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La Región de La Araucanía, situada en el sur de Chile, ha sido modelada por procesos de ocupación colonial y de inversión del capital extractivo. La dinámica de apropiación y ocupación del territorio ha significado un incesante conflicto y tensión entre sus actores durante cuatro siglos de historia. Sin embargo, ha sido en los últimos 140 años que el Estado chileno ha afirmado la incorporación del territorio a su ordenamiento nacional, generando un proceso de desterritorialización y re-territorialización, lo que ha involucrado un conjunto de conflictos con serias consecuencias para su población. En este trabajo presentamos a una mirada a la nueva ruralidad constituida a partir de este proceso, en relación con el extractivismo. Damos cuenta de algunos de los principales enclaves extractivos, pensando en la red de poder que constituye y da forma a la región de la Araucanía. Proponemos algunas reflexiones e invitaciones a generar investigaciones orientadas al trabajo empírico, intercultural y situado del conocimiento.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is having profound repercussions for the international system and the global economy. In this conversation, Boris Kagarlitsky, professor at the Moscow School for Social and Economic Sciences and long-standing analyst of Russian society, politics, and the global political economy, discusses the implications of the war on the Russian economy, its financial sector, and the Russian elite. Furthermore, Kagarlitsky analyzes the ongoing crisis of globalization, in particular Western sanctions, rising commodity prices, and the current role of China.Die russische Invasion in der Ukraine hat tiefgreifende Auswirkungen auf das internationale System und die Weltwirtschaft. In diesem Gespräch erörtert Boris Kagarlitsky, Professor an der Moskauer Schule für Sozial- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften und langjähriger Beobachter der russischen Gesellschaft, Politik und der globalen politischen Ökonomie, die Folgen des Krieges für die russische Wirtschaft, den Finanzsektor des Landes und die russische Elite. Darüber hinaus analysiert Kagarlitsky die gegenwärtige Krise der Globalisierung, insbesondere die Sanktionen des Westens, steigende Ressourcenpreise und die aktuelle Rolle Chinas.L’invasion russe en Ukraine a eu des répercussions énormes sur le système international et l’économie mondiale. Dans cette conversation Boris Kagarlitsky, professeur à l’École des sciences sociales et économiques de Moscou et analyste de longue date de la société russe, de la politique et de l’économie politique mondiale, aborde des implications de la guerre sur l’économie russe, son secteur financier et l’élite russe. En outre, Kagarlitsky analyse la crise actuelle de la mondialisation, notamment les sanctions occidentales, la hausse des prix des matières premières et le rôle actuel de la Chine.

The rise of China has led to a series of conflicts with the leading Western countries. The reasons for these disputes are that Chinese corporations have become serious competitors for US and European companies and that there are diverging approaches of governing the market between Western and Chinese power elites. In China, political and economic power are organized differently than in the US and the EU. The party-state is the (partial) owner of important companies and openly intervenes in the national economy by five-year plans. Furthermore, the Communist Party of China is engaged in companies as a regulatory authority. At the same time, the party-state organizes its rule through output legitimacy and functions in many respects as an indicator-driven, meritocratic system. The expansion of hybrid Chinese party-state capitalism is therefore leading to a new system conflict. Economically, emerging Chinese (state-owned) enterprises are becoming competitors. Politically, the control of sensitive data flows and infrastructure networks is resulting in contention. The article analyzes current conflict dynamics between the US resp. the EU and China in the areas of foreign trade, investment, high technology, and industrial policy. Comparative political economy and world-system analysis guide the analysis. In each case, there are differences in the policy responses: The US has relied on aggressive trade and sanctions policies, while the EU has reacted more defensively. It is shown how these conflicts could change China's state-driven globalization strategy and contribute to the restructuring of the world economy.L’essor de la Chine a entraîné une série de conflits avec les principaux pays occidentaux. Ces conflits s’expliquent par le fait que les groupes chinois sont devenus des concurrents sérieux pour les entreprises américaines et européennes et que les élites occidentales et chinoises ont des idées divergentes de la gestion de l’ordre du marché. En Chine le pouvoir politique et économique est organisé différemment que dans les économies de marché occidentales. L’État-parti est propriétaire (partiel) d’importantes entreprises et intervient ouvertement dans l’économie nationale par des plans quinquennaux. Le Parti communiste chinois est présent dans les entreprises en tant qu’instance de régulation. En même temps, l’État-parti organise sa domination par la légitimité que lui confèrent ses succès mesurables et fonctionne à de nombreux égards comme un système méritocratique fondé sur des indicateurs. L’expansion du capitalisme hybride chinois d’État-parti conduit donc à un nouveau conflit systémique : Sur le plan économique, les entreprises (publiques) chinoises émergentes deviennent des concurrentes, alors que sur le plan politique, le contrôle des flux de données sensibles et des réseaux d’infrastructure deviennent un point de discorde majeure. L’article examine les dynamiques des conflits actuels entre d’une part les États-Unis et la Chine, et d’autre part l’UE et la Chine dans les domaines du commerce extérieur, des investissements, des hautes technologies et de la politique industrielle. L’analyse part de la perspective de l’économie politique comparative et de l’approche du système-monde. Les différences dans les réactions sont mises en évidence : Les États-Unis s’ont focalisés sur une politique commerciale et sur des sanctions agressives, tandis que l’UE a réagi par des mesures plus défensives. L’étude montre comment ces conflits pourraient modifier la stratégie de mondialisation de la Chine et contribuer à la restructuration de l’économie mondiale.

Este libro se enmarca en la voluntad de alimentar un diálogo inter-disciplinar entre múltiples esferas sociales, culturales y territoriales en relation al extractivismo, su estudio y vivencia. El libro se constituye en un instrumento que expresa un entrelazamiento entre actores, redes y realidades territoriales que dan forma a la riqueza y a la diversidad de los territorios amenazados actualmente por el extractivismo. Permitiendo una réflexión sobre el présente y el futuro del modelo de desarrollo actual, la présente publicación integra diversos

1. “Chile despertó” y el movimiento mapuche En octubre de 2019, manifestantes en Chile se tomaron las calles para exigir cambios sociales. Una huelga de transporte público desencadenó una ola de grandes movilizaciones, huelgas masivas y disturbios, que provocó una fuerte represión policial. Las principales causas del estallido fueron las múltiples y profundas formas de desigualdad, que ya han sido abordadas por anteriores olas de protesta (Sehnbruch y Donoso, 2020). El impacto del movimiento ...

Die Covid-19-Epidemie hat China in eine Wirtschaftskrise getrieben, mit weltweiten Auswirkungen auf Lieferketten und Märkte. Die relativ erfolgreiche Bekämpfung der Epidemie in China hat nun jedoch eine neue Dynamik hervorgerufen: Chinas Ökonomie könnte sich in der Situation als resilienter als die meisten westlichen Volkswirtschaften erweisen. Hierdurch wird auch die hegemoniale Auseinandersetzung mit den USA neu strukturiert.

Der Aufstieg Chinas hat zu einer Reihe von Konflikten mit den führenden westlichen Ländern geführt. Der Hintergrund dieser Auseinandersetzungen besteht darin, dass chinesische Konzerne zu ernsthaften Konkurrenten US-amerikanischer und europäischer Unternehmen geworden sind und die Ordnungsvorstellungen von US- und EU-Machteliten auf der einen und jene Chinas auf der anderen Seite auseinanderdriften. Denn in China sind politische und wirtschaftliche Macht anders organisiert als in den westlichen Marktwirtschaften: Der Parteistaat ist (Teil‑)Eigentümer wichtiger Unternehmen und interveniert offen mit Fünfjahresplänen in die Volkswirtschaft. Die Kommunistische Partei Chinas ist als Regulationsinstanz in Unternehmen präsent. Gleichzeitig organisiert der Parteistaat seine Herrschaft durch Output-Legitimität und funktioniert vielerorts als kennziffergesteuertes, meritokratisches System. Die Expansion des hybriden chinesischen Parteistaatskapitalismus führt deshalb zu einem neuen Systemkonflikt: Wirtschaftlich werden aufstrebende chinesische (Staats‑)Unternehmen zu Konkurrenten, politisch wird die Kontrolle von sensiblen Datenströmen und Infrastrukturnetzwerken zum Streitpunkt. In dem Artikel werden aktuelle Konfliktdynamiken zwischen den USA und China einerseits und der EU und China andererseits in den Bereichen Außenhandel, Investitionen, Hochtechnologie und Industriepolitik aus der Perspektive der Vergleichenden Politischen Ökonomie und des Weltsystemansatzes untersucht. Es werden jeweils Unterschiede in den Reaktionen herausgearbeitet: Die USA setzten auf eine aggressive Handels- und Sanktionspolitik, während die EU mit defensiveren Maßnahmen reagiert hat. Es wird gezeigt, wie diese Konflikte Chinas staatsgetriebene Globalisierungsstrategie verändern und zur Restrukturierung der Weltwirtschaft beitragen. The rise of China has led to a series of conflicts with the leading Western countries. The reasons for these disputes are that Chinese corporations have become serious competitors for US and European companies and that there are diverging approaches of governing the market between Western and Chinese power elites. In China, political and economic power are organized differently than in the US and the EU. The party-state is the (partial) owner of important companies and openly intervenes in the national economy by five-year plans. Furthermore, the Communist Party of China is engaged in companies as a regulatory authority. At the same time, the party-state organizes its rule through output legitimacy and functions in many respects as an indicator-driven, meritocratic system. The expansion of hybrid Chinese party-state capitalism is therefore leading to a new system conflict. Economically, emerging Chinese (state-owned) enterprises are becoming competitors. Politically, the control of sensitive data flows and infrastructure networks is resulting in contention. The article analyzes current conflict dynamics between the US resp. the EU and China in the areas of foreign trade, investment, high technology, and industrial policy. Comparative political economy and world-system analysis guide the analysis. In each case, there are differences in the policy responses: The US has relied on aggressive trade and sanctions policies, while the EU has reacted more defensively. It is shown how these conflicts could change China's state-driven globalization strategy and contribute to the restructuring of the world economy.

Over the course of the last decade, China has experienced growing labour unrest in many economic sectors including electronics, textiles and services. One reason for this is that the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) is not engaged at the shop floor level; it does not represent workers and has failed to organize strikes. Instead, labour non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have stepped in to fill the representation gap and to support striking workers. This article analyses the networks between labour NGOs, other civil society actors such as student activists, and protesting workers in China's Pearl River Delta. The authors show that a new informal network of activists and transnational linkages has emerged in Guangdong Province. They argue that civil society organizations can play a crucial role in supporting workers’ demands in strike actions, presenting a case of successful coalition building in the service sector during a strike by sanitation workers in the University Town Campus of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou. Drawing on a power resource approach and in-depth field research, the authors conclude that the engagement of labour NGOs and other civil society actors in strike actions has the potential to shape labour relations at the level of the firm. However, due to growing state repression, there are limits for emerging civil society actions.

Prekaritat ist zu einem zentralen Konzept soziologischer Zeitdiagnose in Europa und Nordamerika geworden. Allerdings ist umstritten, ob der Prekaritatsbegriff geeignet ist, um die Realitat im Globalen Suden zu beschreiben. In diesem Artikel nehmen wir die Arbeiten von Bourdieu, Castel und Dorre als Ausgangspunkt, um das Unsicherheitsempfinden von Wanderarbeitern in der „Werkstatt der Welt“, der sudchinesischen Provinz Guangdong, zu analysieren. Zu diesem Zweck haben wir 37 leitfadengestutzte Interviews mit Wanderarbeitern ausgewertet. Wir beschreiben mit dem Alter und dem Grad sozialer Sicherung zwei Faktoren, die den Grad subjektiv empfundener Unsicherheit entscheidend beeinflussen. Wesentliches Ergebnis unserer Studie ist, dass junge Arbeiter aufgrund der Engpasse auf dem Arbeitsmarkt ihre Lage als weitgehend sicher empfinden, wahrend altere Arbeiter mit defizitar implementierter Sozialversicherung im derzeitigen industriellen Umbruch in China grose Angst vor sozialem Abstieg haben. Wir zeigen, wie sich dieses Unsicherheitsempfinden in neue Arbeitskonflikte umsetzt und kommen zu dem Schluss, dass eine Ausdehnung der prekaren Zone zu erwarten ist.

Die Debatte um Wachstum und okologische Krisen konzentriert sich meist auf die fruh industrialisierten Lander. An den Randern der Weltwirtschaft jedoch expandiert der Kapitalismus in der Form einer „peripher-extraktivistischen Landnahme“, die durch ein naturbelastendes und ressourcenintensives Wachstum vorangetrieben wird. Diese Dynamik stost nicht nur auf okologische, sondern auch auf soziale Grenzen. Im Suden Chiles wird das kapitalistische Wachstum vor allem durch monokulturelle Forstplantagen vorangetrieben, die enorme Flachen und Wassermengen beanspruchen. Dabei kommt es zu sozial-okologischen Konflikten zwischen Unternehmen, Staat und den indigenen Mapuche um die Landnutzung. Der Beitrag arbeitet auf der Grundlage umfangreicher Feldforschung heraus, wie sich diese sozial-okologische Konfliktdynamik entfaltet und wie die Forstunternehmen darauf reagieren.

In this paper the results of a techno-economic analysis of improved and optimized molten salt solar tower plants (MSSTP plants) are presented. The potential improvements that were analyzed include different receiver designs, different designs of the HTF-system and plant control, increased molten salt temperatures (up to 640°C) and multi-tower systems. Detailed technological and economic models of the solar field, solar receiver and high temperature fluid system (HTF-system) were developed and used to find potential improvements compared to a reference plant based on Solar Two technology and up-to-date cost estimations. The annual yield model calculates the annual outputs and the LCOE of all variants. An improved external tubular receiver and improved HTF-system achieves a significant decrease of LCOE compared to the reference. This is caused by lower receiver cost as well as improvements of the HTF-system and plant operation strategy, significantly reducing the plant own consumption. A novel star receiver shows potential for further cost decrease. The cavity receiver concepts result in higher LCOE due to their high investment cost, despite achieving higher efficiencies. Increased molten salt temperatures seem possible with an adapted, closed loop HTF-system and achieve comparable results to the original improved system (with 565°C) under the given boundary conditions. In this analysis all multi tower systems show lower economic viability compared to single tower systems, caused by high additional cost for piping connections and higher cost of the receivers.

The article analyzes the recent wave of labor unrest in Western Europe after the 2008 financial and economic crisis. It draws theoretically on the global capitalism school and a labor power resource approach, and empirically on a database on social conflict (JenaConDa). Unlike the last cycle of contention between 1968 and 1973, the post-2008 conflicts have changed in two respects: First, the uneven and combined development of European integration has led to a spatially uneven distribution of workers’ protests. Second, in the current wave of conflict, new forms of non-institutionalized conflicts have emerged.

In April 2014, approximately 40,000 workers stalled production at Yue Yuen (YY) Gaobu, a shoemaker, in Guangdong, China. We identify three reasons for the strike: First, China’s rise is leading to a wave of capital relocation to lower wage countries. Accordingly, YY Gaobu faces increasing pressure, which contributes to a deterioration of working conditions to save costs. Second, the Chinese Communist Party’s anti-corruption campaign is creating new spaces for YY workers to push their demands. Third, there are increased worker protests regarding social insurance payments. Therefore, the strike is paradigmatic, because class composition (middle-aged migrant workers) and demands (social insurance) differ from earlier conflicts. Drawing on the theoretical framework of World-Systems Analysis and in-depth field research, we conclude that the strike will have a lasting effect on Chinese labour relations, because of its focus on social insurance.

Der Artikel skizziert die zentralen Diskussionsstrange der historisch materialistischen Internationalen Politischen Okonomie (hm IPO) zur aktuellen Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise. Die hm IPO ermoglicht den Fokus auf eine Herrschaftssoziologie der Krise. Neben einer Verschiebung der Krafteverhaltnisse kann diese auch die Weltmarktabsicherung durch das weitgehend kooperative globale Krisenmanagement erklaren. Eine weitere Starke der hm IPO besteht darin, dass sie den Zusammenhang zwischen Geookonomie und Geopolitik besonders prazise herausarbeiten kann. Diese Sichtweise ermoglicht es, die Krise als eine Krise der US-amerikanischen Hegemonie zu reinterpretieren.

In his article on economic policy, Stefan Schmalz looks into the assumption that there has been a slow re-orientation process in Brazil that favored the return of the developmentalist State. Accordingly an economic model with more State influence gained strength, quasi as a counterpart to what happened within the neo-liberal model in the early 1990s. The gradual and negotiated transition to a new developmental State model (novo desenvolvimentismo) was possible through a social democratic alliance at the parliamentary level after the economic crisis of the late 1990s. Under Lula the system obtained a new quality, above all through massive programs for infrastructure development (programas de aceleracao do crescimento, PAC I and II). Nonetheless, this development model is still considered contradictory as environmental and rural conflicts remain unsolved. Thus, despite the income growth, the rural population is still excluded from the modernization project while the high concentration of land property continues to exist.

Against the backdrop of debates about ‘post-neoliberalism’, we examine the implications of the global economic crisis for three important semi-peripheral states: Brazil, India, and China. Deploying a framework which combines neo-Gramscian theory, radical economic geography, and materialist state theory, we find that all their political-economic models have undergone processes of substantial neoliberalisation, albeit to varying degrees and partly giving way to countervailing trends well before the global turmoil. The crisis has markedly accentuated ongoing developments. In Brazil, it has reinforced a transition to a neo-developmentalist strategy. In contrast, the Indian elites have quickly returned to the path of gradual neoliberalisation. In China, it is still unclear whether a fundamental social-corporatist regime change will be accomplished. Our analysis thus suggests a divergence of trajectories, rather than a general rebound of the state, let alone a full-blown post-neoliberal transformation. Contra l...

During the last decade, China has become an active player in global political economy. China’s rise has led to important structural changes: First, China is close to replace the US as the “consumer of last resort” in the world economy, thus, being able to influence states and companies in other world regions by granting or restricting access to its huge domestic market. Second, China is heavily investing in infrastructure and commodity supply chains in the Global South, thereby gaining control over important trade routes. And, third, China has become a major creditor of several governments, thus, challenging US-dominated international financial institutions such as the IMF. The paper draws on World-Systems Analysis in order to give an assessment of these developments. Even though China’s influence in global political economy is likely to continue to grow, internal and external factors (China’s increasing economic woes and the US counterstrategy in East Asia) might stall China’s rise.

The article provides a general overview on the current debate on the rise of China in global capitalism. In this discussion, a distinction between two theoretical currents can be made: On the one hand, most world-systems analysts assume that US power already is on the wane, while China is becoming a super power. On the other hand, some critical IPE scholars such as Leo Panitch argue that there is a continuity of US hegemony. Both arguments are tested on the basis of empirical data on China’s development and China’s power in global political economy. Also, the article discusses whether China’s potential rise may lead to violent conflicts. It is concluded that even though China might ascend to the status of being the primary economic power in the near future, structural power in global capitalism could continue to favor the West for a long period of time.

According to common wisdom, the great depression of 2008/2009 is rooted in a financial crisis that spread from the US to most other parts of the world. This interpretation is challenged. Using theoretical concepts of David Harvey and Giovanni Arrighi, the current crisis is analyzed as a switching crisis from one global spatial fix of capital accumulation to another. First, the economic power shifts from the West to semi-peripheral states in East Asia as well as other world regions are identified as one major reason for the development of structural imbalances in world economy. It is analyzed how the structural imbalances – especially between China and the US – tended to deepen the US housing bubble. After the bubble had bursted, the crisis hit different world regions in a different manner. China and other emerging nations in East Asia as well as in South America were able to withstand the crisis due to large stimulus packages, whereas the EU, US and Japan have been deeply affected. The transition in global political economy will be even speeded up by the crisis. Finally, different scenarios of a new map of global power are discussed.