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While participation in occupying protest is publicly remarkable, its impact on participants’ approval of government, is empirically uncharted. Meanwhile, current research and theory have not been consistent about the impacts of protest participation specifically and civic engagement generally. As the impacts are particularly of concern to college education and democratization, the present study surveyed 527 college students in the Chinese metropolis of Hong Kong to clarify the impacts. Results reveal that both occupying protest participation and civic engagement increase since the participation tended to reduce approval of government substantially. Such reduction reflects competing commitment between government and protest and civic organizations. The results thus show that the participation and engagement represent challenges to government to meet participants’ concerns.

With bullying in schools high on policy makers’ agendas, researchers are looking for effective strategies to tackle its disruptive effects. The present study sets out to address this issue. First, the prevalence of bullying is examined in Hong Kong High Schools, and second, the effectiveness of a Restorative Whole-school Approach (RWsA) in reducing bullying is examined in a quasi-experimental design. The RWsA emphasizes the setting up of restorative goals, clear instructions, team building, and good relationships among students, parents, and teachers. Over the course of 2 years, and across four schools, the effectiveness of this program was observed by comparing an intervention group with a partial intervention group (which did not receive the full treatment) and a control group (which received no treatment whatsoever). The group that received the RWsA treatment exhibited a significant reduction of bullying, higher empathic attitudes, and higher self-esteem in comparison to the partial intervention and the control group.

To help volunteer service users effectively, management of the service is supposedly necessary to screen, train, and deploy volunteers and monitor their work. The management is therefore likely to account for the effectiveness of the use of volunteer service by ensuring the provision of the quantity and quality of direct volunteer service to achieve the service goal. This expected account is the focus of the present study of the contribution of a community volunteer project to older residents' adaptation to the living environment in Hong Kong, China. Survey data obtained from 193 residents targeted by the project show that the adequacy of management of the volunteer project tended to be responsible for the resident's adaptation. Essentially, management adequacy contributed to the resident's adaptation by raising the adequacy of direct volunteer service provision. Moreover, a resident who used the volunteer service more frequently would find volunteer service management and provision more adequate. This li...

In southern China, the use of mobile phones is becoming a ubiquitous part of everyday life for young migrant workers. What could be the possible relationship between mobile telephony and job mobility among migrants? A study of 655 migrant workers conducted in 2006 in the Pearl River Delta found a relationship between job change among migrant workers and the increasing use of mobile phones due to more information on jobs with better pay and working conditions being sent to them by friends, former coworkers, and clansmen. However, this portrait of migrant worker e-actors operating in a “broadband information society” can only be viewed in the context of the migrant labor shortage in southern China since 2004. Of fundamental concern are the vagrant identities of this new generation of young migrant workers who are excluded from the host society in which they work but also feel uncomfortable with their farmer status in their home towns.

As the pace of modern life quickens considerably and changes come fast and furious in public affairs, the qualifications based on which public servants are recruited, the skills they are required to master in order to deal with the new situation, the challenges they are faced with, and the administrative behavior they demonstrate are all no longer the same. Bureaucrats in anti-corruption agencies are no exception. This article will review the latest development in China’s public administration, as unethical bureaucratic behavior in anti-corruption agencies has been among the increasingly vexing pathologies the authorities have to cope with.

The first comprehensive survey of 7,025 Chinese primary schoolchildren found that 24% of respondents reported that they had sometimes physically bullied another child. When children observed school bullying, 56% said they immediately reported it to their teachers. Another 20% tried to stop the bullying by approaching the bullies. The study also identified factors associated with bullying. These included coming from an adverse psychosocial background and having more contact with violent values through association with deviant peers and exposure to the mass media. On the basis of the research findings, potential methods of bullying intervention are discussed.

English Programmes for disadvantaged youths have become a priority of the youth centres in Hong Kong. This article introduces the psychosocial problems encountered by immigrant youths and the kinds of supportive services provided to them. It concludes that they are satisfied with the services and have also experienced personal growth. French Des programmes visant les jeunes désavantagés sont devenus prioritaires pour les centres de jeunesse à Hong Kong. Cet article décrit les problèmes psychosociaux vécus par des jeunes immigrants et les types de services de soutien qui leur sont destinés. Il constate la satisfaction de ces jeunes des services reçus, ceux-ci ayant contribué à leur développement personnel. Spanish Los programas para jóvenes en desventaja han llegado a ser una prioridad en los centros juveniles de Hong Kong. Este arti¨culo aborda los problemas psicosociales detectados entre los jóvenes inmigrantes y el tipo de servicios de apoyo que se les han brindado. Se concluye que esta¨n satisfechos con dichos servicios y que incluso han experimentado un crecimiento personal.

This article provides an introduction to the recent development of administrative ethics in the People's Republic of China, which embarked on the path of reform and opening to the outside world in 1978. The article also summarizes the issues discussed in the following articles. These include Chinese views of corruption since Tiananmen, the issue of whistleblowing, organizational ethics and bureaucratic corruption in Chinese schools, changing administrative ethos and corruption in reform China, and the process of professionalization and rhe resultant rebuilding of administrative ethics in post-Mao China.

Since China's post-Mao leadership introduced material incentives to promote productivity in its bid to catch up with industrialized countries, the nation's fledgling civil service has been infected by widespread unethical behavior among bureaucrats. One of the measures taken to combat corruption has been the enactment of ethical codes for government officials. This article discusses the problems and prospects of ethical codes, which may refashion China's public administration in the years to come.

“Competent employees don't remain competent forever. Skills deteriorate and can become obsolete. That's why organizations spend billions of dollars each year on formal training.”1 This symposium ex...

In southern China, the use of mobile phones is becoming a ubiquitous part of everyday life for young migrant workers. What could be the possible relationship between mobile telephony and job mobility among migrants? A study of 655 migrant workers conducted in 2006 in the Pearl River Delta found a relationship between job change among migrant workers and the increasing use of mobile phones due to more information on jobs with better pay and working conditions being sent to them by friends and clansmen. However, this portrait of migrant worker e-Actors operating in a “broadband information society” can only be viewed in the context of the migrant labor shortage in southern China since 2004. Of fundamental concern are the vagrant identities of this new generation of young migrant workers who are excluded from the host society in which they work but also feel uncomfortable with their farmer status in their home towns.

This article examines one aspect of China's “second revolution” led by Deng Xiaoping: the relationship between the post‐Mao leadership and the intellectuals, who were the most persecuted during the “Cultural Revolution.” When Deng took power in 1978, one tough challenge was to mobilize China's well‐educated men and women for the nation's modernization. New policies toward them were introduced to rekindle their enthusiasm in creative and critical academic activities. The anticipation of a new period of cooperation between the authorities and the intellectuals was, however, dashed by the bloodshed in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. Why did Deng, who sought the support of Chinese intellectuals for his modernization program, side with the Party's hard‐liners to order the military crackdown on pro‐democracy demonstrations? Will China's post‐Mao leadership no longer need the intellectuals’ help? This article argues that the Communist Party of China has been playing “a dangerous game of cooperation” with the i...

Soon after Deng Xiaoping was rehabilitated in the wake of Mao Zedong's death and the subsequent arrest of the "Gang of Four" in the fall of 1976, he raised the issue of administrative reform as an important means of achieving the nation's modernization. In October 1978 Deng pointed out that modernization calls for many changes "in the relationship of production, the superstructure and the forms of management in industrial and agricultural enterprises, as well as changes in the state administration over these enterprises."' Deng's words signaled the dawn of an administrative reform unprecedented in the history of the PRC. In many ways the changes inaugurated by Deng and his associates could threaten the position, power, and privileges of millions of government officials. In examining cadres' responses to changes in the administrative system, this article attempts to answer the following questions: how did bureaucrats react to administrative reform; what tactics did they adopt in order to survive; and why have these tactics been successful?

CONCOMITANT WITH CHINA'S RAPID AND RADICAL REFORM there has been rampant corruption among its bureaucrats. Chinese authorities have exhorted cadres to get rich last in the wake of the coming Communist prosperity. Deng Xiaoping favours a pattern in which "some people will become prosperous first, and others later."' But many government officials, wanted to be first and not last on the road towards common prosperity, have turned a deaf ear to the Party's advice and so the nation's leaders have resorted to various means of intimidation"executing one as a warning to a hundred." Yet just as a Chinese saying proclaims that "not even a prairie fire can destroy the grass, it grows again when the spring breeze blows," corruption remains chronic and contagious and does not seem to be tapering off. Addressing this perennial problem, this paper argues that reform corruption in China has much to do with ideological confusion, lack of incentive, lack of deterrence and deficiencies in management,2 all of which have been either created or exacerbated in the course of reform. The paper suggests that ideological indoctrination alone does not tackle the issue adequately and that structural changes may assist in reducing corruption. As early as December 1951 when the "Three-Anti" campaign was launched against corruption, waste and bureaucratism, bourgeois ideas were already selected as a favourite scapegoat, as a major cause of corruption. This approach is adopted by some foreign observers as well. John Gardner, for example, writes that corruption of veteran and new party cadres results from "an environment in which the bourgeoisie retained a dominant position."3 The authorities have repeatedly employed this kind of attack in political movements since 1950, but seeing the bourgeoisie as an easy target has blinded Chinese leaders to other causes of bureaucratic corruption.