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In this article I analyze the family language policy of trilingual transnational families (Arabic, Turkish, French or German) through a comparative study of their intergenerational language practices in France and Germany. This study is based on a multi-sited ethnography, with recordings of individual interviews and socially situated heterogeneous language practices involving two families of three generations with similar trajectories and socioeconomic and linguistic profiles. The analyses of their language practices demonstrate that family language policy is based on individual freedom of choice; it is not explicit, fixed or rigid but unconstrained and ?uctuating. With respect to the inherited familial languages, contrary to expectations, I observe that they are maintained relatively well, especially in the case of Arabic; this is true even for the youngest participants, the third generation. I show that the factor supporting the maintenance of Arabic in the third generation is the grandparents’ alignment with the youngest participants’ language choice as well as their caring attitude, expressed mainly in Arabic, but also, though less regularly, in Turkish.

International audience; Scholars in Arabic dialectology are widely concerned with the linguistic effects of societal bi-and multilingualism. The present chapter intends to illustrate a non-aprioristic and computer-assisted method for the study of Arabic in multilingual settings. Taking examples from two different sociolinguistic situations, we will illustrate new solutions for annotating and analyzing plurilingual corpora by means of a multilayered annotation system based on JAXE.

International audience; Multilingualism, maintenance or shift among migrant Arabic-Turkish speaking familiesS. ISTANBULLU & I. LÉGLISE (SEDYL: CNRS, INALCO)Previous literature on language transmission among migrant families in Europe focuses mainly on the transmission of home languages vs. the official language of the host country (Akinci et al., 2004, de Ruiter 2008, Haque 2010). Quantitative studies often show that, due to an aggressive linguistic policy towards integration, a language shift phenomenon towards the official language of the host country is generally completed within three generations (Héran et al. 2002). The families we are working with are already bilingual (home language – national language) when they migrate, adding then a third language (the host country language) to their bilingual repertoire. This paper raises the issue of home languages maintenance in a migration context when two languages (ancestral language and previous national language) are already competing for transmission.As a case in point, we will look at Arabic-Turkish speaking families from Antioch (South Turkey) and living in Paris and Berlin. Data come from a multi-sited ethno-graphic approach (Marcus 1995) in Paris, Berlin and Antioch. 80 members belonging to 11 families were individually interviewed (open questions, recordings of narratives and language biographies). Immersion within 2 families led to the recordings of multilingual language practices in the family context. To date our results are based on the analysis of the language ideologies from the interviews and on qualitative and quantitative analysis of 4 family interactions. Before migrating, these families were already in a situation of language shift between Arabic, their home language, and Turkish, the national language (Smith 2003). Con-sidering the numeric importance of Arabic language in France (4 million of speakers), we would like to rethink the language shift situation towards Turkish and show how it may turn towards French and Arabic. Whereas, considering the importance of Turkish language in Germany, acting also as a lingua franca (Dirim & Auer 2012), we will show that the home language of these families tends to be Turkish.In this paper, after presenting some context and methodology, we will focus on the multilingual linguistic practices, language ideology and identity construction of second and third generations (the first generations being born in Paris or Berlin). We will show how home languages are maintained due to affective factors but also how various conflicts are actually at stage among the third generation, finally, we will illustrate the development of new speakers (O’Rourke & Ramallo 2011) of two home languages, Arabic and Turkish.Dirim I. & Auer P. (2004). Türkisch sprechen nicht nur die Türken: über die Unschärfebezie-hung zwischen Sprache und Ethnie in Deutschland. Berlin: de Gruyter.Héran F., Filhon A. & Deprez C. (2002). La dynamique des langues en France au fil du XXè Siècle. Population et Sociétés 376: 1–4.Smith J. (2003). Language choice, code-switching and language shift in Antakya, Turkey. University of Canterbury. O’Rourke B. & Fernando R. (2011). The native-non-native dichotomy in minority language. Comparisons between Irish and Galician. Language Problems & Language Planning, 35(2), pp.139-159.

Résumé : La rupture de transmission des langues au sein de la famille mène à l’abandon de langues par des communautés entières, phénomène connu sous le nom de language shift (Thomason & Kaufman 1988) et advient généralement en situation de forte pression des langues majoritaires sur les langues minoritaires ou minorisées. En France, on observe généralement l’abandon des langues d’origine, en famille, dans un laps de temps correspondant à trois générations (Héran et al., 2002). Condon (2006) montre des résultats décroissants de transmission de la langue d’origine, liés au pays de naissance des parents, et à leur scolarisation ou non en France, aux contacts en dehors de la cellule familiale, ainsi qu’aux représentations positives ou négatives liées à cette langue. Par exemple, pour les enfants de parents nés en Turquie, la langue turque est parlée en famille, lue et écrite (80%) bien plus que ne l’est l’arabe pour les Algériens (14,9%), ou l’espagnol (68%). Engagées dans un souhait de réussite dans des sociétés où d’autres langues que leur langue maternelle sont majoritaires et valorisées, les familles sont confrontées à de douloureux choix faits d’adaptations et de ruptures en grande partie inconscients (Erikson 1980) et liés à des enjeux identitaires importants. Le sentiment que certains groupes auxquels on n’appartient pas (et qui pratiquent les « bonnes » langues) seraient meilleurs (Cohen-Scali & Guichard 2008) ou réussiraient mieux est un élément susceptible d’expliquer la non-transmission de langues en contexte minoritaire. Pour mieux interroger le lien entre transmission des langues et construction identitaire des individus en contexte minoritaire, nous avons travaillé avec des familles arabo-turcophones originaires du sud de la Turquie. Des entretiens compréhensifs (dans les langues parlées en famille : arabe, turc, français) ont été réalisés pour mieux appréhender le contexte sociolinguistique des familles. Des enregistrements d’interactions spontanées en famille ont également été réalisés, mettant en scène trois générations de locuteurs aux répertoires linguistiques pluriels. 34 personnes appartenant à 4 familles ont été rencontrées et enregistrées. Globalement, la transmission des langues d’origine est vécue comme une nécessité mais aussi comme une difficulté. Les familles trouvent peu de support dans les associations et auprès des institutions. L’étude des pratiques langagières spontanées en famille montre pour sa part l’utilisation des différentes langues présentes dans les répertoires – même si la 3e génération, née en France, s’exprime la plupart du temps en français, elle mobilise toute ses ressources pour communiquer avec les grands-parents. Ces derniers montrent par ailleurs une très grande capacité d’adaptation puisqu’ils suivent les choix linguistiques de leurs petits-enfants, allant même jusqu’à reprendre des formules appartenant à l’arabe dialectal maghrébin et que les jeunes générations ont acquises, non pas en famille mais probablement auprès d’amis de l’école ou du quartier. On voit là comment la transmission par les pairs vient compléter une transmission intergénérationnelle parfois délicate.

International audience; Quantitative studies on migrant languages in France show that, due to an aggressive linguistic policy towards integration, a language shift phenomenon to French is generally completed within 3 generations (Héran et al., 2002). Contrary to this tendency, few studies, such as Barontini (2013) show the knowledge of Arabic, Berber, Hebrew and Judeo-Arabic among families with a North African descent.Previous literature on language transmission among migrant families in Europe focuses mainly on the transmission of one so-called heritage language vs. the official language of the host country (Deprez, 1994, Akinci et al., 2004, de Ruiter, 2008, Haque, 2010). On the other hand, the acquisition by speakers of the majority language of some knowledge of immigrant languages has been well documented in Great Britain (Hewitt 1986, Rampton 2005) and Germany (Dirim and Auer 2004) and discussed as a possibly phenomenon of crossing. Families from Turkey were considered in the late 1990 as the last arrived community in France (Akinci, 1996); this “new migration wave” only begun in the 1970’s and represented around 250 000 people in 1996 and 450 000 in 2008 (INSEE 2012). The families we are working with come from the South of Turkey where they already were in a situation of language shift between Arabic and Turkish (Smith-Kocamanhul, 2003). Considering the numeric importance of Arabic language in France (4 millions of speakers), we would like to rethink the first language shift situation towards Turkish and show how it may turn towards French and some other minority languages. We would also like to question linguistic ideologies among these families in the light of their mobility through various European cities.The superdiversity (Vertovec 2007) that follows from the increase of mobility within populations (Appadurai, 1996) encourages us to follow a multi-sited ethnographic approach (Marcus, 1995, Hannertz, 2003, Fitzgerald, 2006). Our study is based on a qualitative observation of language transmission and identity construction among these families. In this paper, after presenting some context and methodology, we will focus on the multilingual linguistic practices, language ideology and identity construction of second and third generations (the first generations being born in France). We will show various conflicts actually at stage among the third generation and the development of new speakers (O’Rourke) of Arabic and Turkish.

International audience; Quantitative studies on migrant languages in France show that, due to an aggressive linguistic policy towards integration, a language shift phenomenon to French is generally completed within 3 generations (Héran et al. 2002). Contrary to this tendency, few studies, such as Barontini (2013) show the knowledge of Arabic, Berber, Hebrew and Judeo-Arabic among families with a North African descent.Previous literature on language transmission among migrant families in Europe focuses mainly on the transmission of one so-called heritage language vs. the official language of the host country (Deprez, 1994, Akinci et al., 2004, de Ruiter 2008, Haque 2010). On the other hand, the acquisition by speakers of the majority language of some knowledge of immigrant languages has been well documented in Great Britain (Hewitt 1986, Rampton 2005) and Germany (Dirim and Auer 2004) and discussed as a possibly phenomenon of crossing. Families from Turkey were considered in the late 1990 as the last arrived community in France (Akinci 1996); this “new migration wave” only begun in the 1970’s and represented around 250 000 people in 1996 and 450 000 in 2008 (INSEE 2012). The families we are working with come from the South of Turkey where they already were in a situation of language shift between Arabic and Turkish (Smith-Kocamanhul 2003). Considering the numeric importance of Arabic language in France (4 millions of speakers), we would like to rethink the first language shift situation towards Turkish and show how it may turn towards French and some other minority languages. We would also like to question linguistic ideologies among these families in the light of their mobility through various European cities.The superdiversity (Vertovec 2007) that follows from the increase of mobility within populations (Appadurai 1996) encourages us to follow a multi-sited ethnographic approach (Marcus 1995, Hannertz 2003, Fitzgerald 2006). Our study is based on a qualitative observation of language transmission and identity construction among these families. In this paper, after presenting some context and methodology, we will focus on the multilingual linguistic practices, language ideology and identity construction of second and third generations (the first generations being born in France). We will show various conflicts actually at stage among the third generation and the development of new speakers (O’Rourke) of Arabic and Turkish.Migration, intergenerational language transmission, superdiversity, language shift, language and identityAkinci, M.-A., De Ruiter, J.J., & Sanagustin, F. (2004) Le plurilinguisme à Lyon. L’Harmattan, Paris Appadurai, A. (1996), Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. University of Minnesota Press.Barontini, A. (2013) Locuteurs de l'arabe maghrébin - langue de France : une analyse sociolinguistique des représentations, des pratiques langagières et du processus de transmission, Inalco, ParisDirim, I., Auer, P. (2004) Türkisch Sprechen Nicht Nur Die Türken. Berlin: Walter de GruyterRampton, B. (2005) Crossing: Language and Ethnicity among Adolescents. UK: St. Jerome PublishingRuiter de, J.J. (2008) Langues et cultures en contact. Le cas des langues et cultures arabes et turques en France et aux Pays-Bas. L’Harmattan, Paris

International audience; Nous présenterons plusieurs approches méthodologiques complémentaires permettant de documenter et comprendre la transmission des langues au sein de familles transnationales et d'illustrer à la fois des tendances familiales et des choix et parcours individuels. Si la réalisation d'entretiens permet notamment une meilleure appréhension du contexte, des idéologies linguistiques et des discours contradictoires en présence, ils peuvent également permettre le recueil de biographies langagières individuelles et la réalisation de généalogies familiales commentées qui, associées aux répertoires linguistiques déclarés des individus, fournissent de beaux témoignages en synchronie et en diachronie des dynamiques langagières et sociales (notamment en termes de mobilité sociale et spatiale).D'un autre côté, l'enregistrement au sein des familles de pratiques langagières intervenant entre plusieurs générations permet d'une part la réalisation d'analyses quantitatives sur les "choix" de langues entre interlocuteurs et la description de pratiques hétérogènes entre plurilingues et d'autre part des analyses interactionnelles qui montrent les stratégies communicatives à l'oeuvre pouvant favoriser ou non la transmission des langues.Nous nous appuierons sur le travail ethnographique multi-site (Marcus 1995) que nous avons réalisé d'une part auprès de familles transnationales d'origine brésilienne vivant entre le Brésil, la Guyane et la France (Gorovitz et Léglise 2015) et d'autre part auprès de familles transnationales arabo-turcophones originaires d'Antioche en Turquie et vivant à Paris et Berlin (Istanbullu et Léglise 2014).