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After the Bolshevik revolution in 1917, the struggle between the White Army, supporters of the Tsarist regime, and the Red Army, supporters of the Bolsheviks, ended with the victory of the Red Army. Most of the White Russians who fled from the Bolsheviks settled in Istanbul. Some of the White Russians adapted to the Turkish society, while some others collaborated with the anti-Bolsheviks and caused some problems in Turkey. White Russians travelled to other places outside Istanbul, such as France and Germany, and made assassination attempts against Soviet Russia. White Russians even organized attacks against state leaders who had good relations with the Soviet government. In addition, Bolsheviks were held responsible for some of the assassinations carried out by White Russians. The study assesses the lives of the White Russians in Istanbul and investigates their assassinations in other countries. Unlike the studies on White Russians, this article is based on an evaluation, and the events are analyzed from multiple perspectives. In addition, no study was performed on the assassinations that constitute the second part of the study. When considered from this point of view, it is supposed to shed light on the world of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces a new document of the GPU Secret Department on the instigating the Renovationist split in the Russian Orthodox Church. This is the postal telegram No. 24968s of May 29, 1922, signed by the Head of the Secret Operative Directorate of the GPU V. R. Menzhinsky, and by the Head of the Secret Department of the GPU T. P. Samsonov. This telegram is part of a set of directives issued by the GPU, which initiated and regulated the church schism in 1922. Earlier, the researchers at Orthodox Svyato-Tikhonovsky University of Humanities published two directives of the GPU Secret Department, sent out from Moscow in the summer and fall of 1922. The documents describes the specific role that the GPU played in the beginning of the campaign to instigate split in spring-summer of 1922. In particular, the telegram deals with the actions of the GPU at the very beginning of the campaign. The document shows that by this time, the leadership of the GPU had already developed two main strategies, which they then adhered to steadily during the campaign: complete secrecy and strict control over the actions of the renewed clergy. The publication also describes specific measures taken by the GPU in Siberia immediately after receiving the Circular of May 29, 1922: the establishment of the renovationist Siberian church department ("Sibtserkov’") and the trials of the Tomsk Vicar and Barnaul Archbishop Victor (Bogoyavlensky) and the Irkutsk and Verkholensk Archbishop Anatoly (Kamensky).

The review highlights the monographic study by Galushchenko, O. S. (2024). One hundred years of the Moldavian ASSR. Moldavian statehood east of the Dniester. LAMBERT Academic Publishing (ISBN: 978‑620-7-63910-6). The researcher makes an attempt to analyze the development of historical events by bringing new facts discovered in recent times to their coverage and analysis. The book is characterized by attention to the subjective factor, which, in the author’s fair opinion, played not the least role in the creation of Moldovan autonomy and its further destiny. As it seems, O. S. Galuschenko’s book touches another important problem, which goes beyond the limits of the Left-Bank Subnistria, namely, the formation and dynamics of Moldovan statehood. In the context of this problem, the events covered in the monograph are only a segment, but a fundamental one, in the development of Moldovan state identity, which received a special resonance in the last years of existence and after the collapse of the USSR, when the Moldovan community split into supporters of the preservation of Moldovan statehood and adherents of unification with neighbouring Romania. Understanding that the researcher did not set a special goal of highlighting the dynamics of Moldovan state identity, the reviewer, alongside with analyzing the merits of Oleg Galuschenko’s monographic study, attempts to shortly overview the issue of Moldovan identity, resonating differently in the minds of the inhabitants of the left and right coasts of Moldova with particular force and urgency, especially with the coming to power of the current president M. Sandu and the majority of her party dominating in the parliament of the country, who are oriented to the levelling of Moldovan values, joining the European Union (which will lead to the dissolution of Moldova in Romania), integrating with NATO, dragging the country into the armed confrontation of the collective West with Russia in Ukraine.

This research investigates the discourse of the so-called 'Spanish flu' in the national Soviet newspapers Pravda (Truth) and Izvestia (News) during the epidemic period of 1918–1919. Our analysis revealed that discourse developed in three stages, each with specific characteristics. The nature of discourse was, above all, impacted by ideological factors, while reporters and Bolshevik authorities promoting this type of discourse were primarily guided by political expediency. Lack of adequate and comprehensive information on the disease, its etiology, and its spread not only around the world but also in Soviet Russia, administrative and bureaucratic problems, and simultaneous epidemics of other infectious diseases (cholera and typhus) were also significant factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Zionist movement idea did not leave indifferent representatives of the Jews in the Russian Empire. In connection with the repeal of restrictive laws after February 1917, the political activity of the Jewish population increased significantly. However, October 1917 changed the direction of the Zionist movement, as the new government gradually began to persecute members of the parties and organizations that existed at that time, declaring them counter-revolutionary and anti-Soviet. At that time, the Zionist movement was already a political force with programmatic documents, statutes, educational literature, printing presses. One of the issues that occupied her mind was the question of educational and cultural work in the ranks of the Zionist movement. One of the organizations that prepared young people for a new life in the new state was «Gekholuts». Program documents covering the main points of her work in Soviet Russia have been preserved in Russian archives and partially published. They contain information about what kind of cultural work should be carried out with young adherents of the Zionist idea in building a future Jewish state. By 1930, the Soviets had eradicated the Zionist movement, and its followers moved to Palestine whenever possible to implement their ideas, particularly on the importance of cultural work, there.

The Russian Expeditionary Force (REF) was a small military force of roughly 50,000 men who fought in France and Salonika under French command. After 1917 the majority of the soldiers repatriated to Soviet Russia, but some chose to stay in France. By looking closely at the fate of the former soldiers of the Russian Expeditionary Force in those countries this paper examines two contrasting methods of interaction between Russian veterans and the state. The veterans that chose to remain in France had to fight for their recognition by the French state and in 1924 they created the ‘Association of the Russian Officers, who fought on the French front’ which advocated for their rights. Those who opted to return home discovered that the new Soviet state had no means to support them, but was ready to use them as a propaganda instrument. Portraying REF veterans as victims of the ‘imperialist war’, in the 1920s the Soviet government promoted the ‘Society of Former Russian Soldiers in France and the Balkans’, helping its members with housing and pensions. Despite the apparent differences in those examples, this paper argues that there is one key and significant resemblance between them. At the heart of interaction between the veterans and the state always laid veteran societies powered by the social bonds and sense of entitlement built during the war. That makes Russian veterans in many respects similar to their European counterparts and allows for a better understanding of the nature of Russian veteran experiences after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fighting between Czechoslovak legionaries and Red Army soldiers in Penza in May 1918 generated and continues to generate various historical narratives, especially about alleged war crimes. How did legionary and communist sources interpret the outcome of the fighting and what losses were attributed to the defenders of the city in general and the 1st Czecho-slovak Revolutionary Regiment in particular? This paper analyses the number of deaths, cites various historical sources, and critically examines the myth of prisoner executions, arguing that the numbers and the account of the events in contemporary literature are likely distorted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fighting between Czechoslovak legionaries and Red Army soldiers in Penza in May 1918 generated and continues to generate various historical narratives, especially about alleged war crimes. How did legionary and communist sources interpret the outcome of the fighting and what losses were attributed to the defenders of the city in general and the 1st Czecho-slovak Revolutionary Regiment in particular? This paper analyses the number of deaths, cites various historical sources, and critically examines the myth of prisoner executions, arguing that the numbers and the account of the events in contemporary literature are likely distorted.

André Morizet, born of revolutionary unionism, magazine man, doctor of law, mayor of Boulogne-sur-Seine in 1919, joined the French Communist Party from its foundation. Driven by internationalism and concern for unity, he travelled to the young Soviet Russia in 1921 and brought back a book, Chez Lenine et Trotski, prefaced by the Commissary to the People himself, to the resounding audience. We analyze through the figure of Morizet the enthusiasm, hesitations and doubts that cross a part of the political intellectuals in the face of the birth of the socialist nation and the implications of the successes of the Bolsheviks on the international socialist movement. We show that already points in the work a critical detachment. Gradually, although playing a leading role in the new party, Morizet distanced himself from the party he left in January 1923. This difficulty to face a radically new reality, to express one’s point of view on a situation, in particular the balance of power, both national and international, in permanent and unpredictable transformation, is indicative of this period of the dawn of communism and constitutes the thread of our analysis.

The purpose of this work is to study the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution made it possible in a relatively short time to create optimal opportunities for the further accelerated development of society, the development of the human potential of those broad sections of the population that previously had no opportunities for development. The foundations were laid for the rapid development of science, production and the improvement of the living conditions of all sections of society. The experience of the Cultural Revolution as a large-scale social project has been successfully tested in other cases, such as Chinese and Iranian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The essay analyzes Moscow, the cycle of novels published between 1926 and 1932 in the USSR by the symbolist writer Andrei Bely. The cycle retrospectively recounts the transformations that would lead to the birth of the new Soviet socialist state. Three different utopias in the struggle against the capitalist and bourgeois order identifiable in the cycle of novels are examined: that of the young Lizasha, daughter of the Western businessman and spy Mandro, who dreams of the existence of a "world beyond", that of the socialist Kierko and that of professor Korobkin, i.e. the utopia of free science and universal order, as well as the inner transfiguration of humanity. The essay intends to show how the first two utopias, which in the course of the narration merge into a single one, are overcome in Bielian narration by the third: spiritual regeneration, and not the achievement of socialism, whose flaws Bely covertly highlights, is the only true evolutionary condition of the spiral of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the events that unfolded in Italy between 1919 and 1923. Based on a large number of documents, archival sources, and literature, it explores the fierce struggle between socialists, communists, on one side, and fascists on the other, which culminated in Benito Mussolini’s victory in 1922. The article analyzes the theoretical understanding of fascism as a phenomenon by the communists, as well as the development of methods to combat it, which were reflected in the congresses of the Communist International and the plenums of its Executive Committee from 1919 to 1923. The novelty of the research lies in addressing the issue of confrontation between left and far-right parties after World War I, during the formation of a new world order. The author concludes that the intensification of the struggle between the Communist Party of Italy, the Socialist Party of Italy, and fascism reflected a political crisis in Italian society and an attempt by radical forces to find a way out of it. Fascism, with its idea of a third way representing something between capitalism and socialism, came to power in Italy. The realization of their mistakes ultimately allowed the left parties to unite with all anti-fascist forces in the Resistance movement and defeat Nazism during World War II.

Intelligence analysis is inextricably linked to the CIA, where it was established and developed as a specific professional activity. Based on a short-lived experience, accumulated during World War II, the CIA’s first analytical structure, the Office of Reports and Estimates (ORE), faced the difficulty of producing intelligence products on the new security environment of the early Cold War period, with the focus on the threat posed by the USSR.

This paper aims to analyze the influence of the 19th-century Slavophile ideas like samobytnost (originality, uniqueness, distinctiveness) or sobornost (a common spiritual bond uniting members of a community) on Andreï Makine’s novels The Life of an Unknown Man and The Woman Who Waited. Although he has lived in France since 1987 and writes exclusively in French, mainly for a French readership, Russia remains one of his great obsessions, which he poetically transfigures, in a Dostoyevskyan manner, into a world of both ugliness and beauty. Beyond the sordid and unbearable social reality, Makine suggests that there is a profound, authentic Russia, not in Moscow and St. Petersburg, but in the secluded and forgotten villages, where people like Vera and Volski, the main characters of the two novels, live organically in peaceful communities, keeping intact traditional Russian spiritual values.

The article comprehensively highlights and analyzes the anti-Soviet uprisings in Azerbaijan during the occupation period (from April 1920 to February 1921), which broke out in many regions of the country. From the first days of the Soviet occupation, a dictatorial regime was established in the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic created by the Bolsheviks, and bloody repressions were carried out against the indigenous Azerbaijani population, especially the military, clergy, and intelligentsia. The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) national army was liquidated. The article shows that uprisings against the occupation erupted in several regions of the Republic. The Ganja and Garabakh uprisings were especially massive. All uprisings of 1920-1921 were anti-Soviet in nature. The rebels demanded the restoration of the former government, an end to the persecution of the Azerbaijanis, and the liberation of the territory of Azerbaijan from the atrocities of the Russian army and the Bolsheviks. The uprisings were led mainly by officers of the ADR army and Turkish officers who came to the aid of the Azerbaijanis, as well as by the representatives of the clergy and former statesmen. However, there was no single coordination center for the leadership of the uprisings. In addition, the forces of the local detachments and the Red Army were unequal. The XI Red Army brutally suppressed these uprisings and carried out punitive measures. The article reveals the activities of the Special Department of the XI Red Army and local Soviet punitive bodies to eliminate the Resistance Movement of the Azerbaijani people. Patriots were punished as bandits and counter-revolutionaries. And those people who suppressed the Resistance Movement were presented to the Azerbaijani people as its liberators and defenders for seventy Soviet years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Education is the bedrock of development economically, politically, socially and culturally. It is an eye opener via which skills are developed, guarded and utilised to better the advancement of the human socio-cultural settings. Over the years, there has been global yearning towards child education right. Although, this has been greatly addressed in the advanced polities, developing economies have faced setbacks in relation to education policy; its formation and implementation. This paper interrogates Soviet Russia's education policy; showcasing leadership relevance as actor and implication on education policy direction among developing African countries, especially Nigeria. Constructivism was adopted as the framework while the interpretive design was used. Data were sourced through primary and secondary sources. Archival materials, journal articles, books and internet materials were used. Data were subjected to content analysis. The study unraveled the significance of education policy in the Soviet Russia. Vladimir Lenin, the forerunner of the Bolshevik Revolution, saw the need for literacy amidst the vast populace of the newly formed Russia under the umbrella of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). To enhance overall impactful governance, policies were tailored towards making every Soviet citizen literate. Nigeria over time has embarked on various education policies. Importantly, efforts have been espoused towards making education a free possession of citizenry, particularly, every Nigerian child. As the Soviet Russia served a template for promotion of literacy amidst the divergent cultural heritages, a multicultural setting like Nigeria stands a good chance of addressing illiteracy, lending credence to the Soviet Russia education policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the influence of the 19th-century Slavophile ideas like samobytnost (originality, uniqueness, distinctiveness) or sobornost (a common spiritual bond uniting members of a community) on Andreï Makine's novels The Life of an Unknown Man and The Woman Who Waited. Although he has lived in France since 1987 and writes exclusively in French, mainly for a French readership, Russia remains one of his great obsessions, which he poetically transfigures, in a Dostoyevskyan manner, into a world of both ugliness and beauty. Beyond the sordid and unbearable social reality, Makine suggests that there is a profound, authentic Russia, not in Moscow and St. Petersburg, but in the secluded and forgotten villages, where people like Vera and Volski, the main characters of the two novels, live organically in peaceful communities, keeping intact traditional Russian spiritual values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Intelligence analysis is inextricably linked to the CIA, where it was established and developed as a specific professional activity. Based on a short-lived experience, accumulated during World War II, the CIA's first analytical structure, the Office of Reports and Estimates (ORE), faced the difficulty of producing intelligence products on the new security environment of the early Cold War period, with the focus on the threat posed by the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is focused on the representation of interwar Soviet Russia, which can be seen in Bulgarian travelogues -- Ana Karima's "In Russia today" (1928), Dr Hristo Stoykov's "In Soviet Russia" (1930) and prof. Asen Zlatarov's "In the Soviets' Country" (1936). The country is presented in the process of constant change, during which the façade of the old monarchic Russia disappears behind the major architectural changes of Soviet Russia. The article analyses the travelers' attempts to be as objective as possible in their observations and depictions for the Bulgarian reader and to capture the current image of the ideological rebuild of the Russian reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines a number of sources of law of various legal force that determine the legal status of non-governmental organizations in Soviet Russia in the 1917-1930s. Primarily, these are the Constitutions of the RSFSR and the USSR and Resolutions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People’s Commissars on societies and unions. The authors examine doctrinal documents (resolutions of party congresses, excerpts from speeches by party leaders, etc.) that characterize self-organization of Soviet society and legal framework for the activities of mass voluntary associations. The legal foundations for voluntary associations operation in Soviet Russia, as well as specifics of legislative acts regulating their formation and activities, and the forms of control over them by the authorities, have not been fully studied in academic literature. This research aims to bridge this gap. Based on the analysis of a wide range of published sources, as well as the standpoint of modern methodology of critical legal research, the article investigates legal policy of the Soviet government aimed at developing a new legal framework for the activities of societies and unions including the principles of their relationship with the state in terms of formation, re-registration and termination of activities of mass voluntary organizations.

The article is devoted to the study of short poems and poems by the Turkish poet Nazim Hikmet Ran (1902-1963), reflecting the images of Soviet Russia. The article analyzes the frames and subframes that construct the image of Soviet Russia; studies the specificity of the realities of Russian culture; analyzes the observations, ideas and impressions of the Turkish poet about the way of life in Russia in the first half of the 20th century; reveals the correlation of the image of Soviet Russia created by the Turkish poet with the archetypes of Soviet Russia in the works of Nazim Hikmet Ran. The purpose of this article is to identify the languacultural specifity of the image of Soviet Russia in the work of Nazim Hikmet Ran. The material for the study was short poems and poems written by the poet during his stay in the USSR in 1921-1930. The research methods of this article are semantic analysis, linguacultural analysis, complex analysis, observation method. As a result of the analysis of the texts of short poems and poems, frames and subframes that construct the image of Soviet Russia in the poetic picture of the world of the Turkish poet are revealed.

Based on the analysis of the letters from German colonists to the German-language newspaper Die Welt-Post, published in Lincoln in the United States, the article brings to light the colonists’ perception of socio-economic and political events in the Volga colonies in the early 1920s. The study of letters made it possible to show the scale of the tragedy and the attitude of Germans to what was happening. The author identifies several problems that worried them: deficit of foodstuff or clothing which was compensated for by selling or exchanging their belongings. In addition, they experienced a certain information vacuum which they wanted to fill through books, magazines and newspapers received from relatives and friends.

The consolidation of the Soviet state in 1922 and the activities of Soviet diplomacy in the key international forums had a direct impact on the strategic situation in Europe. The eventual strengthening of Soviet Russia/the USSR was both a threat and an opportunity for France as one of the leading European powers of that period, which had obligations and interests in Central and Eastern Europe. The author aims to identify the main approaches of French diplomats and the military to a set of issues related to the possible development of Soviet Russia in 1922 and its place in the European balance of power. The study is based on a wide range of primary sources from the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, the National Archives of France, the Historical Service of the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the Fifth Republic, as well as on recently published French diplomatic and military documents. The author concludes that the French elites had a rather ambiguous attitude towards the process and the first results of political consolidation and socio-economic development of the Soviet state. On the one hand, the formation of the USSR was an obvious manifestation of the growing Soviet power that somewhat diminished the hopes of French officials for the imminent fall of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, diplomats and the military both in Paris and on-site were often skeptical about the prospects for the development of the Soviet economy, noting the catastrophic consequences of hunger, economic and financial ruin. Moderate optimism about the opportunity to intensify trade and economic contacts with Soviet Russia as its economy recovers coexisted with pronounced pessimism. The French assessments of the military potential of the Soviet state were marked by the same ambivalence. The acknowledgement of the current limited capabilities of the Red Army and the Red Fleet was accompanied by the growing recognition that the basis of the military power of the Soviet state had not been undermined. All this could help Moscow improve its international stance in the future, which would inevitably affect the balance of power in Europe. Under these circumstances, the French elites debated the prospects for the ‘normalization’ of the Bolshevik regime and its incorporation into the Versailles order. The author argues that all these contradictory attitudes, views and assessments that surfaced in 1922 to a large extent predetermined the overall direction and specific content of the French policy towards the USSR in the following years.

The conclusion of the Peace Treaty between Latvia and the RSFSR on August 11, 1920 marked an important stage both in the process of international recognition of Latvia and in the normalization of international relations in the region in general, and charted a new course of the foreign policy of the Soviet state. On the basis of a wide range of archival sources (transcripts of the plenary meetings of the RSFSR and Latvia delegations, the meetings minutes of the Soviet-Latvian boundary commission, etc.), as well as recent Russian and foreign historical researches, the paper examines a set of issues related to the conclusion of the Treaty. The key issues that predetermined the agenda of the Soviet-Latvian peace negotiations included border demarcation, the exchange of war prisoners, the return of property evacuated to Russia, the return of refugees and the establishment of procedures for citizenship option. The author notes that the issue of border delimitation and demarcation was one of the most controversial and painful during the negotiations. The ethnographic principle for future borders was inextricably linked with economic and military-strategic considerations. The author examines territorial concessions made by the RSFSR to Latvia and concludes that they served as a demonstration of the Soviet Russia readiness to take into account the territorial claims of the Baltic republics, which allowed it to achieve peace in the region and fix new borders, as well as to establish trade relations indispensable for the survival of a young Soviet state during the Civil War. At the same time, the Soviet representatives took a hard line on compensations for the damage caused during hostilities and the return of property evacuated from Latvia. The author concludes that the Soviet-Latvian treaty and similar treaties with other Baltic states not only enabled the establishment of a new balance of power in the East Baltic region for the interwar period and laid the foundation for the Soviet foreign policy towards the Baltic republics, but also served as a vivid example of realization of ‘the right of self-determination of peoples up to secession’. Finally, these treaties became one of the means to break the diplomatic isolation of Soviet Russia.

The paper examines the evolution of approaches and assessments of the US political and academic establishment regarding the national-territorial transformation of Russia at the final stage of the First World War, during the Revolution and the Civil War. During that period the US diplomacy was focused on developing and implementing its own ambitious program for the liberal-democratic reorganization of the post-war world with particular focus on issues of national self-determination. As a result, Wilson’s administration could not remain indifferent to the dramatic changes on the territory of the former Russian Empire. However, as the author notes, for European politicians its responses appeared rather unusual and often puzzling. The latter was due to a very specific interpretation of the principle of national self-determination adopted by W. Wilson and his associates as the right of the civil society to self-government rather than the right to ethnic separation. At the same time, the right to independently determine their own destiny was reserved, in a spirit of social-Darwinism, only for peoples who had reached a certain maturity. And moreover, each particular case was additionally assessed in terms of both political rationality and developments of political situation in Russia in general. For instance, the US liberal political and academic establishment consistently supported the independence of Poland and Finland while most other national minorities (the peoples of the Baltic region, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Armenians, Georgians, Azerbaijanis, the peoples of Central Asia, etc.) were usually encouraged to defend their autonomy within a united and democratic Russia. The author notes, that the US policy towards Russia became particularly controversial after the Bolsheviks came to power: the consistent rejection of the Bolshevik reforms was accompanied by the reluctance to incite separatism on the national outskirts out of fear of Russia’s uncontrolled disintegration and its subsequent transformation into a site of endless ethnic conflicts. As a result, the United States did not recognize most of the national entities that declared their independence in 1917–1922. At the same time, the author concludes that the growing ideological and political confrontation with Soviet Russia in the following years did not allow the US leaders to adequately assess the national-territorial transformations that were brought about by the creation of the USSR.

In the 1950's, when the Cold War struggle gained momentum, Türkiye was one of the countries in which Soviet Russia, which carried out espionage actions in many countries, tried to be effective. The Russians engaged in intense espionage action in the eastern provinces as well as in Istanbul and Ankara. Many spy scandals, the arrest and trial of captured spies marked this period. Türkiye, feeling itself under the direct threat of Soviet Russia, determined upper-limit penalties for captured Russian spies. Moreover, in fact that both of the two espionage cases given the death penalty between 1950-1960 were applied to those who spied on behalf of Russia, is important in terms of showing Türkiye's sensitivity to Russian espionage actions. The espionage incident in Erzurum, which was the subject of one of these two cases, was the eastern reflection of Russia's expansionist policy, which coincided with is ongoing ambitions. In this study, the nature of the espionage activities, carried out by Soviet Russia in the east of Türkiye was discussed on the basis of Russian espionage case, took place in Erzurum in 1953. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to recent historiographical debates concerning the Soviet era and its ideological impact on Soviet psychology. It brings more nuance to an argument for the presence of engagement with psychoanalysis during the years 1930–80, and focuses on Bluma Zeigarnik's work during the Soviet period. The article seeks to explore possible encounters between Zeigarnik and psychoanalysis through her collaboration with Alexander Luria and Lev Vygotsky, known to be among those Russian psychologists who were inspired by psychoanalytic studies and developed Freud's ideas, and aims to bring attention to the fact that Zeigarnik was knowledgeable about Freud's work and his successors, and that consonance with his ideas can be found throughout her work on schizophrenia and the theory of pathopsychology. The article also outlines the often overlooked ideas Zeigarnik developed in the Soviet period of her career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War I was a watershed moment in the rise of a new network of international humanitarian organizations that sought to develop systematic responses to the unprecedented social and economic crises caused by the war. Many organizational questions about types of relief, distribution networks, and roles of relief workers, among others, became points of discussion and an open confrontation ensued among diferent organizations. This article analyzes competing visions of US famine relief to Soviet Russia during the devastating Volga famine of 1921–23. Unofficially presided over by Herbert Hoover, the American Relief Administration sent food, clothing, and medicine to the Soviets, while the so-called radical relief groups demanded a more “permanent rehabilitation” of Soviet agriculture and sought to ship technologies and agricultural specialists. These visions were guided by more than humanitarian ideals. Economic rivalry, class solidarity, anti-communism, and a belief in the power of technology shaped the US famine relief to Soviet Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Soviet publications of the 1920s studied the buffer statehood in the east of Russia during the period of the Russian Civil War and finds out their contribution to the development of the research problem in Russian historiography. The article concludes by arguing that the main contribution proposed in this field by them are exploring previously unknown unique historical sources and opening them for wide public access; use of different methodological approaches to studying the buffer state and statehood phenomenon; presentation of diverse opinions on the goals of buffer statehood and interpretations of its essence in the form of the Far Eastern Republic. The article shows that the publications of the 1920s has a different fate: some were immediately forgotten or deliberately ignored, others were used by the followers situationally and/or opportunistically, and others remained in demand at all stages of the development of Soviet historiography and even used by some modern authors who studied the Irkutsk Political Center and the Far Eastern Republic.

On the basis of the core – periphery paradigm of international relations system and the associated concept of regional subsystems, the analysis of the impact of the Rapallo treaty on international relations in the Central European subsystem of the Versailles system is carried out. It is established that the formation of prerequisites for the conclusion of the Rapallo treaty is largely related to the specifics of the Central European regional subsystem. It included states that were characterised by a different attitude to the Versailles system. Russia, which had not signed the Versailles treaty, was located on its border, but through the Riga treaty it actually became an actor within the Central European subsystem. The Rapallo Treaty was based on the common desire of Germany and Russia to destroy the international order that was established in the region by the Versailles and Riga treaties. This posed a threat to the international positions of a number of States in the region interested in preserving the Versailles system. The Rapallo treaty helped to strengthen this trend in the policy of the leading Western states.

This article aims to define the role played by the Baltic Republics in the Soviet-French relations during the non-recognition period. The author tries to determine the place, which the Baltic Republics occupied in the French and Soviet conceptions of the “sanitary cordon,” to analyse the correlation between the ambitions and the capabilities of Paris and Moscow in Eastern Europe, to demonstrate the Soviet response to the interaction between the Baltic Republics and France. The article is based on the materials taken from the different French archives, as well as from the published French and Soviet diplomatic documents. The author emphasizes the ambiguity of the role played by the “Baltic factor” in the Soviet-French relations. The Baltic Republics (especially, Latvia and Estonia) were perceived by the French leadership as a part of the “sanitary cordon” aimed to separate Germany and the Soviet Russia from each other and to preclude their eventual “collusion” in the Eastern Europe. On the contrary, Moscow aimed to weaken the “sanitary cordon.” Paris didn’t exclude that the cooperation with future Russia performing the role of the counterbalance to Germany would be more important for France than full independence of the Baltic Republics. The Kremlin and the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs welcomed this point of view and tried to support those French political leaders that developed such an approach. The dynamics of the post-war international relations, as well as the priority given by the French government to the “German threat”, prompted Paris to recognize the USSR, which met the interests of Moscow. The considerations of the “big politics” were more important than the voices of the “small countries” which tried to influence the interaction between the more powerful actors.

The CIA began publishing the journal “Studies in Intelligence” in the mid-1950s. This journal contains both classified and unclassified materials, with the latter being available to the public. Its initiator, Sherman Kent, the director of the analysis office within the CIA, aimed to support an “intelligence literature”. The journal, which is still published today, covers various topics in the field of intelligence. One of its main areas of focus is militaryintelligence, where it has helped pave the way for modern practices still in use.

The article examines the activities of the Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries (PLSR) in Kaluga province from October 1917 to early 1919. It is established that in September 1917, representatives of the left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party supported the Bolsheviks' attempt to overthrow the Provisional Government in the region. In November, the left SRS joined the provincial Military Revolutionary Committee (VRK), where they made up one third. In December 1917 The VRK organized the dispersal of a peaceful demonstration in Kaluga in support of the Constituent Assembly. When I had to justify myself to the population, a major conflict occurred between the allies. It is shown that in 1918 the Left-Socialist-Revolutionary faction found itself in the role of a junior partner of the Bolsheviks both in the Gubernatorial executive committee and in the Council of People's Commissars. The SRS were not elected to the presidium of these two bodies at all, and their protest did not change anything. Having voted in the gubernatorial executive committee for the continuation of the war with Germany, the left Socialist-Revolutionary faction immediately lost its only representative in the military revolutionary headquarters. The Bolsheviks did not react to the protest of the Social Revolutionaries against the "violence of the majority". The joint participation of Bolsheviks and left SRS in mass searches of wealthy citizens of Kaluga in March, accompanied by a serious conflict between accomplices who accused each other, is highlighted. It reflects the protest actions of the left Socialist-Revolutionary faction of the Gubernatorial executive committee in June over the mass seizure of "surplus" bread from peasants; an armed demonstration of peasants organized by left socialist-revolutionaries in the largest Zhizdrinsky district on July 7-14 and the response actions of the gubernatorial executive committee. It is concluded that the activities of the PLSR as a junior partner of the Bolsheviks in the provincial authorities were accompanied by constant conflicts, on almost any issues. Conflicts, as a rule, remained unresolved. The Bolsheviks, who headed the authorities and had great influence in the Soviets, were not interested in working out compromise solutions. The left-Socialist-Revolutionary minority was pushed to armed confrontation by the intractability of the Bolsheviks, who were confident in the correctness of their decisions.

The article is a brief overview of the history of the formation and development of the Society “Free Academy of Spiritual Culture” (1919–1923), which was organized in Soviet Russia as a continuation of the home meetings (“Tuesdays”) by N. A. Berdyaev and developed after the deportation of part of the intelligentsia in 1922 in the form of the Religious and Philosophical Academy in Berlin under the YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Association) in 1922. The article indicates the key aspects of the Academy, their favorable and unfavorable consequences, the content of the educational program of the Academy, some educational initiatives that had similar mission and form, in particular, the Free Philosophical Association (1919–1924). Among the key characteristics of the VADK, the author points out, firstly, openness and non-elitism (attending lectures was available to the general public, that was mentioned in several detailed memoirs, including those of the main VADK lecturer N. A. Berdyaev), secondly, the overhistoric nature of the topics of lectures and public reports (VADK was not thematically included in the field of political discussion, supporting the discussion of the spiritual culture problems), thirdly, the highest level of the teaching staff of the VADK (S. L. Frank, F. A. Stepun, V. I. Ivanov, B. P. Vysheslavtsev, P. P. Muratov and others). The appendices to the article contain the Charter of the Free Academy of Spiritual Culture, the conclusion of The People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD) Advisory Bureau on the Charter, and a letter to the NKVD banning the re-registration of the Academy in 1922.

Abstract. Introduction. The legal order as the ordering of public relations on the basis of law is one of the main elements of the state. The problem of its provision was actualized during the Civil War. The presence of a firm legal order meant the stability of the government, and also directly influenced its support from the population, stability in the rear and success at the front. An important role in ensuring the protection of legal order, along with ordinary and emergency bodies, was played by the police. Methods and materials. With the help of historical-legal, systematic, formal-legal and comparative-legal methods, the analysis of written sources was carried out, among which the main attention was paid to legislation and other official acts of the authorities of state formations during the Civil War, works and memoirs of its participants, as well as scientific works devoted to the study of this period. Results. The article shows that the most radical changes in the organization of the police were carried out by the Soviet government. The flexibility of the leadership in matters of ideology (without affecting the foundations of Marxist doctrine and the construction of socialist statehood in the country) ensured the effectiveness of the activities of the Soviet law enforcement agencies and the significant contribution of the Soviet police to restoring elementary order and countering rampant crime on the territory of the RSFSR.

Aim. To consider the Soviet perception of Russian post-revolutionary emigration in the context of the key foreign policy challenges to the Soviet Country of the first half of the 1920s.Methodology. On the basis of the principles of historism and scientific objectivity, the authors analyzed a number of archival and official Soviet documents, as well as parts of the memoirs and journalistic heritage of the Russia Abroad related to the research.Results. It is concluded that during this period the Bolsheviks considered the post-revolutionary emigration as one of the biggest threats to the security of the young Soviet state.Research implications. The article introduced for the first time into the scientific circulation some archival documents that give a more detailed idea of the formation of the Soviet position regarding the plans of F. Nansen for a large-scale repatriation of Russian emigrants to their homeland in the 1920s.

The late 19th century saw a national awakening of the Belarusian people. During World War I, under German occupation, the Catholic Belarusian national movement intended to create a sovereign Belarusian state (the Belarusian People;s Republic) or in union with Lithuania (a revived Grand Duchy of Lithuania). After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, Orthodox national activists wanted a sovereign Belarus within a federal and democratic Russia. The Belarusian People's Republic, established in March 1918, was not recognized by any state. Poland, Lithuania and Soviet Russia intended to incorporate the Belarusian lands on an autonomous basis. As a result of the Riga Peace Treaty (1921), the Belarusian lands were divided between Poland and Soviet Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Treaty of Rapallo between Germany and Soviet Russia (16 April 1922) is still an important point of reference for German-Russian relations and for German Ostpolitik. It was already charged by contemporaries with attributions and myths that continue to have an effect today. By analysing commentaries and statements over a period of one hundred years, this paper aims to show which figures of thought were attached to "Rapallo", which needs and desires they corresponded to, how they were updated at turning points in German-Russian relations, and what long-term effects they had. It becomes clear that "Rapallo" has become a bundle of codes for certain views of German politics that can no longer be separated from the historical event and have become an inseparable part of the overall meaning. In that the objectives and expectations that gave the treaty widespread approval in Germany in the 1920s have for the most part no longer been capable of consensus since the end of the Second World War, "Rapallo" has since become a liability for German foreign policy. Occasional attempts to pick out individual aspects of the treaty, such as understanding across different political systems, as models to guide action are doomed to failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mario Vargas Llosa's first novel, "The Time of the Hero", the author describes his adventures and experiences as a Peruvian. Vargas Llosa exposes the vices, racial and class prejudices, machismo and corruption of Peruvian society during his adolescence. He clearly depicts Peru through his eyes, his real face. The work fought against Francoist censorship for almost a year, and was eventually published in Spain with only eight changes. Novel censorship has long been the object of research in many scholarly works in Spain. In this article, we will discuss the censorship of the novel in Soviet Russia and, consequently, in Georgia. The censorship of the USSR was much harsher than the Francoist censorship of the work. The article analyzes the changes made to the work by the USSR censorship and the consequences of these changes.

There is no single definition of social realism, nor is there a single name - either in Europe or in the world, for the entire propaganda and artistic movement. Technically speaking, the name of socialist realism is not widely used in Russia itself, but its role is difficult to overestimate in the birth of the new myth, a new transcultural code that grew nearly 10 years after the October Revolution as a result of the rejection of the constructivist conquest by the political establishment. The article goes back to the search not only of the definition but of the origin of socialist realism, setting out new paths of his cognition. The role of propaganda in the recent history of Russia, is generally underestimated.

The article examines the material that allows you to get an idea of the basic principles and scope of organization, as well as the provision of social assistance in prerevolutionary Russia and Russia in the first years of the existence of the Soviet power. Specific examples show that by the beginning of the XX century the country had a steady tradition of providing various types of assistance to socially underprivileged population, primarily through personal and organized private charity, as well as the activities of Russian charitable departments of a semistate, semipublic nature. At the same time, the author concludes that the measures and scales of social assistance to the population by the state itself are insufficient, which became one of the reasons for the social explosion of 1917. The article shows how the new government from the very first days began to form a fullfledged legal basis for the implementation of one of the Bolsheviks' program provisions on the universal provision of every disabled person according to his needs. The decree on the social security of workers of October 31, 1918 regulated the provision of all cases related to the loss of livelihood, both due to temporary and permanent incapacity for work. The new law obliged the social security agencies created by the new government to take preventive measures against diseases, injuries, disabilities, etc. Every worker received the right, in case of illness, to all types of medical assistance. Negotiated the law and the right of everyone who lost their ability to work or work (through no fault of their own) to receive benefits or pensions.