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At Euthydemus 278–282, Socrates produces an argument that has almost universally been agreed to entail that wisdom is sufficient for happiness, necessary for happiness, or both. According to these standard readings, this is because Socrates ties wisdom to correct use of one's assets. Since wisdom is necessary or sufficient for correct use and correct use is necessary or sufficient for happiness, wisdom bears the same relation(s) to happiness, mutatis mutandis. I propose a split-level reading of this passage. On the level of natures, Socrates aims to establish that a causal-explanatory relation holds between the nature of wisdom and correctness such that wisdom by nature always produces correctness; ignorance, conversely, by nature never produces correctness. However, on the level of individuals, the causal relations are defeasible such that the wise sometimes fail and the ignorant sometimes succeed. Thus this reading does not entail that having wisdom is necessary or sufficient for correct use or for happiness. If this split-level reading is correct, then this passage, the locus classicus for the necessity and sufficiency theses, fails to establish either. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mathematician and philosopher Charles Howard Hinton posited a plausible correlation between higher-dimensional spaces, also referred to as 'hyperspaces', and the allegorical concept articulated by the Ancient Greek philosopher Plato in his work, Republic, known as the 'Cave.' In Plato's allegory, individuals find themselves situated in an underground 'Cave', constrained by chains on their legs and neck, perceiving shadows and sound reflections from the 'real' world cast on the 'Cave' wall as their immediate reality. Hinton extended the interpretation of these 'shadows' through the induction method, asserting that, akin to a 3D object casting a 2D shadow, the 'shadow' of a 4D hyper-object would exhibit one dimension less, manifesting as a 3D object. Building upon this conceptual framework, the authors posit a correlation between the perceived acoustic space of the bounded individuals within the 'Cave' and the characteristics of a 4D acoustic space, a proposition substantiated mathematically by scientific inquiry. Furthermore, the authors introduce an interactive art application developed as a methodical approach to exploring the hypothetical 4D acoustic space within Plato's 'Cave', as perceived by the bounded individuals and someone liberated from his constraints navigating through the 'Cave.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines possible reasons as to why Plato wrote dialogues. Hypotheses raised include the notion that dialogues were designed for public consumption, Plato's Idea of the Good and his protection of himself from the power elite. It describes the features of each variety of Platonic dialogues and discusses the essence of human wisdom, knowledge acquisition and the theoretical pessimism embedded in Plato's book "The Apology of Socrates."

Scholars have long recognized significant similarities between Plato's Phaedo and the Gospel of Luke. However, the absence of convincing evidence confirming that Luke was acquainted with Phaedo has prevented scholars from asserting that he drew directly from Plato's dialogue. Notably, previously overlooked are the remarkable resemblances between the narratives of Luke 23,27–33 and Phaedo 117c. The most straightforward explanation for these similarities is the direct influence of Plato's narrative on the Lukan text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Educational Studies (1673-1298) is the property of Journal of Educational Studies Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mathematician and philosopher Charles Howard Hinton posited a plausible correlation between higher-dimensional spaces, also referred to as ‘hyperspaces’, and the allegorical concept articulated by the Ancient Greek philosopher Plato in his work, Republic, known as the ‘Cave.’ In Plato’s allegory, individuals find themselves situated in an underground ‘Cave’, constrained by chains on their legs and neck, perceiving shadows and sound reflections from the ‘real’ world cast on the ‘Cave’ wall as their immediate reality. Hinton extended the interpretation of these ‘shadows’ through the induction method, asserting that, akin to a 3D object casting a 2D shadow, the ‘shadow’ of a 4D hyper-object would exhibit one dimension less, manifesting as a 3D object. Building upon this conceptual framework, the authors posit a correlation between the perceived acoustic space of the bounded individuals within the ‘Cave’ and the characteristics of a 4D acoustic space, a proposition substantiated mathematically by scientific inquiry. Furthermore, the authors introduce an interactive art application developed as a methodical approach to exploring the hypothetical 4D acoustic space within Plato’s ‘Cave’, as perceived by the bounded individuals and someone liberated from his constraints navigating through the ‘Cave.’

The article investigates the intrinsic interconnectedness of European culture with philosophy acting as its self-reflexive pillar, the foundations of which many derive from Plato. It is in the philosophical interpretation of Plato’s work that the author uncovers the analogous structures that represented one of the greatest challenges of the philosophical tradition: the implicit polemical relationship to another, different starting point, that precedes the explicit polemos – a war. The author recalls the influential attempts of European thought in the 20th century that tried to break free from a state of total confrontation. In the 1990s, however, he catches up with the Platonic interpretation, as is demonstrated by the detailed description of the “war of methodologies.” If in the background there is a connection with self-reflection in the process of the self-constitution of philosophy and the selfcomprehension of Europe, then according to the author the “Platonic revolution” is an effort to come to terms with the unprocessed implicit epistemological preformative, war. A possible solution is provided by the author‘s distinction between agon and polemos.

The article explores the phenomenon of ancient Greek theater, portraying it as a unique space where an entire cityscape unfolded before the eyes of thousands of spectators. Despite its mesmerizing effect, there's ongoing debate about its educational impact. In the first part of the article, sources are analyzed in which ancient authors argue for or against the notion that the theater, for which Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides composed, and which was occasionally attended by Socrates, could serve as a kind of school for adults and adolescents. Plato's dialogues, featuring Socrates as the central figure, dissect the differences between philosopher, playwright, and sophist wisdom, suggesting that the theater may not have been primarily aimed at enlightening the masses, but rather at showcasing persuasive rhetoric. Aristotle and Aristophanes stress the importance of playwrights acting as guides for citizens, albeit acknowledging that not all possess the wisdom to effectively mentor citizens in civic engagement and personal growth. In the second part, the article analyzes select tragedies by Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, seen as valuable sources for instructing citizens. These playwrights' works are depicted as poignant reflections of the challenges faced by inhabitants of various cities, with heroes striving to offer guidance to themselves or others. Based on Aristotle's classification of tragic forms, it suggests that protagonists in these tragedies undergo transformative experiences, whether through reversal, discovery, calamity and spectacle. This also opened up wide opportunities for spectators to project what was happening on stage onto themselves and their city, taking guidance from the playwrights and becoming a special kind of disciples.

The Socratic narration in Plato's Protagoras begins with the appearance of a young man. Early in the morning, a boy who had just learned that the sophist from Abdera is in town and who is yearning to meet him, goes to Socrates to request his accompanying. It is for this young man, and thanks to him, that Socrates, after a careful examination, decides to attend the gathering at Callias' house to converse with Protagoras. According to the narrative, the boy is the true catalyst for Socrates' attention and dedication to the sophist and, consequently, the real promoter and instigator of the dialogue. This paper mainly aims at shedding some light on the ethos and psychology of this young man named Hippocrates. Far from the picture often presented of him, merely of an innocent and helpless young man exposed at the dangers of the sophists’ teachings, this work stresses the boldness and excitement of a passionate and impulsive fellow whose irrationality is a potential threat not only for himself, but especially for those surrounding. In addition to the analysis of his ethos and psychology, the paper opens discussing to what extent and in what sense Hippocrates may be considered an associate of Socrates, and ends up speculating, relying on the Protagoras, about the possible causes that brought to the corruption of the souls of youth’s as such.

Aristoxenus of Tarentum (375-335 BC) was one of Aristotle’s most important students. He was best known for his treatises on musical theory, including the Elements of Harmonic Theory. However, Aristoxenus was also notable as a great author of biographies of personalities such as Pythagoras, Archytas, Socrates and Plato. Unfortunately, only fragments of these works have reached us. However, from reading these fragments we can derive very interesting information about the biographies of these philosophers and the way they were portrayed in Antiquity. Furthermore, we can also reach some conclusions about Aristoxenus’ position regarding Socratic-Platonic theories. In this paper I will discuss the information contained in the fragments of biographies that Aristoxenus wrote about Socrates and Plato and what would be his point of view on these authors would be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the very broad field of Platonic scholarship, we note that the most respected scholars have views that sometimes are completely different. On the one hand, it results from the richness and complexity of these works, on the other, it is also a consequence of different methods that the scholars use in approaching the Dialogues. In the light of that, a natural question emerges: How should we read the Dialogues? However, analyzing the different approaches used, we can see that the answers to a previous question often determines, even if tacitly, the answers to how to read the Dialogues and the approach used in practice. This previous question is the question about the main function of the Dialogues, which tends to be similar to the question about what are the Dialogues. For example, scholars that tend to focuse in the theses and arguments (instead of the literary elements) assume that they are dealing with “philosophical” works, which therefore should fullfil “philosophical” tasks, such as (according to certain conception often presupposed of philosophy) to define a concept, to answer a theoretical question with rational arguments and so on. On the other hand, scholars that tend to focuse in the dramatic and literary aspects assume that they are interpreting literary works which therefore do not need to accomplish philosophical tasks. Thus, I would like to challenge one of these hypothesis often used (even if implicitly) about the function of the Dialogues: the idea that these works or at least some of them are a defense of Socrates against the accusation that put him to death. Comparing the charge with some passages of the Dialogues, I intend to show that we should leave this hypothesis aside while reading the Dialogues. The exegetical benefits that might result from this are considerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sources provide conflicting accounts of the role of Socrates during the trial of the generals after the Battle of Arginusae: in Plato's Apology and Xenophon's Hellenica he is presented as the only πρύτανις that opposed the will of the crowd to judge the generals in a single vote. In the Gorgias and Xenophon's Memorabilia he is elevated to the status of chairman (ἐπιστάτης). This paper revisits the possible interconnections among the sources and re-examines the suggestion that Xenophon's version in the Memorabilia is influenced by Plato's Gorgias, while also considering Diodorus Siculus' narrative of these same events. It is argued that Xenophon's agenda at Hellenica 1.7.1–16 is driven by the political aim of highlighting the deficiencies of Athenian democracy, whereas similarities between Plato's Apology and Euryptolemus' speech at Hellenica 1.7.16–35 encourage the inference that the latter text should be viewed against the backdrop of Socratic literature. The conclusion reached is that Socrates cannot have served as chairman and that the performance of his civic duties may not have been of such overriding importance as might initially appear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rethinking the powers of the imagination, Søren Kierkegaard both anticipates and challenges contemporary approaches to a descriptive philosophy of religion. In contrast to the reigning approaches to religion in his day, Kierkegaard reconceives philosophy as, first of all, descriptive of human, including specifically ethical and religious, existence. To this end, he develops conceptual tools, including a descriptive ontology of human existence, a "pluralist epistemology" exploring both cognitive and passional dimensions of religion, and a role for the poetic in philosophy, strikingly expressed in his observer figures who "imaginatively construct" "thought projects" to explore human existence. While this new descriptive account anticipates subsequent approaches to the philosophy of religion, it could be interpreted as another "objectivist" endeavor, yet Kierkegaard attempts more in this descriptive philosophy. He imaginatively deploys conceptual and rhetorical strategies maieutically to both describe and elicit self-reflection aimed at transformation, thus expanding the imagination's uses for his readers. Comparing Kierkegaard to Pierre Hadot's recovery of ancient Greek philosophy as "a way of life" will show how Kierkegaard also engages the particularity of "the Christian principle", with implications for how philosophy can both describe and elicit the pathos of other religious traditions as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the best way to respond to monuments in our communities if they represent people who stood for harmful ideas and/or societal structures? I start with the assumption that it would be best for everyone if all of the harmful monuments were removed from our public squares. The more interesting question is: Why would it be best? I will examine critically two different explanations as to why it would be best: one, Plato's, which rests on the harmful non-intellectual influences of images and the other, Socrates', which rests on the harmful intellectual influences of those images. In the end, I shall argue that Socrates got it right and Plato wrong due to the former's ability to explain human behaviour and the latter's surprising lack of that same ability, despite how widely it is believed. If the argument is correct, it will have deep and widespread implications for how we educate our children and ourselves about every important aspect of the human condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the controversy between ancient Greek dramatists and their fellow philosophers over the vertical axis, with special reference to Socrates. I begin with a discussion of the vertical axis in Greek theatre, and turn to Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus to discuss the vertical as a manifestation of the tragic preference ascribed to our “divine” upper body over our “bestial” lower body. Then, I discuss the deus ex machina as an image of divine vertical intervention in the horizontal human plot, and claim that Plato’s and Aristotle’s philosophical critique of this theatrical convention fails to notice that the dramatists made a subversive use of the illogicality of this convention. The second part of the article is dedicated to the vertical as an expression of man’s desire to transcend the boundaries of the human sphere. I discuss the negative treatment of this desire by Greek dramatists, who regard it as an unworthy aspiration, compared to its positive treatment by Greek philosophers, who presents it as a worthy aspiration, since it is only through such an ascent that one can get a glimpse of the eternal. In this context, I examine two representations of Socrates: his deus ex machina appearance in Aristophanes’ Clouds, implying the hubristic stance of philosophers; and his habit of long immobile standings as introduced in Plato’s Symposium, implying the philosophers’ superiority over the dramatists. However, the publicly-visible nature of Socrates’ standstills also turns them into a display of philosophizing, meaning that Socrates of the Symposium is a philosopher who (perhaps unfairly) theatricalizes his verticality so as to challenge the art of theatre.

The final episode of the Anabasis dismays many readers: Xenophon takes a small group of associates to kidnap the household of the wealthy Persian, Asidates. Thereby he himself becomes wealthy. This paper examines several details of the account of that episode. The mature author gives us the unvarnished facts straightforwardly, through the uncritical perspective of the youthful agent. From these brute facts the reader may infer that the mature writer intends a negative judgement about the final episode. The mature Xenophon thus presents some self-criticism. That capacity for self-criticism may come from the influence of Socrates. There are reasons, however, to make a further judgement that Xenophon's admirable capacity for self-criticism was sadly limited. One cannot escape deep disappointment after reflecting on the final episode of the Anabasis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to shed new light on Nicholas of Cusa as a reader of Plato by examining the autographic marginalia transmitted in the Codex Cusanus 177, the most significant Platonic collection within Cusanus's extant library. More specifically, the article focuses on Cusanus's reading of three Platonic dialogues translated into Latin by Leonardo Bruni (Apology of Socrates , Phaedo , and Phaedrus) and illustrates their common reception in a specific phase of Cusanus's production, from the composition of the Apologia doctae ignorantiae (1449) to the redaction of the Idiota trilogy (1450). The article not only shows how the thought of Cusanus developed in the margins of the Platonic manuscripts, but also reconstructs Cusanus's specific working method. Finally, it proposes an interpretation of Cusanus's reading practices against the background of the critique of book learning and authority that he developed in his works of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue against the prevailing view that Aristophanes in the Clouds characterizes Socrates as a "sophistic" teacher-for-pay. To do so, I reexamine the play's five potential references to teaching payments—Strepsiades' description of the Thinkery (98–99), his offer of a wage (245–249), the Clouds' exhortation to Socrates (804–812), a joke about Hyperbolus (874–876), and the "honor" that Socrates receives from Strepsiades (1146–1147)—within the framework of Aristophanes' comic technique. I demonstrate that Aristophanes, particularly in the sections of the play most significant for the characterization of Socrates (126–509 and 627–803), portrays Socrates not as a venal teacher looking to take advantage of his students but as an impractical intellectual who has no concern for money. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Las palabras iniciales del Gorgias son una pista importante para comprender la caracterización literaria y filosófica del personaje Calicles dentro del diálogo platónico. Así, que Platón colocara en boca de Calicles un saludo donde se mencionan explícitamente la guerra y el enfrentamiento muestra lo importante que estas actividades son para este personaje. El resto del diálogo sirve para desarrollar este aspecto del alma de Calicles, quien, tanto en sus intervenciones como en su accionar en la conversación, deja clara su defensa de un modo de vida definido por el honor y el reconocimiento público en el ámbito político, el sometimiento de otros, así como la satisfacción de toda clase de apetitos y deseos como elementos constitutivos de una vida feliz. En tal sentido, las primeras palabras del diálogo nos ofrecen un primer vistazo del personaje Calicles que es coherente con la presentación de este en todo el diálogo.

La noción de teología natural es clave dentro de la obra de Agustín que, en tanto romano formado a partir de las coordenadas del canon clásico, construye dentro de su obra los dispositivos necesarios para dar entrada legítima, aunque parcial, a elementos grecorromanos que habrán de orientar su propia argumentación en el territorio de las letras cristianas. El octavo libro de su tratado La ciudad de Dios nos permite observar la extracción de aquella noción de su ámbito de procedencia, especialmente los textos de Varrón y Cicerón, que tienen a su vez sus antecedentes en la tradición filosófica académica y estoica, su adaptación al horizonte de significado bíblico-cristiano y su uso interesado dentro de este. La operación llevada a cabo por Agustín nos deja entrever su conocimiento y capacidad de manipulación de la tradición letrada romano-republicana, además de ciertas concepciones procedentes de la vulgata doxográfica vigentes en su contexto, tales como las de “escuelas” y “sucesiones” filosóficas. Nos interesa enfocar, sobre todo, los juegos de amalgamas y corrimientos semánticos que ensaya Agustín sobre el perfil de Sócrates, con unos fines muy puntuales, y que nos llevan a observar, asimismo, la circulación de ideas en el espacio romano del norte de África, para el cual disponemos de algunos antecedentes de interés, como los textos de la apologética en lengua latina de Tertuliano y Minucio Félix, entre los siglos II y III.

In this paper I present a comparative analysis of the knowledge discovery process applied by Socrates and the contemporary life coach. On one hand, I will use the method of in-depth analysis of selected (Socratic) dialogues by Plato, and on the other one of coaching practice and coaching values formulated by the International Coach Federation. The term “care of the self” (epimeleia heautou) appears in the Socratic dialogues, Alkibiades I and Apology of Socrates, and this term is juxtaposed with the coaching idea of “being resourceful”. “Taking care of yourself” is about constantly gaining knowledge about yourself. This knowledge is extracted by Socrates and, in contemporary terms, by a life coach. The process of uncovering knowledge involves certain key elements that are shared by both the Socratic method and modern life coaching: establishing a relationship, a purpose and relevant questions. The analysis of each of these elements leads us to the conclusion that the key value of coaching, “the resourceful state of the coach and the coachee”, has its roots in ancient philosophy – in the wisdom of Socrates.

La intención de este artículo es mostrar en qué radica la oposición que representa el Sócrates platónico frente a la sofística y mostrar, tan solo como apunte, como hace suya la posición socrática el pensamiento medieval, desarrollando un pensamiento de extraordinaria riqueza en torno a la humildad, la confianza, la esperanza y el amor.

The initial words of Plato’s Gorgias constitute an important clue to understanding the literary and philosophical characterizations of the figure of Callicles inside the Platonic dialogue. The fact that Plato begins with a greeting from Callicles in which war and confrontation are explicitly mentioned shows how important these activities are for this figure. The rest of the dialogue has the function of developing this aspect of Callicles’ soul. Calicles makes clear—both through his words and actions in the ensuing conversation—that he defends a way of life defined by honor and public recognition in the political realm, by the subjugation of others, and by the satisfaction of all kinds of appetites and desires—all considered constitutive elements of a happy life. In this sense, the first words of the dialogue offer us a first glimpse of the figure of Callicles which coheres with his characterization throughout the whole dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether or not Rousseau's Social Contract is a utopian text is a matter of longstanding debate. This article suggests that the answer to this question is not a simple one. Rousseau's text contains different levels of meaning, and while some of them are utopian, others are not. Specifically, the article focuses on three levels of meaning in the book and concludes that while there is a utopian level in the text, it is not where most interpreters find it, and it is not simply political. Instead, it is a multifaceted utopia pointing at the same time back to Socrates and forward to Kant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Phaedrus, Socrates produces a rhetorical speech in which the question of reminiscence appears as a fundamental activity: the soul remembering its divine origin. Through reminiscence, only the philosopher can go back to the divine origin of the soul, retrieving and understanding the truth, the being really existing and the intelligible forms. Phaedrus is distant from Socrates because he is not a philosopher, but close to him because, as a lover of speeches, he accompanies Socrates in the exercise of reminiscence to criticize and reconfigure Lysias' rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of ontological commitment in Plato's Hippias Major has been important in disputes over the dialogue's place in the corpus, its meaning, and its authenticity. But this question seems to have been settled—the Hippias Major is not committed to the 'forms.' Such an ontological conclusion has been vigorously defended, but its defenses rest on a problematic meta-ontological framework. This paper suggests a more adequate framework and brings more evidence to the evaluation of the question of ontological commitment in the Hippias Major. It concludes that the dialogue is indeed committed to some kind of form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The death of Socrates in 399 BCE is described in Plato's dialogue, the Phaedo, written an unknown time afterwards from accounts by others. Socrates' death has almost always been attributed to his drinking an extract of poison hemlock, Conium maculatum, despite apparent discrepancies between the clinical features described in classical translations of the Phaedo and general clinical experience of poisoning with the toxic alkaloids it contains. Recent acute philological analysis of the original Greek text has resolved many of the discrepancies by showing that the terms used in the classical translations were misinterpretations of the clinical signs described. It is also likely that the unpleasant clinical effects, such as vomiting, abdominal pain, diarrhoea and muscle fasciculation commonly described in modern reports of poison hemlock poisoning, were not mentioned to present the death of Socrates in a way consistent with his philosophical ideals and those of his pupil Plato. Seen in this way, the death of Socrates can be accepted as a limited case report of Conium maculatum poisoning. Even after reaching that conclusion, intriguing scientific questions remain about the toxicity of the coniine alkaloids and the mechanisms of their effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Socrates' philosophy has a very peculiar character due to the absence of wellestablished doctrines and the unbreakable bond between life and thought. For this reason, Socratic philosophy must be understood along with his street wanderings and the constant revision of any intellectual approach. Starting from this hypothesis, this paper aims to show both the originality of Socratic thought and his notion of philosophy, as well as the enormous influence he exerts on Plato, who subtly employs these wanderings and digressions in his texts to enrich the dialogue, providing depth to the arguments, and forcing the reader to travel that same winding road that is philosophical thought. Thus, both authors show that philosophy is not so much a kind of knowledge as it is an activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of natural theology is a key one in the work of Augustine who, as a Roman formed from the coordinates of the classical canon, builds within his work the necessary devices to give legitimate, although partial, entry to Greco-Roman elements that will be guide his own argument in the territory of Christian literature. The eighth book of his treatise The City of God allows us to observe the extraction of that notion from its area of origin, especially the texts of Varro and Cicero, which in turn have their antecedents in the academic and Stoic philosophical tradition, their adaptation to the horizon of biblical-Christian meaning and its interested use within it. The operation carried out by Augustine gives us a glimpse of his knowledge and ability to manipulate the Roman-Republican literary tradition, in addition to certain conceptions from the doxographic vulgate in force in his context, such as those of "schools" and philosophical "successions." We are interested in focusing, above all, on the games of amalgamations and semantic shifts that Augustine rehearses on the profile of Socrates, with very specific purposes, and which lead us to observe, also, the circulation of ideas in the North African Roman area, for which we have some interesting antecedents, such as the Latin apologetics books of Tertullian and Minutius Felix, between the 2nd and 3rd centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hypnos is the property of Hypnos / Instituto Hypnos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social virtues are not discussed thematically in the Socratic writings of Plato and Xenophon, but they are on display everywhere. Taking Aristotle's accounts of these virtues as a touchstone, this paper explores the portrait of Socrates as a model of good humour in Xenophon's Symposium. While Xenophon is addressing the same issues as Aristotle, and shares some of his red lines, his conception of the ideal humourist and of virtue in general differs from Aristotle's not only in detail but also in general conception. While he never actually violates the rules Aristotle sets down for eutrapelia , Xenophon's Socrates strives not to avoid opposites but to combine them. It is the careful combining of the spoudaion and the geloion that redeems Xenophon's otherwise outrageous portrait of Socratic humour. This suggests a broader paradigm in which virtuous behaviour is a combination of opposites rather than a middle path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Logos: A Journal, of Religion, Philosophy Comparative Cultural Studies & Art (08687692) is the property of Logos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)