings of belonging. These youth recognize themselves as people of colour and are more likely than their parents' generations to link their struggles with those of other racially minoritized communities, thus suggesting a more radical politics of belonging in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an ethnographic study of a progressive high school programme that privileges critical thinking amongst its students. Drawing upon feminist poststructuralist educational research, we propose an analysis of classroom discourse in order to highlight the diverse legitimation processes that enable gendered subjectivities in one high school setting. Our findings indicate that pedagogic styles alter the pattern of legitimation for gendered subject positions in the three classroom settings studied, and create different possibilities for the interrogation of normative gender scripts in the classroom. While appeals to teacher authority are the basis for the legitimation of alternative gendered subject positions in all three classrooms, agential student-led interactions are more apparent in challenging normative gender scripts. Our study demonstrates the need to consider the diverse sources of discursive authority for gendered claims in schools and seeks nuance in understanding pedagogical authority and gendered knowledge construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]