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The South African War of 1899−1902, between Great Britain and the Boer states, marked by British victory, garnered extensive international attention, thus offering a compelling case study on the influence of modern propaganda globally. European and American audiences closely monitored the conflict between the ‘mighty’ British Empire and the ‘little white Christians’. Employing critical analysis, this article scrutinises Ottoman intellectuals’ pro-British propaganda and their stance on the war. Utilising sources like Young Turk publications and memoirs, particularly focusing on Ismail Kemal Vlora’s work ‘The Question of Transvaal’ (1900), it sheds light on their efforts to legitimise British imperialism in South Africa and beyond. Vlora played a pivotal role in leading the Anglophile faction amongst Ottoman statesmen and intelligentsia and his writings offer crucial insights into their perspectives. This study aims to comprehend the views of Anglophile Ottoman intellectuals on colonialism, imperialism, and civilisation, alongside their advocacy for Britain. Centred on Ottoman perspectives of the war, with supplementary attention to colonial South African history, this research unveils how and why the Southern African conflict impacted Ottoman intelligentsia. This study is embedded within the broader context of the South African War’s substantial international ramifications, emphasising its relevance to global historical discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have focused on the influence of cultural mobilisation on the population of a belligerent state. Yet, such mobilisation can spread abroad, affecting foreigners who sympathise with the goals of military campaigns led by other nations. For example, the Boer cultural mobilisation during the South African War of 1899–1902 led to the self-mobilisation of foreign volunteers, including Russian adolescents. The pro-Boer messages originating in the South African republics were internalised by other cultures. Although the initial impulse comes from the belligerent nation, cultural mobilisation can have a transnational dimension, defined and developed by its agents in their own countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the life and political career of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, a prominent figure in British politics during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Born in Glasgow in 1836, Campbell-Bannerman started as a Member of Parliament and eventually became the leader of the Liberal Party and Prime Minister. He faced challenges such as the split within the Liberal Party over Irish home rule and the Second Boer War. Campbell-Bannerman's leadership and ethical standards were tested during these times, but he ultimately led the Liberal Party to a landslide victory in the 1906 general election. He supported various reforms, including education, land, and licensing, but faced opposition from the Conservative majority in the House of Lords. Campbell-Bannerman also advocated for trade unions' rights and introduced legislation to address child mistreatment and poverty. While personally supporting women's suffrage, he prioritized party unity and peaceful lobbying. His most significant achievement was the introduction of the Pensions Bill, which marked a shift towards a welfare state. Due to his declining health, Campbell-Bannerman resigned as prime minister in 1908. [Extracted from the article]

This article conceptualizes the relatively small and visually modest presence of Australia in St Paul's as monuments to British 'settlement', rather than invasion. It examines three plaques to politicians and colonial Governors General, and the presence of Australia in the larger-scale memorial to the South African War (1899–1901). I argue that these monuments naturalized the idea of Australia as a place of peaceful White settlement, contributed to the formation of global White settler identities, and relocated violence and warfare primarily to the African continent. I employ Goenpul woman and feminist scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson's notion of 'white possessive logics' to explore how these monuments work to legitimize Indigenous dispossession in the heart of the British metropole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Bertha Burleigh's 1912 marble and onyx monument to the war artist Melton Prior (1845–1910) alongside a range of earlier memorials to 'special correspondents' in the crypt in St Paul's Cathedral. It considers the monument in the context of significant shifts in the nature of war reportage in the early twentieth century, as new and increasingly brutal technologies and methods of war placed significant strain on romantic Victorian conceptions of conflict. Exploring the extent to which war artists such as Prior were implicated in the violence they were tasked with documenting, the article also asks how such visual reportage informed the racial politics of memory embodied in the crypt, anointing some men as imperial heroes worthy of sombre commemoration and others as 'ungrieveable'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the potential influence of the 1897 Diamond Jubilee celebration on J.R.R. Tolkien's writing, specifically his depiction of Bilbo Baggins's birthday party in The Hobbit. The author suggests that Tolkien's childhood memories of the Jubilee celebration may have inspired the festive atmosphere and elements of Bilbo's party. The article provides details about the Diamond Jubilee celebrations in Moseley, including the participation of local school children, decorations, and the distribution of medals and toys. It also discusses mourning etiquette at the time and speculates on the presence of Tolkien's relatives at the celebrations. The author emphasizes the significance of these memories in shaping Tolkien's fictional world. [Extracted from the article]

The Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) had an impact on Spain after its defeat in the Spanish-American War (1898). The harmony between Britain and the US alarmed Spain: fearing Britain should wish to seize Spanish overseas territories through aggressive policies, as with the Transvaal and Orange. The Spanish press, public opinion and literature rejected Britain's imperialist policy and spiritually supported the Boers' cause. Additionally, Britain's historiography on the Boer War has largely focused on attributing the invention of concentration camps to General Weyler in order to soften Britain's international image after her inhumane treatment of Afrikaners and black Africans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between the Liberal Party and the issue of empire during the era of British imperialism from 1880 to 1914. It reveals that the Liberal Party was divided on the matter, with some members supporting an active imperial policy focused on ethical foreign policy and improving the lives of colonial subjects, while others were skeptical of military action and believed that imperial expansion was costly. The article analyzes the role of imperialism in elections during this period and finds that while the Conservatives consistently emphasized empire in their campaigns, it was not always a central issue for the Liberals. The article also explores the language used by both parties when discussing empire and highlights the differences in their rhetoric. Overall, the article provides insights into the complex attitudes towards empire within the Liberal Party and its impact on electoral politics. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the complex relationship between liberalism and empire, focusing on the 19th century British Empire. It explores the tension between liberals' belief in universal values and their desire to export those values through empire, while also advocating for peace. The article references various perspectives and authors, including Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, Uday Singh Mehta, and Duncan Bell, who offer critiques and analyses of liberalism and empire. It also acknowledges ongoing debates surrounding Britain's imperial legacy and the connections of prominent liberals to slavery. The article concludes by encouraging further exploration of this vast topic. The accompanying list of references and resources offers a starting point for further research on the subject. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the response of Gladstonian ethical Liberals to Britain's relationship with empire from 1895-1906. It discusses the tensions between Liberal internationalism and imperialism and how progressive Liberals understood these concepts during a time of party divisions. The article focuses on the impact of divisions over imperialism on the positions of ethical progressive Liberals and their efforts to articulate a revamped Liberalism that combined liberal morality, politics, and social principles. It also discusses the influence of humanitarian crises on their understanding of British imperial policy and their efforts to reconcile humanitarianism with imperialism. The text provides insight into the complex relationship between liberalism and imperialism during this period. [Extracted from the article]

Eugen Sandow gained renown in fin de siecle Britain as a strongman and bodybuilder and in the early twentieth century as a publicist, entrepreneur, and crusader for physical fitness on the international scene. Much less is known about his underlying zeal for eugenics, a movement that coincided with Social Darwinism as an evolutionary theory and practice that culminated during his most productive years. A pioneer in the burgeoning field of physical culture, Sandow sought to use his celebrity status to propagate his universal health doctrine as a means to address widespread public concerns about degeneration or suicide of the race. What made Sandow's system unique was his neo-Lamarckian belief that acquired characteristics of health and fitness could be transmitted to the next generation of humanity by physical training. Fuelled by ongoing recruitment crises in the South African War and World War I, it was an ulterior agenda of environmental eugenics that Sandow promoted not only through public and official channels but to the four corners of the earth. Ultimately his utopian vision could not be sustained by the 1920s either through science, public opinion, or by political efforts to reconstruct a society fit for heroes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 caused ideological confusion in South Africa, which holds Russia in high esteem as a Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) partner and a major player in Africa's political economy since 2000s. Against this background, this article examines the coverage of the Russia–Ukraine war on selected days from the start of the war to April 2022 on the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). Through content analysis, the study concludes that war-related topics that received the most coverage were security, peace, United Nations, and civilians. War-related topics that received least coverage on SABC News were sanctions, battlefield, EU policies, nuclear, U.S. policies, justification, and disinformation. The article argues that SABC News coverage was largely objective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The law of treason has been criticised for being based on 'outdated' statutes which are inflexible and unsuitable for modern needs. However, a historical examination of the evolution of treason in Britain and its empire suggests that the law was often adaptable. In nineteenth century England, jurists wished to rein in older constructive treasons, to leave the 1351 Act as the appropriate law for wartime treasons, while the more lenient 1848 Act was to be used against 'political' conspiracies to subvert the state by force. However, the 'constructive' treasons remained part of the law, and were given new life in imperial contexts. In Ireland and Canada, the idea that plotting the king's 'political' death was treason remained central to understandings of the 1351 Act. In India, the interpretation of the provision of the penal code against 'waging war' against the government was influenced by old English ideas of 'constructive' treason and used against those who challenged British rule. Imperial understandings of treason were also shaped by cases arising out of the Boer war, where the underlying law was Roman‐Dutch law. Rather than being restrictive and unable to adapt to modern needs, the law of treason was flexible and malleable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the British Government's decision to establish the Royal Commission on the War in South Africa and how the Edwardian press presented its findings to the public. It will discuss how the Conservative media attempted to downplay the significance of the report and how the Liberal and Radical presses attempted to use it to raise questions about the Government's ability to manage crises and, by linking the failures of military planning to new Conservative economic and education policies, challenge the competency of the Colonial Secretary and powerful Unionist leader, Joseph Chamberlain. Finally, it will show how the press, regardless of political leaning, remained supportive of the military leadership which conducted the war effort despite it playing a significant role in the faulty planning and operational failures of 1899. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L. T. Hobhouse (1864–1929) is most familiar today as a leading theorist of British new liberalism. This article recovers and examines his overlooked commentary on the concept and rhetoric of race, which constituted part of his better-known project of advancing an authoritative account of liberal doctrine. His writings during and after the South African War, I argue, represent a prominent effort to cast liberalism as compatible with both imperial rule and what he called 'the idea of racial equality'. A properly liberal empire, he asserted, would dissolve the colour line. This article traces the arguments Hobhouse advanced to make this claim, and explores his motivations for doing so. I contend that Hobhouse drew on the idiom of race as a form of exclusionary rhetoric, to delegitimise rival accounts of liberal empire and to cast his own as properly cosmopolitan. This recovery, I suggest, offers payoffs for our understanding of both Hobhouse's political thought and, more broadly, the uses of 'race' in twentieth-century liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Botha, Smuts and the Great War" is a book that explores the involvement of South Africa in World War I, focusing on the roles of political and military leaders Louis Botha and Jan Smuts. The authors highlight the connection between military decision-making and the country's politics, as well as the influence of the press on the leaders' campaigns. The book also discusses the conquest of German South West Africa and German East Africa, and the ambitions of the South African leaders for wider African conquest. Overall, the book provides insights into the complex dynamics of the war in Africa and the colonial aspirations of South African leaders. [Extracted from the article]

The article is a book review of "Hitler's Spies: Secret Agents and the Intelligence War in South Africa 1939-1945" edited by Evert Kleynhans. The review praises the book for its thoroughness and interdisciplinary approach in presenting various aspects of military and intelligence issues during World War II. It highlights the role of German secret services in South Africa and the involvement of Portuguese and French colonies in German intelligence. The review also mentions the description of the U-Boat war around South Africa and the difficulties faced by civilians operating in intelligence organizations. The book also covers British counterintelligence efforts and the postwar hunt for collaborators. Overall, the review recommends the book for those interested in the era and intelligence operations during World War II. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on Henry Allingham, a former member of the British Royal Naval Air Service. It discusses the involvement of Henry in the Battle of Jutland between Great Britain and Germany, the only major naval battle to occur during the First World War. It describes the other assignments of Henry after Jutland and the significance of his contribution to the war effort.

The article discusses an exhibition at the National Portrait Gallery that aims to reevaluate the Pre-Raphaelite movement of the 19th century. The exhibition focuses on the contributions of women associated with individual artists, including partners, models, and studio managers. It explores the complex relationships between these women and the artists, as well as their influence on the artworks. The exhibition features works, biographical details, and examples of the women's own artistic production. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of liberalism between Britain and the U.S. from 1870 to 1920, challenging the perception of separate developments in each country. It highlights the transatlantic influence on political ideologies and reform movements, emphasizing the collaboration and parallels between American Progressivism and British reformers during this period.

2023 marks the fiftieth anniversary of the first publication of Sol Plaatje's Mafeking Diary, one of the best-known episodes of the South African War of 1899-1902. This article sets out the reasons why this should be celebrated. We look at how Plaatje's diary came to be written, at the ideas and assumptions that Plaatje brought to the task of writing it, and we describe its most important qualities and characteristics. Why is it that, compared with his other writings, Plaatje's diary has been relatively neglected and under-appreciated? We look for the answers in the inclination of historians to approach the diary as a source of evidence rather than as a work in its own right; of literary scholars to focus on literary forms more familiar than the indeterminate genre of the diary; and the way in which the weight of subsequent South African history has made it difficult for a wider reading public to appreciate the nuances of a work written over a century ago. We argue that the Diary needs to be understood in the context of the particular circumstances of the late nineteenth-century Cape Colony, and that it should be celebrated and enjoyed--as a piece of writing of the highest order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a first focused examination of age misreporting in military recruitment. We take advantage of an original dataset comprised of New Zealand military personnel records in the Second Boer War matched with birth historical records. First, we find that age misrepresentation is common: about one third of soldiers on our dataset misreport their ages. Second, we find that soldiers the estimated age‐specific mean heights do not change significantly when we change from using reported ages to using true ages. Researchers can prioritise the investigation of true ages on those reporting to be 21 or younger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the South African War (1899–1902), state-makers' efforts to control 'dagga' was controversial on several fronts. But 'dagga' also proved a moving target for official classification. Was it a species of Leonotis, common around the countryside? Was it 'Indian hemp', understood by some as a habit-forming drug that debilitated wage workers and caused insanity? This paper traces dagga as a multiple object and problematic of governance in South Africa during the years before the formation of the Union of South Africa and into the early decades of the Union period. A focus on three contested boundaries of top-down knowledge-making and policy – botanical taxonomies; colonial geographies; and political-economy – demonstrates dagga's shifting ontologies across time and space. Together, these empirical snapshots combine as a case study, revealing how the legal reification of a substance as a 'drug' involved political processes that were local, dispersed and unresolved. We show how uncertainties and ambivalences about cannabis long remained productive for different brokers and gatekeepers who navigated the frontiers of competing interests. This history is important for understanding the changing politics of cannabis in South Africa, as it became legible for regulation as a 'dangerous drug' during the first half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The History of Physical Culture in Ireland" by Conor Heffernan explores the birth and growth of physical culture in Ireland, as well as its international influence. The book examines the development of physical culture in Ireland, including the role of strongman Eugen Sandow and the establishment of gymnasiums by the Young Men's Christian Association. It also discusses the impact of historical events such as the Irish Revolution and the World Wars on physical culture in Ireland. The book delves into the development of physical education in schools and the emergence of organizations like the Women's League of Health and Beauty. Overall, the book provides a comprehensive and informative account of the history of physical culture in Ireland. [Extracted from the article]

Gilley references Rathbone, I Murder and Politics i , 98. 13 Biggar, I Colonialism i , 64. 14 Ibid., 73-4. 15 Ibid., 82. 16 Ibid. 17 See Nigel Biggar, "The Drayton Icon and Intellectual Vice", I Quillette i , August 27, 2019.https://quillette.com/2019/08/27/the-drayton-icon-and-intellectual-vice/ References 1 Biggar, Nigel. Jon Wilson, in his review in I History i , thinks the same thing: 'Biggar presents his arguments as a challenge to a vast group of historical scholars he describes as "anti-imperialist", and who see empire as a "unitary ... colonial project" whose "persistent violence" was "oppressive and exploitative"'.[8] As Lester notes, Wilson concludes that '[w]ith I Colonialism i , Biggar has created a masterwork in the art of constructing straw men'. In his "review" of my book, Alan Lester never once takes his foot off the pedal of criticism. Among other things, Gilley reports that Rathbone concluded (in the very same work from which Lester quotes) that the case against those accused of the sacrificial murder in 1944 was "undeniably a strong one".[12] Professor Lester also reports that "specialists" regard "medicinal and mortuary killings" in the region as "aberrant and exceptional". The facts, which I published in January 2018 and have since been available online for over five years for anyone to read, are as follows.[2] There were three online denunciations - not two as Professor Lester thinks - the first issued by Common Ground, a "decolonising" student body in Oxford, on or before 14 December 2017;[3] the second, by a body of 58 mainly junior "Oxford scholars" on 19 December;[4] and the third, by a group of academics worldwide on 21 December.[5] What Professor Lester refers to as the "second" letter was in fact the third. [Extracted from the article]

Following her relief work during and after the 1899-1902 South African War, British suffragist and humanitarian Emily Hobhouse (1860-1926) testified to her humanitarianism in several auto/biographical forms, all of them incorporating Boer women's accounts of wartime suffering. We consider the implications of Schaffer and Smith's (2004) 'ethics of recognition' for Hobhouse's construction of her humanitarian authority and the processes whereby the accounts themselves became 'untouchable' testimonies. In examining the iterations of Hobhouse's life writing as emotional practices, we analyse her felt morality, explore her urge to personal accountability, and consider to what purposes her auto/biography was co-produced in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The movie was the third in the war trilogy directed by the American director Robert Aldrich (the previous two being I Attack i in 1956 and I The Dirty Dozen i in 1967) and can be viewed as an allegory for the Vietnam War at a time when Hollywood was not making films critical of the war. The thesis requires far more analysis than can be pursued here, but I would point to three films during this era which indicate a marked retreat from the conventional ideas of the soldier hero that were prevalent in many of the popular patriotic post-war British war movies such as I The Way to the Stars i (1945), I The Dambusters i (1955), and I Reach for the Sky i (1956). Guerrilla Warfare has only recently begun to be examined by film studies analysts and cinema critics after a long period when it was largely subsumed within the wider rubric of war cinema. Keywords: antiheroes; public mythologies; soldier heroes; martyrdom; victimhood EN antiheroes public mythologies soldier heroes martyrdom victimhood 883 895 13 07/19/23 20230701 NES 230701 Cinema together with novels and short stories can provide valuable insights into war and military conflict. [Extracted from the article]

Breaker Morant dramatizes the historical trial of a trio of Australian lieutenants who were court-martialed for executing unarmed prisoners during the Second Boer War. The midpoint turned culmination of New Australian Cinema, this film serves as an instructive case study in how soldiers justify harsh acts of violence to themselves and others. The primary mouthpieces for such explanations are the title character and the defense attorney, Major Thomas. This article argues that these justifications are rooted in factors that both men cite repeatedly – the conduct of the enemy, the chain of command, and the nature of the conflict itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First World War (1914-18) saw the role of sport in British military and civil society closely dissected and widely discussed. Popular journalism, memoirs, novels, and poetry provided the British public with a regular diet of war stories and reportage in which athletic endeavor and organized games featured prominently. A study of this contemporary literary material sheds light on how far the image of the sporting warrior, and the association between games and combat, survived the horrors of industrialized killing between 1914 and 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Banks reminds us, Brandes never employs the concept of "race", but instead prefers language and culture as the primary determinants of the identity of "a people" ( I et folk i ). Thus, Brandes often focuses on the monolingual language policies of the German Reich (Prussification in Northern Schleswig and Western Poland) or of Czarist Russia (Russification in Finland, and in partitioned eastern Poland and Ukraine). [Extracted from the article]