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Spatial development remains a priority in South Africa and is central to the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (SPLUMA), the Spatial Development Framework (SDF), and broader National Development Plans (NDPs). However, there has been limited focus in literature on the need to address power imbalances in development processes, which not only hinder progress, but also encourage social tensions. This is evident in Dwesa-Cwebe on the Wild Coast, South Africa, which, due to the legacies of apartheid policies, remains marginalised and subjected to external control over development. Without a consensus on the inherent power imbalances and the resulting social conflicts in this community, implementing SPLUMA, SDFs, and NDPs will remain challenging, as has been the case since the advent of democracy in South Africa. This study explores the interaction of power dynamics and their impact on spatial development in Dwesa-Cwebe. Employing a qualitative research design, data were collected from 101 participants through focus group discussions (FGDs) and interviews with government representatives, ward councillors, traditional authorities, and community members. The research revealed significant power imbalances in the implementation of spatial development initiatives, with the government dominating the process while marginalising input from other stakeholders. These imbalances were found to be a key driver of social tensions and delays in the execution of SPLUMA, SDFs, NDPs, and other regional development policies. The study recommends interdisciplinary, gender-inclusive policies that incorporate monitoring and feedback mechanisms to ensure continuous improvement.

Spatial development remains a priority in South Africa and is central to the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (SPLUMA), the Spatial Development Framework (SDF), and broader National Development Plans (NDPs). However, there has been limited focus in literature on the need to address power imbalances in development processes, which not only hinder progress, but also encourage social tensions. This is evident in Dwesa-Cwebe on the Wild Coast, South Africa, which, due to the legacies of apartheid policies, remains marginalised and subjected to external control over development. Without a consensus on the inherent power imbalances and the resulting social conflicts in this community, implementing SPLUMA, SDFs, and NDPs will remain challenging, as has been the case since the advent of democracy in South Africa. This study explores the interaction of power dynamics and their impact on spatial development in Dwesa-Cwebe. Employing a qualitative research design, data were collected from 101 participants through focus group discussions (FGDs) and interviews with government representatives, ward councillors, traditional authorities, and community members. The research revealed significant power imbalances in the implementation of spatial development initiatives, with the government dominating the process while marginalising input from other stakeholders. These imbalances were found to be a key driver of social tensions and delays in the execution of SPLUMA, SDFs, NDPs, and other regional development policies. The study recommends interdisciplinary, gender-inclusive policies that incorporate monitoring and feedback mechanisms to ensure continuous improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The special military operation on the territory of Ukraine has become the main catalyst for certain significant changes now occurring in the public mind. Tensions between Russia and Western powers have reached their highest point in the country’s modern history. Given the circumstances, what contradictions do the Russian people consider to be the most pressing and fundamental? Have their overall views changed compared to previous years? What factors primarily influence how the contradictions within Russian society are perceived? In order to answer these questions, the article presents an analysis of changes in the attitude of Russian people towards contradictions of various nature, based on data from nationwide surveys conducted by IS FCTAS RAS in 2005, 2015 and 2023. Groups of contradictions were analyzed that differ in terms of the dynamics of popular attitudes towards them for the time period in question. It is shown that in 2005–2015 Russian people were most upset on account of economic contradictions. However by 2023 ideological contradictions came to the forefront, which in no small part contributed to the emergence of a new contradiction that can be considered the most crucial one of that particular year, referring to the divide between supporters and opponents of Russia’s policy towards Ukraine. Residents of Moscow and St. Petersburg more often than not would take a very particular stance in regards to contradictions within Russian society from 2005 to 2015, as well as young people under the age of 25 and citizens who considered their financial situation to be subpar. In the summer of 2023, financial status of citizens in their subjective understanding still had a serious impact on how the severity of the key contradictions in Russian society was perceived. However, we can now add worldview factors to the list of important determinants influencing attitudes towards them, such as: specific political views, attitudes towards the main power structures, primarily towards the President and the State Duma.

This paper aims to analyze the community's perception and capacity for collective action around the development of rural community-based tourism (RCBT) in the context of mass tourism, modern agriculture practices, and low levels of trust in local governments, in the Ricaurte Province in Boyacá, Colombia. An exploratory analysis was done by interviewing different stakeholders, which was followed by a quantitative survey administered to different types of local actors in the tourism value chain. This mixed-method approach enabled the collection of community perceptions on the subject, as well as an understanding of their level of social capital and its connection with participation in RCBT. One of the main results was that communities perceive RCBT as an alternative development activity. However, certain challenges, such as apathy among the community toward governments and strengthening social capital, are also recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Páginas de la Educación is the property of Universidad Catolica del Uruguay Damaso Antonio Larranaga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aim: To investigate the dynamics of law enforcement officers' physical and mental health indicators in the context of social tension. Materials and Methods: The research, which involved 74 law enforcement officers (men) aged 25-35, was conducted in 2021-2022. To study the physical health of law enforcement officers, we evaluated such indicators as the Robinson index, the Vital index, the Stange test, the Genchi test, and the Rufier test. To study mental health, we used such methods as the "Rapid Diagnosis of Psycho- Emotional Stress", and the "Mental Health Continuum -- Short Form" (MHCSF-UA). Results: The research revealed a significant (p ≤0.01-0.001) negative dynamics of law enforcement officers' physical and mental health indicators in the context of social tension (COVID-19 pandemic, war, participation in hostilities). The article reveals a low level of functioning of the cardiovascular and respiratory systems; a high level of professional stress; a low level of satisfaction with life and service; a depressed emotional state. Practical recommendations for the implementation of corrective measures to preserve (restore) the physical and mental health of law enforcement officers have been developed. Conclusions: It has been determined that law enforcement officers in the context of social tension have a low level of physical health indicators, are under constant stress, and exhibit certain personality changes that affect their psychophysical state, mood, and well-being. All this negatively affects the effectiveness of their professional activities and requires correction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June 13, 1974, four Palestinian militants penetrated kibbutz Shamir in northern Israel, killing three women before being killed by an ad-hoc force of kibbutz members. The attack on Shamir generated a new discourse in Israel about civilian reaction to terrorism and the concept of the citizen-soldier. But this discourse was intertwined with contemporaneous social and ethnic conflicts, as it included comparisons between the events in Shamir and in other communities struck by Palestinian terrorism around the same period. Analyzing the public reactions to the raids on Shamir and other Israeli communities – mainly the towns of Kiryat Shmona and Ma'alot – this article argues that, in contrast to received opinion, security threats did not serve as a social glue keeping together a divided Israeli society, but rather accentuated ethnic and social tensions plaguing Israel in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being a resource-scarce country, Bangladesh hosts a million Rohingya refugees on humanitarian grounds and offers them protection, and shelter. How does their presence affect the provision of resources, services, and access for both residents and refugees? I analyze the conflict and competition over limited resources. I argue that the arrival of the Rohingyas has caused significant distress to the host community in Cox's Bazar district, but there is an inadequate reflection on their distress. By examining the locals' relationships with the refugees through field engagements, I argue their presence leads to conflict, in three main areas: public service provision, economic resources, and environmental resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of the study of perceptions of population about the problems of inter-ethnic relations in the context of current social trends. The empirical base of operation composed of comparative studies in the Moscow region. It was revealed that the prevailing trend of evaluations of the socio-economic situation in the country and in the capital is negative. The latter is the context of evaluation of the situation in the sphere of international relations in general. It is shown that a level of conflict in this region is high enough. Studies have fixed that, along with the problems, there are positive preconditions for the improvement of international relations: the characteristics of cultural identity of the inhabitants of the capital reflect the vector to unite peoples and cultures, historically residing on the territory of Russia.

Everyday life history (Alltagsgeschichte, histoire de la vie quotidienne) is a relatively new field in historical science, the subject of which is the everyday life of a person in various historical and cultural, political, ethnic and confessional contexts. The core of the research consists of a comprehensive analysis of the normal, familiar way of life of different social strata of the population. The relevance of studying the everyday life of Vienna's citizens in World War I is determined by the lack of research on this topic in the Russian scientific community. Therefore, the analysis of socio-political and economic problems of the rear in the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire on the basis of the works of German and English authors is of practical importance. The article deals with various aspects of everyday life in Vienna society in the period from 1914 to 1918 -the period of World War I, when the European continent was engulfed in fear and chaos caused by military actions. Through an analysis of the internal policies of the Austro-Hungarian government, in particular the introduction of a military dictatorship, and through the identification of public reactions to the changes, a general picture of the transformation of the lives of ordinary citizens in Vienna is formed. The author investigates how the everyday reality of women in the rear has changed when most working age men were drafted to the front. "Home Front Soldiers", as the women of military Vienna are called by A. Pfoser and A. Weigl in their work "In the Epicenter of the Breakup: Vienna in World War I", were forced to take up male jobs in factories, raising their children in conditions of hunger, social tension and constantly rising housing prices. The author draws attention to the fact that internal political problems in the Austro-Hungarian Empire have created a conflict between the government and the army leadership. Soldiers dissatisfied with the living conditions of their relatives and the loved ones in Vienna, what they learned about through personal letters, refused to fight. The unrest on the front and in the rear forced the Austro-Hungarian government to take extreme measures - a brutal suppression of uprisings. However, social tensions and difficult living conditions for the inhabitants of Vienna remained until the end of the war and had a direct impact on the further collapse of the empire.

This paper attempts to shed light on the main challenges and barriers to formal primary education for Syrian refugee children in Jordan. It shows how school enrollment and Jordan's educational services for Syrian refugee children have been negatively affected by policies limiting their access to Jordanian public schools. Other barriers include child labor, early marriage, stakeholders inter collaboration problems, and social tensions between Syrian refugees and host communities. Also, it outlines refugee children's special educational needs and several safety aspects and risks associated with insufficient education. The paper also questions whether Syrian refugee children's situation will improve unless Jordan undertakes reforms that go beyond the framework of its current education policies and gets more considerable donor funding targeted at improving access to schools. Lastly, this article provides three policy options to assist Jordan and other stakeholders in taking essential steps to ensure that Syrian refugee children can realize their right to education.

The quality of life depends on the place in the social structure. Social groups have different opportunities for meeting needs and achieving goals. Positions of different social groups in the subjects of the Russian Federation differ, which can significantly influence social well-being and protest moods; therefore, the study of the quality of life in the regional space is important in both theoretical and practical perspectives. The article aims at considering differentiation of the quality of life in the regional space and identifying the most vulnerable social groups. The authors study the quality of life with the multidimensional hierarchical approach based on a complex of interrelated objective and subjective criteria. This methodology was tested in the empirical study of the quality of life in the Oryol Region. The study used the following set of indicators of the quality of life: subjective assessments of the most significant forms of deprivation; movable and immovable property; housing and the quality of living conditions; savings; access to paid social services; professional position, possibilities of professional self-realization; political activity and political culture; leisure preferences and opportunities that entail additional spending; self-identification in different spheres of life. This set of indicators allowed to describe positions of social groups and their regional differentiation: social groups that make up the regional population, their positions in the stratification system, their quantitative and qualitative characteristics were identified. The authors also identified the most vulnerable groups affected by social tensions and showed that the growth of social inequality can lead to an increase in the protest and destructive behavior.

A classification of regions of Ukraine by the level of formation of social tensions together with determination of preventive measures aimed at preventing the creation of crisis situations are carried out. It is proved that the socio-economic situation typical for Ukraine has deteriorated significantly. This is evidenced by the decline of a large number of international indicators that characterize the stability of the country’s development. The suggested in the article methodological approach to the classification of regions by the level of formation of social tensions includes two main stages: substantiation of the system of socio-economic indicators that characterize the level of social tension; selection and substantiation of models of classification of regions. The carried out analysis of the values of socio-economic indicators of each cluster allowed to allocate the following classes of regions by the level of formation of social tension: 1st class – increased level of formation of social tensions; 2nd class – low level of formation of social tensions; 3rd class – high level of formation of social tensions. Of particular importance for the research is the 3rd class, i.e., the class with a high level of formation of social tensions, which leads to a crisis. The regions of this class should have serious government support in the social sphere. The results of the research showed that the number of regions classified with high level of social tensions is constantly growing and, unfortunately, the number of regions where the social sphere is more developed is decreasing. It should be noted that this situation is extremely dangerous, because it can lead not only to social, but also economic and political crises. The carried out analysis of the status of region of each of the received classes provides the possibility to prevent aggravation of crises in the social sphere and determine the list of preventive measures that can lead to a decrease in losses both in terms of individual classes and in the State as a whole.

Resumo Sintetizo minha pesquisa sobre a fronteira nos anos de 1970 e 1980, quando do violento movimento de ocupação da Amazônia Legal. Cobriu da Pré-Amazônia maranhense ao Pará, Mato Grosso, Goiás, Rondônia e Acre. Polarizo dois grupos de experiências sociais opostas na gestação das cidades e do modo de vida urbano no cenário peculiar. Num extremo, a formação espontânea, a partir de pequenos povoados, decorrente da livre ocupação da terra por migrantes oriundos, em grande parte, do semiárido do Nordeste. No outro extremo, o território ocupado por migrantes do Sul e da região do Contestado do Espírito Santo e Minas Gerais, as cidades planejadas, que expressavam modernas concepções do urbano, na intervenção do Estado ditatorial e sua lógica ordenadora.

The focus of this article is on the actions of Reverend Frits Slomp, vicar of the Reformed Church in Heemse, during the economic depression of the 1930s, and his response to the rise of national socialism as a new political movement. During the depression many labourers in Heemse and Hardenberg lost their jobs. Reverend Slomp put a great deal of personal effort into helping these men and into trying to solve their social-economic problems. When in 1933 the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) came into power in Germany and the National Socialist Party (NSB) was gaining ground in the Netherlands, Reverend Slomp warned about the dangers of National Socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the situation, caused by the growing labour migration from China to Italy. In the beginning of the paper, the authors give a short outline of multiculturalism policy and its specific features in Italy. In spite of sustainable ethno-religious tolerance of Italian society (conditioned by the historical and geographical factors, such as longterm fragmentation of Italian state, the presence of a large number of ethnic minorities in a rather small area, intensive North-South internal migration), the multiculturalism policy, imposed by the European Union, has not been accustomed in this country. The reasons for it were the growth of unemployment rate, economic crisis, migration crisis, that started after 2008. The latter showed the disrespect, demonstrated by migrants to basic human rights and freedoms, and contempt to European culture and traditions, which induced the increasing discontent among Italian citizens. Then, the paper provides an overview on Italian-Chinese relations and a detailed analysis of problems, related to Chinese migration in Italy. Chinese migrants form a considerable diaspora in this country, living in isolated, almost self-governed communities, claiming for their rights and participating in a variety of criminal activities. The authors define the reasons for the formation of this trend and analyse the way, how the problem is being dealt with.

Since the mid-1990s Morocco has traversed several stages of political and constitutional reforms. These were characterized by a restructuring of the political field in keeping with constitutional methodology and political consensus and were the precondition for the process of rapprochement between political actors. However, if this rapprochement or political openness transformed the electoral process into something diminished in practical terms, it in turn intensified the expansion of the protest arena, the accumulation of skills and experience among protesters, the development of more independent coordination capabilities, and the weakening of the regime's polarizing tendencies. This development imposes upon the political class a renewal of its discourse and means and modalities of communication, in the short and medium terms, to prevent continued erosion of its credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the main approaches to the definition of the concept of social tensions, and proposes to further introduce the concepts of "normal" and "low" social tension. The structure and functions of social tension in modern Russia and the dynamics of empirical indicators of social discontent and protest potential over the last 10-15 years are analyzed, according to leading centers for public opinion studies – Levada Center, POF and VCIOM. The role of public outrage and indignation as a "trigger" or immediate push in the transition from high social tension to mass protest campaigns is highlighted. The separation between civilized (organized, peaceful, and legal) and uncivil (riots, unrest, revolts, pogroms, etc.) mass actions is substantiated. An attempt has been made to implement a regional approach in the analysis of social tension and mass protest activity based on examples of Moscow, Stavropol Territory and the Republic of Dagestan. Forecasts are made for further development of social tension and mass protest activity during the period of crisis. The conclusion is made that a rise is possible in social discontent in the near future is not likely to lead to widespread early mass protest campaigns by certain compensatory mechanisms.

This article describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to social conflicts. The author analyses their assessments of danger associated with social tension in the Russian society. This tension becomes particularly pronounced during the time of economic, social, and political turbulence. The research aims to examine the existing threats and identify opportunities for reducing social tension. The article makes a practical contribution to the development of social policy and civil society. The author describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to various social conflicts. They believe that religious and ethnic conflicts are the most dangerous ones and consider ‘conflicts over property and status’ a minor threat. Residents, associating themselves with the middle class, are more inclined to stress the danger of religious conflicts compared to those who associate themselves with the lower class, which is corroborated by a comparison of real incomes. The intensity of personal anxiety, experienced in the presence of people differing from the respondents, can be described in the following way: the most acute anxiety is caused by people of a different nationality, followed by nationals of other countries and members of other religions, then people with differing political views, and compatriots from other Russian regions. These data make it possible to identify hidden connections and patterns in the socio-demographic structure of these attitudes, which can be instrumental in obtaining a comprehensive picture of threats and emerging social conflicts and, hence, in preventing them.

This article describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to social conflicts. The author analyses their assessments of danger associated with social tension in the Russian society. This tension becomes particularly pronounced during the time of economic, social, and political turbulence. The research aims to examine the existing threats and identify opportunities for reducing social tension. The article makes a practical contribution to the development of social policy and civil society. The author describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to various social conflicts. They believe that religious and ethnic conflicts are the most dangerous ones and consider ‘conflicts over property and status’ a minor threat. Residents, associating themselves with the middle class, are more inclined to stress the danger of religious conflicts compared to those who associate themselves with the lower class, which is corroborated by a comparison of real incomes. The intensity of personal anxiety, experienced in the presence of people differing from the respondents, can be described in the following way: the most acute anxiety is caused by people of a different nationality, followed by nationals of other countries and members of other religions, then people with differing political views, and compatriots from other Russian regions. These data make it possible to identify hidden connections and patterns in the socio-demographic structure of these attitudes, which can be instrumental in obtaining a comprehensive picture of threats and emerging social conflicts and, hence, in preventing them.

Copyright of Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Intituto de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Austral de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Indonesian cinema, which is a major part of the cultural life of young urban people from the middle and upper-classes, is made by directors for whom this national market represents the main target. Their films thus deal with subjects which especially concern this type of public. These works, which go beyond a simple translation/reformulation that would just be a reflection of the interrogations and desires of the Indonesian yuppies contribute to legitimizing and addressing these questions. Indonesian cinema has taken advantage of the liberalization of the rights of expression following the process of democratization to stage and report (seen here through six examples) on several tensions and uncertainties in society: the role of the local cultures facing the national-modernism from Jakarta, the place of Islam in society, and other phenomena of attraction-repulsion about global flows which question inherited traditions.

Slogans, both chanted and written, are one of the most frequent and standard forms of social protest discourse. Based on data from Quebec’s 2012 student strike, this paper focuses on the roles of slogans in collective action. Starting from a broad definition of argumentation, the aim is to examine the ways through which do written slogans contribute to the collective call for action. Which, among the mobilized groups, both activists and their opponents, is addressed by the slogans? Which groups are constituted as target audiences? What are the discursive components used in the construction of slogans? Focusing on instrumental functions of slogans in protest, this paper defines the slogan as a series of socio-disursive acts of a ‘call for action’, which contribute to the formation of activist groups and to the public expression of social tensions.

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Before the rural exodus of the 1950s in Italy, a symbolic and reverse exodus took place. The symbolic capital of modern culture penetrated into the farming world. Society has particular mechanisms in place to relieve pressures, thereby also announcing and preparing for social changes. This paper analyses one of these mechanisms, namely family photography between the late 19th century and the early 20th century. Through some singular portraits, we see the 'dispatcher' role that photography played in the interstices of society between psychological, social, and material realities: a junction of emotions, a mediator between the rural and urban worlds, a rite of passage that channels drives, and a yardstick of what society considers to be correct or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract. The Corralejas festivals are a cultural representation of the Colombian Caribbean region, as a legacy from the establishment of large cattle ranches in the Sucre and Córdoba regions. This arena spectacle was declared a part of the cultural heritage of Colombia through Law 1272 of January 5, 2009,without following the guidelines for the process of patrimonial law proposed in Law 1185 of 2008. This representation is part of a series of tensions that show asymmetries in the social structure of the region, the “patronal” relations, the colonial origin, regional and national policy, and the opposition of animal protection groups to this event.

Each historical period is characterized by three legged movements composed by technological levels, by kinds of social relations of production and by forms of the socially built environments of geographical entities for instance, the invention of the caravel that allowed the use of the sea routes in long distance commerce: the social rise of merchants and bankers as presented in Shakespeare's "The Merchant of Venice" and the development of the sea port cities, members of a Hanseatic League, created at the 13th century are examples related to introduction of mercantilism. The present paper aims to deal particularly with new territorialities and with a new regionalization developed during the globalization process. The term globalization comprehends, yet, in itself the idea of a new geographical scale. The following points are addressed in this paper: the appearance of emergent hegemonic countries in a continental scale of area and population, like China or Brazil; the role of very small political entities, as the Cayman Islands, in support of the present capitalist economy; the specialized territorial buildings by the large transnational corporations, as hubs, port terminals, private railways; and the new forms of agglomeration expressed by the global city regions. Some political tensions and their manifestations are taking form according to the geographical entities where they occur. The paper also deals with some of the current ideological movements and their geographical locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study we have sought to present features of regulations and administration concerning popular food trade in market squares across Rio de Janeiro at the turn of the 20th century. We have also striven to prove the diversity of social groups and practices pertaining to this trade, as well as tensions and conflicts between administrators, retailers and workers in the city's two largest markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the Soviet Union, the Hungarian revolution from the fall of 1956 represented probably the most important challenge it had to face since the Nazi invasion during the Second World War. The "popular democracies" were also threatened by it to a great extent; even independent Yugoslavia, a true model for the Magyar insurgents, agreed with Khrushchev's plan of sending Soviet troops to Budapest and forcefully reinstating communism in Hungary. This study approaches the Hungarian crisis as a consequence of the Soviet ideological metamorphosis that led from what I called post-revolutionary Leninism to Europeanized Leninism. Afterwards, Hungarian and the Suez crises are briefly compared from an international relations' systemic perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An abstract of the article "Symbols and Rites in the Social Relationship and Conflicts of the Clergy of Burgos Through the Late Middle Ages," by Jorge Díaz Ibáñez is presented.

In the context of the fairly recent Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRC), I examine phenomenologically the nature of truth as the essential condition for overcoming social and political conflicts, and as an instrument for enforcing so-called “transitional justice” periods and promoting reconciliation. I also briefly approach the limits of this truth’s possibility of being recognized, if its evaluative and practical dimensions and its appeal to an “intelligence of emotions” do not prevail over its merely theoretical claims. Though not expounding Schutz’s and Husserl’s contributions, and meditating on phenomena they did not deal with, I carry out this reflection inspired by their work and methodological approach. The case study used as an intuitive illustration is the recent Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]