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In the wake of the 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests that swept across the nation, this study aims to identify potential cognitive-motivational factors that account for the increased likelihood among pro-movement citizens to engage in BLM activism. Using a nationally representative survey of U.S. adults, we examine a theoretical model grounded in the Orientation-Stimuli-Orientation-Response framework in which the racial empathy that may emerge from perceptions of a hostile information environment plays a pivotal mediating role in the path from partisan support to peaceful/confrontational forms of BLM action. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how W. L. Benoit's Image Repair Theory (IRT) is applied by members of a social movement. Extensive research exists on how individuals and organizations respond to events which tarnish their reputations. IRT identifies five strategies used to counteract public disapproval: Denial, evasion of responsibility, reducing offensiveness, corrective action, and mortification. What IRT does not do is identify how IRT is used by those who not only deny responsibility but flip the script by arguing they have made the situation better. The Oklahoma Teacher Walkout of 2018 provides the opportunity to explore what happens when those accused of malfeasance embrace the accusation and argue that their actions have improved the situation. Implications of the flipping the script strategy are discussed and potential areas of future. research are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women play a key role in organized urban poor resistance in Manila. While social reproduction has led to exploitation and suffering, it concomitantly situates women at the front and center of urban resistance and the re-imagination of urban futures. The turbulent everyday geographies of informal settlements which subaltern women inhabit, not only blur the tendencies to separate production from reproduction, but also provide the conditions from which urban struggles are forged. Women have risen to assert the urban poor's right to the city and access to better services and sustainable livelihoods. Contrary to gendered perceptions of urban poor activists as being primarily male, women are instrumental in the struggle for urban social justice. Drawing from engagements with urban poor women leaders in Manila, we examine the gendered spaces of the urban struggle by foregrounding the everyday spaces that urban poor women inhabit. We explicate the spaces of interaction between social reproduction and resistance and focus on three aspects in building and nurturing the urban poor movement: (1) networking and membership expansion, (2) daytime mobilization, and (3) community building. We argue that while spaces of social reproduction are sites of oppression and suffering for many urban poor women, the proximity to these spaces enables them to become immersed in the struggles and issues that plague their communities and to collectively take action towards creating a sustainable urban future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding progressive institutional change remains a central concern in development studies. This paper examines two such cases: constitutional change in Nepal, which broadened political rights, and the outlawing of metal mining in El Salvador, which redistributed resources. To understand institutional change, this paper proposes a cultural political economy approach to Khan's 'political settlements analysis'. Applying the proposed approach to these cases demonstrates how political movements organise around beliefs and identities as well as interests to achieve rights and status, not just material gain. Identifying cultural as well as material sources of power allows a fuller explanation of institutional change processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa and Brazil are notorious for having some of the highest levels of (racialised) inequality on the planet, and dysfunctional education systems failing millions in their aspirations for a better life. Over 2015-16, student protests erupted across Brazilian and South African schools and universities, challenging these conditions through strikes, occupations, on-campus and street protests, and intellectual production. This paper builds on a World-Systems theoretical framework to understand the similarities, circulation, and distance between the two contemporaneous movements. In Brazil, the ‘Primavera Secundarista' high school occupations dealt primarily with local political dynamics, such as school closures, and intersectional forms of oppression. In South Africa, the ‘Fallist' university mobilisations demanded free, decolonised education, alongside addressing issues of outsourcing and institutional racism. In the first section, I give a comparative overview of these student movements’ similarities, situating them in their context and highlighting the key concerns and political and pedagogical practices of student activists in each. While these movements did not generally engage with each other, there were some important points of interaction, discussed in the second section. While highlighting these points of connection, I also advance an argument in the third section for why there was nevertheless relatively little direct engagement between these contemporaneous movements that otherwise had so much in common. The points of connection and disconnection between these similar movements offers insights about the functioning of the contemporary World-System and the modes of transnational circulation between movements therein, with lessons for transnational understandings of social movements, especially South-South movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many social movement organizations promote their agendas in market spaces. As such they need to attract consumers to their cause. This article used longitudinal qualitative data collected between 2018 and 2023 in Chinese alternative food markets to explore their consumer recruitment and ongoing efforts to match movement ideologies with consumers' values, particularly regarding what makes “good food.” I argue that an iterative, two‐way learning process between organizations and consumers helped facilitate good matching and establish a stable consumer base. Organizations educated consumers about the production process and producers' stories, aligning their missions with consumers' pursuit of safety and taste and distinguishing them from mainstream markets. Consumers resonated with this cultural work but required responsible producers and market organizers. Some organizations fostered self‐affirming discussions to redirect consumer demands, while others interacted with and learned from the dynamic culture within consumer groups to co‐create their new definition of good food. This mutual learning motivated organizers to adjust their visions of ideal consumers to align movement ideologies with consumers' desires, creating the right amount of differentiation in alternative markets. This paper advances the literature on social movement organizations' market activities by revealing the interactive learning process and the diversity of alignment strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 7 October 2023 to 7 June 2024, the Crowd Counting Consortium recorded nearly 12,400 pro-Palestine protests and over 2,000 pro-Israel protests in the United States. Since January 2017, when CCC first started counting protest events and their crowd sizes, the current pro-Palestine protest wave involves the largest, most sustained US protests sparked by a foreign event. We hypothesize three possible reasons for the size of the pro-Palestine mobilization: casualties and suffering motivate protestors and the Palestinian casualties have been much higher; protestors react to the US government’s position, which in this case strongly favors Israel; and protestors are driven by emotional outrage at Israeli policy and the resultant Palestinian suffering. By looking at property damage and police injuries, we also conclude that this pro-Palestine movement has not been violent. That is true of both the national protest wave in general and of the student encampments in spring 2024 in particular. The rhetorical core of this pro-Palestine movement has not been a call for violence against Jews, but rather a call for freedom for Palestinians and an end to violence being inflicted upon them. To substantiate this point, we considered two sources of evidence: 1) the banners, signs, and chants seen or heard at pro-Palestine events; 2) the demands issued by organizers of over 100 student encampments. One caveat: Although we use the terms pro-Israel and pro-Palestine as shorthand, we acknowledge that these binary terms are unsatisfying and misleading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late Bay Area Hip Hop legend Shock G stated that Tupac Shakur "rhymed from this pit of his stomach," asserting that Tupac's greatness was in the potency and relevance of his message more than the technical skill of his lyricism. Tattooed across the stomach that Tupac rhymed from was the acronym "T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E." Tupac proclaimed that it stood for "The Hate You Gave Little Infants, Fucks Everyone," a statement that reflected his worldview and echoed sentiments of those like Frantz Fanon, James Baldwin and Huey P. Newton who viewed youth as the centerpiece of the struggle for Black Liberation. Though Tupac was murdered in 1996, his lyrics and interviews resurfaced in the aftermath of the police killing of Oscar Grant in 2009 and introduced a generation born after his death to his thug persona and T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E. ideology as relavent, and accessible symbols of Black Rebellion. This article explores how Pac Babies, Black youth born after Tupac's death, have adopted his Persona and Ideology to inform their entry into the Post Racial, social media era of the Black Freedom Struggle. I offer that, by providing T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E. as an alternative to the politics of respectability of the Civil Rights Movement and being resurrected as mythical super hero battling police violence, Tupac influenced both the street protests and social media engagement during the protest phase of "Black Lives Matter!". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the creative protest tactics of Belarusian activists in 2011, highlighting their use of "sound bodies" created through clapping to challenge authoritarian constraints. The research posits that these ethereal sound bodies exert significant normative pressure on the regime by challenging the regime's legitimacy. By analyzing the clapping protests as civil disobedience, this study illustrates the effectiveness of this non-visual form of protest in compelling the authoritarian regime to address the collective call for change. Through this lens, this paper contributes a nuanced understanding of how decentralized protest strategies, particularly those leveraging sound, can serve as potent mechanisms for challenging oppressive governance in a digitally connected global landscape. This essay thus intervenes into the realms of argumentation theory and sound studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article outlines a multidisciplinary theoretical-conceptual and methodological proposal for the study and support of what we have conceptualized as transnational social movements of migrants, made up of people affected by the consequences of migration: migrants, former migrants, immigrants, migrants in transit, and or their family members. These groups protest against the effects of temporary worker programs and base their struggles on injustices such as dispossession, abuse, discrimination, labor arbitrariness, exploitation, and disappearances of migrants. They shape their speeches from emotions such as grief, annoyance, indignation, and mourning for their missing relatives. All this added to the struggle for recognition and respect for social, economic, political, and cultural rights for migrants and their families. The multidisciplinary proposal is based on the historiographic line History of the Present Time; the 'restoration of historical memory' proposal is taken up from the studies of memory; and to analyze the future of the struggles the study of social movements is resorted to a theoretical pluralism. On the methodological level, oral history is proposed for the collection and treatment of testimonies, and through Participatory Action Research (PAR), it's proposed that greater rapprochement and eventual accompaniment of these groups be sought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan's legalization of same-sex marriage in 2019 made it the first nation in Asia to grant marital rights to gay and lesbian couples. In the years leading up to legalization, the Marriage Equality Coalition Taiwan (pro-same-sex marriage) and the Coalition for the Happiness of Our Next Generation (anti-same-sex marriage) mobilized large-scale social movements on social media between 2016 and 2017 to influence the legislative process. The network structure and affordances of digital platforms have facilitated communication and mobilization for social movements. However, new technology alone does not guarantee participation, and cultural aspects of mobilization on digital platforms are an important area of study. This paper examines the framing strategies these two organizations used on Facebook pages and the political and cultural contexts that facilitated or constrained frame alignment. A mixed-method framing analysis combining quantitative and qualitative methods of their Facebook posts revealed that the supporting group framed same-sex marriage as an issue of human rights and as a democratic development linked to Taiwan's goal of national independence, whereas the opposing group framed it as a destruction of traditional culture concerning family values and social order. Our analysis identified the distinct features of framing strategy in Taiwan's marriage equality movement and countermovement, including the appeal to nationalism and the downplaying of religion, that were affected by Taiwan's specific political and cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the role of social media in the Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement by examining how social media news use impacts BLM protest action. Theoretically, we go beyond the frequently discussed relationship between social media and protest participation and examine how grievances, political efficacy, and racial identity conditionally impact the influence of social media on protest engagement. The findings suggest that social media news use amplifies, rather than reduces, the gaps between engaged and disengaged citizens regarding protest participation, particularly in the online sphere. These indicate that social media is not an equalizing tool for BLM participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late Bay Area Hip Hop legend Shock G stated that Tupac Shakur "rhymed from this pit of his stomach," asserting that Tupac's greatness was in the potency and relevance of his message more than the technical skill of his lyricism. Tattooed across the stomach that Tupac rhymed from was the acronym "T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E." Tupac proclaimed that it stood for "The Hate You Gave Little Infants, Fucks Everyone," a statement that reflected his worldview and echoed sentiments of those like Frantz Fanon, James Baldwin and Huey P. Newton who viewed youth as the centerpiece of the struggle for Black Liberation. Though Tupac was murdered in 1996, his lyrics and interviews resurfaced in the aftermath of the police killing of Oscar Grant in 2009 and introduced a generation born after his death to his thug persona and T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E. ideology as relavent, and accessible symbols of Black Rebellion. This article explores how Pac Babies, Black youth born after Tupac's death, have adopted his Persona and Ideology to inform their entry into the Post Racial, social media era of the Black Freedom Struggle. I offer that, by providing T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E. as an alternative to the politics of respectability of the Civil Rights Movement and being resurrected as mythical super hero battling police violence, Tupac influenced both the street protests and social media engagement during the protest phase of "Black Lives Matter!". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ethnographic study explores the life histories of 12 key informants of Siamese descent who were living in Myanmar but illegally fled into Thailand following civil unrest and thus became a diaspora in their motherland. The study was conducted from 2018 to 2022 in the Singkhon diaspora community of Ban Rai Krao village near the Thai-Myanmar border, in Prachuap Kiri Khan province, Thailand. It used the Critical Medical Anthropology (CMA) perspective, the concept of social suffering, and borderland anthropology to illustrate the traumatic experiences of the Singkhon and their participation in social movements for citizenship rights, land ownership and, particularly, public healthcare access. Although they have cooperated with Thai Nationality Reintegration Networks for decades, they have run into difficulties as a result of power relations within capitalism and bureaucratic delays. Furthermore, the Covid-19 pandemic made it more difficult for those without ID cards to access government assistance and healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of communism in Central and Eastern Europe resulted in wide-ranging social change, with established practices and relations being overturned in a relatively short period. Labour relations were an area that saw considerable upheaval as unions were released from state control and clandestine worker bodies were able to emerge. This article considers the medium-term effects of these changes by examining the characteristics of labour focused contention in Bulgaria from 2000 to 2019. This was a period during which the uncertainty that characterised the post-transition decade was settling, with new challenges and opportunities in the form of accession to the European Union, the global financial crisis, and the anti-government protests of 2013–2014 shaping the context for labour relations. This article draws on a unique dataset of labour protests to examine the claims, actors, and actions adopted to identify how the labour movement responded to these changes and the degree of trade union involvement in contentious events. The findings suggest there has been a shift from economic claims to encompass broader rights-based issues. They also suggest that unions have been visible in contentious actions but have been joined by a more diverse group of actors in advancing workers' claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements are gaining increasing popularity, especially those related to environmental protection, partly due to their usage of online social media to disclosure information. Tools like hashtags, which help tag and categorize posts, as well as make them more accessible to other users, are also responsible for their popularity. Therefore, this study aims to analyze how hashtags contribute to information disclosure through online social media, focusing on the social movement Fridays for Future and in the social media platform Twitter. Based on 647 tweets containing the hashtag #fridaysforfuture and 503 comments of these tweets, this research delves into examining the content and format of tweets and their associated comments, aiming to identify those that generate more reactions from users, and more exactly during the lockdown produced by COVID-19. Results indicate that most tweets include contents related to interaction and dialogue with other users, and the most used format is textual. With respect to the analysis of comments (of these tweets), the majority express support for the movement in textual format. Tweets that generate more reactions are those that combine content about action, mobilization, digital strike, and COVID-19 in textual format, along with other hashtags related to sustainability/digital strike and images. Regarding the replies to the comments (of these tweets), only the video format generates a greater number of responses. These results describe how to design a message by a famous social movement, offering valuable insights to empower other social movements in shaping their effective social media strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout its existence, Momentum has defined itself as a 'movement'. So far, researchers have generally taken this categorisation as a starting point when analysing its organisational nature. For example, it has been labelled as a 'movement faction' (Dennis, 2019) or 'party-driven movement' (Muldoon and Rye, in Conceptualising party-driven movements, 2020). Indeed, in terms of its nature and function, Momentum straddles different types of organisational models, drawing from several different traditions within political and community activism. Differences are also apparent between Momentum's earlier and later development as well as between the national organisation and local branches. This article accordingly questions the extent to which 'movement' is an accurate descriptor of the organisation. Drawing upon ethnographic research undertaken during the final stages of Corbyn's leadership of the Labour Party in 2018 and 2019, it argues that although self-definition as a movement may have played a role in member recruitment and retention, this categorisation does not authentically reflect Momentum's actual organisational structure and activity, nor its practical function within the Labour Party or the wider UK social and political landscape. Furthermore, activists' own conceptions of Momentum as a movement differ. The article finds that relative length and/or depth of commitment to the Labour Party and the extent to which their own identities are primarily aligned with party political activism are central to whether activists perceive Momentum as a movement and to their continuing commitment to the group following Corbyn's departure as Labour Leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing up social movement and institutional theories, we posit that the levels of Social Movement Activism (SMA), Regulatory Pressures, and Normative Pressures are directly related to the levels of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and the levels of corporate hypocrisy. We also posit that the levels of SMA are indirectly related to the levels of CSR and the levels of corporate hypocrisy. Structural equation modeling analysis of a sample of 499 bank customers indicates that low levels of SMA are not directly related to low levels of CSR but are positively and significantly related to low levels of regulative pressures and normative pressures. Also, low levels of regulative pressures and normative pressures are significantly related to low levels of CSR. Furthermore, the results indicate that low levels of CSR are negatively and significantly related to high levels of corporate hypocrisy. Furthermore, the results show that low levels of social movements are indirectly related to a low CSR level through low levels of regulatory and normative pressures and also indirectly related to high levels of corporate hypocrisy through low levels of CSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media technology not only affords opportunities for digital activism and global liberation, but it also poses threats to the freewheeling of democracy. The emergence and prevalence of conspiracy theories on social media stem from communal processes of online political debate or social movements that degenerate into conspiracy beliefs. This study views the online formation of conspiracy theories as a socially emergent process. Subscribing to a social constructionist lens and synthesizing extant literature on social movements and social media affordances, we conducted discourse analysis on discursive data collected from Twitter for the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election Fraud Conspiracy Theory. Through the analysis, we delineate the formation of conspiracy theory into four stages and characterize each stage according to its mobilizing structure, participants, mode of interaction, content created, and discernible collective action. We also identify social media affordances facilitating the formation of conspiracy theories within and across stages. Findings of this study advance contemporary knowledge on conspiracy theories by not only extending our understanding of the role of social media in conspiracy theory formation, but they also aid practitioners in comprehending the formation process of conspiracy theory formation, the latter of which constitutes the foundation for devising appropriate prevention and mitigation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a qualitative analysis of a group of mobilized precarious workers in Tunisia's public sector, the author asks how workers' collective actions are shaped by and, at the same time, can act upon labor unions' responses to them. Findings suggest that unions can enable and simultaneously constrain precarious workers' collective actions. More important, workers learn from their interactions with the union, and this learning process can contribute to innovations in workers' mobilizing structure and repertoire of actions. The Tunisian case contributes to the debate on the relationship between precarious workers and institutionalized actors as well as to the study of mobilized precarious workers by elucidating the ways in which the workers' embedded and innovative agency plays out within and beyond a well-established labor union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the extensive research on police use of social media for crisis communication, their post-crisis social media activity warrants further exploration. This paper analyses 4,177 posts from the Hong Kong Police Force's (HKPF) Facebook page from June 2018 to May 2021, covering periods before, during, and after the wave of violent protests in 2019. The study found that, during the protest movement, the HKPF's social media agenda underwent a significant shift – from serving as a public relations tool to creating an image of a crime-fighting force. This agenda persisted post-crisis, with the police demonstrating increased activity on social media during this period. At the same time, the police made efforts to restore a degree of friendly tone after the movement. The research suggests that, despite the general tendency to restore legitimacy following civil unrest, such a crisis can impact the police's perception of their relationship with citizens. Instead of reverting their social media strategy to its pre-crisis state, the crisis-era strategy could become normalised in post-crisis times. The findings of this research provide insight into how civil unrest can affect the police – citizen relationship and how the government's reaction to the crisis can shape the police's public relations strategy in the aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising wave of protests throughout the world demands a deeper understanding of, as well as new perspectives on, the phenomenon and its impact on society. Hence, I spotlight the #EndSARS protest to understand new forms of social protest in contemporary Nigeria. In so doing, I examine how protesters mobilise religious infrastructures of prayer, music and procession to shape and sustain the protest. By focusing on prayer walk activities during the protest, I analyse how Christian music shapes the sound space and the atmosphere of local struggles. The study draws evidence from ethnography conducted during the prayer walk activities in Ibadan, Nigeria, and other archival resources including social media. By illuminating religious nuances of the #EndSARS protest that remain underexplored in scholarly and popular writings about the protest, this study provides the analytical lens to understand how people's lived religion is implicated in their everyday socio-political struggle. I argue that the prayer walk constitutes a symbolic and sonic site for Christian protesters to perform spiritual solidarity with other #EndSARS protesters through the agency of Christian music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Public involvement is important to the relevance and impact of health and care research, as well as supporting the democratisation of research. In 2020, the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) reorganized and eliminated INVOLVE, an internationally recognised group that had played a central role in public involvement in the UK since 1996. Its remit was subsumed within a new center tasked with public involvement, participant recruitment, and evidence dissemination. A year later, in 2021, interested parties came together to discuss the evolution of INVOLVE and consider how to retain some of the important historical details and learn lessons from its long and important tenure. Methods We hosted a witness seminar in 2022 that was one of four work groups and brought together public involvement leaders that had been part of the conception, development, and evolution of INVOLVE between 1995 and 2020. Witness seminars are a method used to capture the complexity and nuance of historical events or initiatives. They support critical thinking and reflection rather than simple commemoration. We identified those who had played a role in INVOLVE history, ensuring diversity of perspective, and invited them to attend and speak at the seminar. This took place during two sessions where witnesses provided their recollections and participated in a facilitated discussion. Results Across the two online sessions, 29 witnesses attended and contributed thoughts and recollections. Two authors (SS, MP) identified six themes that were described in the witness seminar report and have been discussed, elaborated, and illustrated with witness quotations. These are: the importance of historical perspective; INVOLVE as a social movement; how INVOLVE worked (e.g. its hospitality, kindness, and inclusivity); INVOLVE as a quiet disruptor; public involvement evidence, knowledge, and learning; the infrastructure, processes, and systems developed by INVOLVE; and the demise and loss of INVOLVE as an internationally recognized center of excellence. Discussion The authors of this commentary reflected on the discussions that took place during the witness seminar and the themes that emerged, and share six broad learnings for future practice; (1) it is important to create and nurture public involvement communities of practice; (2) collaborative ways of working support open discussion amongst diverse groups; (3) be aware of the tensions between activism and being part of the establishment; (4) continued efforts should be made to build an evidence base for public involvement practice; (5) there are both benefits and drawbacks to having a centralized organization leading public involvement; and (6) support for public involvement in research requires a fit-for-purpose tendering process that embeds robust public involvement.

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In developed countries, large amounts of edible food are wasted at the household level, with significant negative environmental impacts. Therefore, reducing food waste is included in the UN Sustainable Development Goals. In different countries, several food-sharing initiatives have emerged to recover and redistribute surplus food. Recently, a Café concept was established offering such "rescued" food free of charge in publicly accessible locations, often complemented by beverages. Based on web research and semi-structured interviews, the current study analyzed the mission, vision, and activities of these Cafés and the main motivations of volunteers and employees. In addition to other food-sharing initiatives' goals of raising public awareness about food waste, increasing the appreciation of food, and sharing surpluses, they seek to contribute to increased sustainability by educating citizens and sharing knowledge and skills to reduce household food waste. The Cafés also seek to offer inclusive community spaces and promote the values of solidarity and sustainability. Interviewees' motivations match the Cafés' missions, and many seek to achieve broader system change. Furthermore, they value the feeling of community and shared purpose through their engagement. The Cafés' focus on education and skill building is likely to better serve the goal of reducing food waste than prior initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Watching movies is among the most popular entertainment and cultural activities. How do viewers react when a movie sequel increases racial minority actors in the main cast ("minority increase")? On the one hand, such sequels may receive better evaluations if viewers appreciate racially inclusive casting for its novel elements (the value-in-diversity perspective) and moral appeal (the fairness perspective on diversity). On the other hand, discrimination research suggests that if viewers harbor biases against racial minorities, sequels with minority increase may receive worse evaluations. To examine these competing possibilities, we analyze a unique panel dataset of movie series released from 1998 to 2021 and conduct text analysis of 312,457 reviews of these movies. Consistent with discrimination research, we find that movies with minority increase receive lower ratings and more toxic reviews. Importantly, these effects weaken after the advent of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, especially when the movement's intensity is high. These results are reliable across various robustness checks (e.g., propensity score matching, random implementation test). We conceptually replicate the bias mitigation effect of BLM in a preregistered experiment: Heightening the salience of BLM increases White individuals' acceptance of racial minority increase in a movie sequel. This research demonstrates the power of social movements in fostering diversity, equality, and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Repression has long been regarded as the main response of the state when encountering contentious actions. Although recent studies point out that repression may vary by regime types and state-level concerns regarding international reputation, few analyses to date have analyzed how movement dynamics and movement targets jointly shape state responses. In this article, I analyze over 7,500 episodes of labor protests in mainland China to advance scholarship on state responses to social movements. I develop a typology of state responses, from active coercion to accommodation and even tolerance. I then explore differences in state responses based on protest tactics and whether they are against private or state-affiliated targets. My results show that state responses differ based on the tactics that movements employ. Furthermore, these effects are moderated by whether activists target state-affiliated or private entities. This research offers important insights into the dynamic relations between state and social movement, the diverse ways highly bureaucratic governments use to manage social unrest, and the conflict between maintaining legitimacy and social control in both authoritarian and democratic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diaspora movements are campaigns launched by migrant minorities who maintain allegiance to their homelands. This article investigates the recent mobilization of the Hongkonger, Thai, Burmese, and Ukrainian diasporas in Taiwan to understand the factors behind their tactical choices. While the existing literature pays more attention to the protester-government interaction to understand how movement leaders decide on their movement strategy, we contend that certain pre-existing characteristics of the diaspora communities matter more. The use of qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) leads us to conclude: (1) ethnic discrimination, migrants’ class position, and the host government’s support do not affect the tactical choices; (2) a sufficiently large community with available mobilizing networks makes it possible to recruit and collect resources entirely from ethnic compatriots (reach-in); (3) linkages to local civil society enable it to speak to a broader audience and activate local responses (reach-out). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popularity of camera phones, the availability of photo-editing apps, and the rise of visually oriented social media platforms have made it convenient for citizens to produce and circulate visual content in contentious politics. While scholars have increasingly recognized the role of visuals in mobilizing social-mediated protests, how different types of visuals affect message engagement across different stages of protests remains underexplored. For this study, we analyzed approximately ten million tweets from Twitter for three social-mediated protests (Black Lives Matter, Stop Asian Hate, and Women's March). We found that posts with images and videos generally attracted more audience engagement than their textual counterparts. Unpacking the role of visual media across different modalities and stages of social-mediated protests, we found that the superior effects of visuals were generally more pronounced during the ignition phase of the protest than the periods before and after. By applying unsupervised image clustering on millions of protest visuals, we systematically established four common visual content categories: crowd-based protest photos, non-crowd-protest human photos, non-human photos, and non-photograph visuals. We revealed heterogeneous effects on audience engagement across content categories and protests, and explored these categories through qualitative analysis of most-engaged visuals. These findings enrich our understanding of the mobilizing power of visual media in social movements and shed light on effective communication strategies regarding social inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the dynamics of father-children relationships in conflict management during and after the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong. In-depth interviews with 17 fathers and 21 activists revealed how authoritarian approaches to fatherhood influence family conflict outcomes against the backdrop of social upheaval during and after the 2019 protests in Hong Kong. A conceptual framework of intimacy and face (mianzi or lian) enriches the discussion of fatherhood roles, father-children conflict management, and how participation in social movements affects their relationships. The construct of fatherhood is variable, changing, and relational, and it involves intimacy and face for father-son/daughter relationships to remain healthy during political conflicts. Hong Kong presents a unique case of evolving fatherhood, parent-child relationships, and family dynamics where the link between gender and social movement participation is extended beyond political-economic processes. This article contributes to the literature on the intergenerational dialogue between fathers and their activist children outside a Western context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brands are increasingly engaging in social marketing campaigns that take stances on important social issues. Such campaigns can garner considerable awareness and effectively encourage consumers to purchase the focal brand. However, they can also outrage other consumer segments who disapprove of the brand's social stance. While social campaigns that outrage consumer groups would normally be undesirable, our research investigates how they can alternatively have a positive impact for brands that support the attacked value. This prediction is based on the premise that outrage expressed towards a social campaign threatens the value involved, causing consumers who want to defend that value to engage in symbolic protective responses by strengthening self‐brand connections and increasing purchase intentions. Five experiments validate this theorizing, and further show that these social threat effects are moderated by the type of outgroup that expressed the outrage and the level of viral support the expressed outrage received. Implications for the social marketing and brand relationship literatures are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 2019 Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) protest, Hong Kong protesters invented, adapted, and deployed a variety of decentralized grassroots tactics of resistance. While understudied, the proliferation of protest zines during the Anti-ELAB movement contributed to an affective community among movement supporters and protesters, allowing them to engage in self- and communal care as they resisted state violence. We argue that protest zines foregrounded a grassroots community of care that encourages political change in the following ways: expand the emotional habitus among protesters and movement supporters to accommodate debilitating bad feelings; promote self-care and embodied emotional reflection as a form of resistance against state violence; contribute to voluntary kinship among protesters beyond the state-sanctioned nuclear family model; and articulate nuclear familial relations as a site of political resistance. By examining how protest zines articulate voluntary kinship among movement supporters, we illustrate how the zines challenge dominant paternalistic institutions to reimagine a more open political future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a centuries-long history of violent mobilization, white supremacist activism (WSA) has received relatively little sociological attention outside a small, specialized subfield. Disciplinary interest began to change after Trump's 2016 election; the 2017 violent attack in Charlottesville, Virginia; and the January 6, 2021, insurrection. In recognition, this review article focuses on what has been learned about contemporary WSA since the 1980s. We categorize studies by their unit of analysis—individual or micro, meso, and macro levels—to highlight analytic commonalities and distinctions and to underscore the central role that threat plays in the ebb and flow of WSA. As part of our discussion, we also point to unresolved and understudied issues. We conclude by identifying issues that future research should address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective: The purpose of this study is to know the developments of the Me-too social movement on Instagram. The main question of this research is what have been the changes of the Me-too social movement on Instagram? Methods: The research method of this article is Foucault's genealogy with a qualitative approach and a critical paradigm. The study in this research is based on the content of the page, posts, highlights, and users' comments on the "@Metoomvmt" Instagram page. Results: The findings of this research indicate that the efforts of the leaders of the Me-too social movement in conveying the discourses and achieving the goals, despite the optimal use of the facilities of the Instagram social network and cyberspace, due to the disruptions that occurred in its path, have not been very successful. Many researches have been done about the Me-too movement, but no research with a genealogical research method and a critical perspective in this context has examined the developments of this movement on the Instagram social network. Since the aim of this social movement is to empower the survivor in the world and neglecting it has undesirable consequences, research in this issue seems necessary. Conclusions: The results of this research show that me-too movement was not very successful in its first executive and legal step because the metaphysics of power in all the dimensions of society are present and effective. Also our collective life, despite the efforts and struggles to reform discourses and use the facilities of cyberspace, is influenced by many non-discursive factors, of which the metaphysics of power is one of them and its impossible to achieve and control it to some extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Fondo Editorial Fundacion Universitaria Luis Amigo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper intends to conduct a spatial reading of civil resistance movements taking Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) #FeeMustFall in India as the case study. Amidst the penetration of neoliberal politics in public goods like health and education, the pay-per-user principle is not limited to the argument of efficiency of allocation of resources. It can be comprehended as the larger strategy of the ruling dispensation to deplatform dissent and homogenise state space on an ideological singularity catering to majoritarian and hegemonic nationalism. The paper shall focus on the spatial reading of civil resistance movements using Lefebvre’s characterisation of state space and Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony and nationalism in the context of JNU’s #FeeMustFall movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the dynamics of a social media campaign launched by Algerian feminists in 2018 in response to a video shared on Facebook that narrated a woman's upsetting encounter with harassment. This movement occurred in a region often known for its autocratic systems of governance and the prevalence of its Islamic movements rather than for its prominence of feminist advocacy. Yet the Global South and particularly North Africa are actually abundant with women's rights organizations, a fact often overlooked in both Western scholarship and media. Drawing from social movement theory, this research analyzes how feminists in the Global South strategically presented their narratives on Facebook by employing diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing approaches. The findings illuminate that Algerian feminists primarily used two collective action frames in their messaging: diagnostic to increase awareness and prognostic to suggest long-term solutions. Yet motivational framing to empower supporters and give them a rationale to get involved was less prioritized, creating a critical gap in sustaining the movement and turning online grievances into action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]