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V prvním čísle 55. ročníku (2020) Mezinárodních vztahů vyšel článek Tomáše Profanta s názvem Rasizmus v rozvoji a rozvojové spolupráci. Publikování textu spustilo živou diskusi, kterou se redakce rozhodla podpořit oslovením některých dalších autorů a autorek a transformovat do podoby diskusního fóra. Jednotlivé příspěvky, které na rozdíl od Profantova článku neprocházely plnohodnotným recenzním řízením, se tak vyrovnávají s argumenty a metodologickými postupy původního textu, rozvíjejí jej a lokalizují do místních podmínek či poukazují na empirické příklady, jež jej potvrzují. Celé fórum uzavírá odpověď Tomáše Profanta na jednotlivé vznesené připomínky. Byť fórum reaguje na konkrétní článek, doufáme, že by i tato diskuse mohla přispět k širší reflexi práce s konceptem rasismu a její implikace pro politickou praxi. Věříme, že právě v tomto je tato debata v současném akademickém i politickém kontextu velmi aktuální.

The rich history of Czech anarchism is not well-known internationally. The movement was comprised of thousands of proletarians (especially Northern Bohemian miners) and some important poets. It ended in a surprising and original way with the formation of an anarchist political party in 1914. This led to participation in national governments between 1918 and 1922. To explain the dynamics, the article narrates five separate stories of the Czech anarchism. After a summary recounting the development of the Czech anarchist movement from a temporal and spatial point of view, it examines ideas about the individual and society, organisational forms and organisations, and, finally, the national question, gender, and direct action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is based on an analysis of Czech anti‑communism. It starts with a brief definition of anti‑communism. Then it presents six possible typologies of anti‑communism based on various questions: type of political mission, political background, actual political function, proposed cure, and spatial scope. There then follows a presentation of various phenomena that are framed in an anti‑communist way: the Communist Party, Social Democrats, liberals, the young generation, but also the contemporary West with its “progressivist” tendencies. In the two final sections the paper focuses on comparison in the Central European context. It shows that in the Czech context the transfer of German experience was (in)adequate for different reasons than in the Polish and Hungarian cases, namely because of the dynamics connected with the different trajectories of post‑communist political subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the position of Roma youth in Czech rap music. We focus on the role of cultural translation of hip hop culture in general and rap music in particular and the accompanying notions of authenticity. The findings challenge the romantic notion of hip hop as a platform for oppressed marginal communities to express their lived experiences and opinions; rather, we analyze the invisibility and misrepresentation of the Roma in Czech rap music. Using qualitative research methods (in-depth interviews, discourse analysis of rap lyrics and participant observation at hip hop events) we first look at the attitudes of 'white' (majority) Czech rappers towards the Roma community. In the second part of the article, we focus on the Roma presence in Czech rap music, in particular on two case studies of Roma youth groups, as well as on the roles of youth workers and educators and their appropriation of hip hop as a form of Roma integration. Finally we discuss the threat of the burden of a 'triple inauthenticity' of Roma youth in Czech rap music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents research concerning the image of the annual rave party Czechtek (1994-2006) and its media coverage by Czech media. It shows how the framework was established for the description of these rave parties, which were characterised by schematic images during annual moral panics -- key images depicted the contamination of the surrounding area, drugs, the strange and erratic nature of participants and the dishonouring of the state. This study shows that this media coverage played a repressive role in relation to the subculture by attracting the attention of the public, mobilising large numbers of visitors, and demanding repressive solutions. The article enters into a debate with previous analyses of Czechtek media coverage, and the comparisons they draw with the media coverage of alternative culture during the state socialist dictatorship of the 1970s. The article argues that the one-sided use of the analogy with repressive socialist-era discourse regarding alternative culture is not fruitful, and that it is more interesting to compare and analyse the differences between the two. Post-socialist media discourse is also ideological and repressive, but it is, nevertheless, different to the media discourse of the socialist dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the application of postcolonial theory to the post-communist situation, something that a number of authors are attempting to do - most notably Ewa Thompson, who connects this analysis with a cultural and political project for contemporary Poland. The article looks at the possible ways in which postcolonial perspectives can be used to analyse national identity in "Europe between Pan-Germanism and Pan-Slavism", and specifically in the Czech context. It then devotes itself to a genealogical reading of Milan Kundera's essay on Central Europe, and ends with a discussion on the usefulness of the postcolonial perspective for the analysis of post-communism. It concludes that this perspective is a fertile source of inspiration for comparative hypotheses and research questions, but that its full acceptance may be both methodologically and politically problematic. The "authenticity" of Central Europe has been constructed by the dominant Central European spokespeople in opposition to the "subaltern empires" of Germany and Russia as "more Western than the West". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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