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Objectives. To examine the impact of school shootings on indicators of adolescent school safety in the United States. Methods. We linked 2009–2019 Youth Risk Behavior Survey data on 211 236 adolescents aged 14 to 18 years from 24 school districts with data on high school shootings from the Center for Homeland Defense and Security. We conducted 2-way fixed-effects logistic regression models to assess the impact of shootings on self-report of 3 indicators of school safety: avoiding school because of feeling unsafe, carrying a weapon at school, and being threatened or injured with a weapon at school. Results. High school shootings were associated with adolescents having 20% greater odds of avoiding school because of feeling unsafe (adjusted odd ratio [AOR] = 1.20; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.11, 1.29) than those who had not. Findings were slightly attenuated in sensitivity analyses that tested exposure to shootings at any school in the district or state. High school shootings were associated with a statistically nonsignificant (P = .08) elevated risk of carrying a weapon at school (AOR = 1.11; 95% CI = 0.99, 1.25). Conclusions. The negative ramifications of school shootings extend far beyond the event itself to adolescents’ concerns about school safety. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(4):438–441. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307206 )

The American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, signed into law on March 11, 2021, allowed states to extend Medicaid for a full 12 months in the postpartum period. As of October 2022, 15 states have yet to endorse this state option. In this column, I review Medicaid eligibility requirements, the proposed policy changes, and summarize research findings and recommendations from professional organizations supporting the permanent extension of Medicaid in the postpartum period.

While historically most public health research has relied upon self-identified race as a proxy for experiencing racism, a growing literature recognizes that socially assigned race may more closely align with racialized lived experiences that influence health outcomes. We aim to understand how women's health behaviors, health outcomes, and infant health outcomes differ for women socially assigned as nonwhite when compared with women socially assigned as white in Massachusetts.Using data from the Massachusetts Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) Reactions to Race module, we documented the associations between socially assigned race (white vs. nonwhite) and women's health behaviors (e.g., initiation of prenatal care, breastfeeding), women's health outcomes (e.g., gestational diabetes, depression before pregnancy), and infant health outcomes (e.g., preterm birth, low birth weight [LBW]). Multivariable models adjusted for age, marital status, education level, nativity, receipt of Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) assistance during pregnancy, infant sex, plurality, and gestational age. Additional models adjusted for treatment by race, how often one thinks about race, and nativity.Women socially assigned as nonwhite had higher odds of breastfeeding (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]: 1.86, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.54 to 2.25), lower odds of consuming alcohol (AOR: 0.27, 95% CI: 0.24 to 0.31), and lower odds of smoking (AOR: 0.30, 95% CI: 0.24 to 0.38) compared with those socially assigned as white. However, women socially assigned as nonwhite had higher odds of reporting gestational diabetes (AOR: 1.97, 95% CI: 1.49 to 2.61). Mothers socially assigned as nonwhite also had higher odds of giving birth to an LBW (AOR: 1.66, 95% CI: 1.29 to 2.14) and small-for-gestational age (AOR: 1.46, 95% CI: 1.19 to 1.80) infant compared with women socially assigned as white.In comparison with women socially assigned as white, we observed poorer health outcomes for women who were socially assigned nonwhite despite engaging in more beneficial pregnancy-related health behaviors. Socially assigned race can provide an important context for women's experiences that can influence their health and the health of their infants.

In response to the rapidly evolving policy landscape regarding cannabis, it is important to consider trends in cannabis use during pregnancy, including health effects and implications for clinicians and policy makers. In this column, I present a summary of research findings, related limitations, future research directions, and a compilation of guidelines and recommendations from professional and governmental organizations.

Objectives: The COVID-19 pandemic has led to severe mental health repercussions. We examined rates of anxiety and depression in the United States during the pandemic by demographic characteristics, individual stressors, and COVID-19 infection rates and policy contexts. Methods: We merged data from the April 2020–March 2021 US Household Pulse Survey with state-level data on COVID-19 rates and mitigation policies, including stay-at-home orders, face mask mandates, and restaurant closures. We estimated weighted logistic regression models to assess correlates of anxiety and depression. Results: Rates of anxiety and depression peaked in late 2020 at 39% and 32%, respectively. Food insecurity and disrupted medical care were associated with more than twice the odds of anxiety and depression (food insecurity: odds ratio [OR] = 2.58 for anxiety and 2.61 for depression; disrupted medical care: OR = 2.40 and 2.27). Being not employed (OR = 1.32 for anxiety and 1.45 for depression), uninsured (OR = 1.30 and 1.38), housing insecure (OR = 1.41 and 1.34), and experiencing disruptions in education (OR = 1.28 and 1.25) were linked to 25% to 45% increased odds of anxiety and depression. Increases in state COVID-19 infection rates were associated with significantly heightened odds of anxiety and depression (OR = 1.01 for anxiety and depression), but state mitigation policies were not. Conclusions: Levels of anxiety and depression rose during the pandemic, particularly among economically vulnerable individuals and those experiencing economic and service disruptions. Future research should assess the effectiveness of policies targeting COVID-19 economic and service disruptions.

Background: Breastfeeding offers the best nutrition during the first months of life. Scholars have identified a dose-response association between breastfeeding duration and reduced risk for child morbidity and mortality. In upper-middle-income countries, including Mexico, maternal employment has been negatively associated with breastfeeding duration. Despite increasing numbers of women entering the workforce and disproportionately participating in the informal sector, where they are un-entitled to paid maternity leave, little is known about how these factors may affect breastfeeding practices. Research Aim: To determine whether household income moderated the association between maternal employment status (defined as unemployed, formal, and informal full- and part-time employed) and any breastfeeding for ≥ 6 months. Methods: We conducted a cross-sectional study using retrospective secondary data from the 2018–2019 Mexican Health and Nutrition Survey. The analytic sample included data about 2,156 children aged 6–36 months. We computed logistic regression models stratified by household income. Results: The association between maternal employment and breastfeeding duration varied by household income. Compared to unemployed women, among lower-income households, children were less likely to be breastfed for ≥ 6 months when the participants was part-time informally employed ( AOR = 0.30, 95% CI [0.13, 0.69]). Among higher-income households, children were less likely to be breastfed for ≥ 6 months when the participants was full-time formally employed ( AOR = 0.52, 95% CI [0.30, 0.88]). Conclusions: To increase breastfeeding duration, stakeholders need to continue strengthening and enforcing policies among formally employed women, and strategies are urgently needed to support women in the informal sector, particularly those in lower-income households.

Availability of long-acting reversible contraception (LARC) is an important indicator of high-quality women's health care. There are limited data on the impact of state-level Medicaid eligibility changes on LARC use.We used All-Payers Claims Databases to examine LARC insertions among women enrolled in Medicaid in Massachusetts, which expanded Medicaid in 2014, and Maine, which restricted Medicaid eligibility in 2013. We used interrupted time series (ITS) analyses to determine the impact of Medicaid eligibility changes on level and trends in LARC insertions in these states.In Massachusetts, graphical evidence demonstrates that after Medicaid expansion, there was an immediate increase in mean monthly LARC insertions and insertions per 1000 enrollees. In ITS regression adjusting for age, LARC insertions per enrollee increased immediately after Medicaid expansion by 32% (P0.001). After expansion, as the number of enrollees continued to rise, mean monthly LARC insertions rose, but there was a slightly decreasing trend in insertions per enrollee by 1% per month (P0.001). In Maine, graphical evidence shows that initial reductions in Medicaid eligibility were associated with an immediate drop in LARC insertion numbers and rates per 1000, with ITS regression demonstrating an immediate 17% drop in insertions per enrollee (P0.001). As Maine's Medicaid enrollment declined from 2013 to 2015, the number of LARC insertions remained flat, leading to an increasing trend in insertions per enrollee, similar to pre-2013 trends (P=0.17).Medicaid eligibility changes were associated with immediate changes in LARC uptake. Medicaid expansion may help ensure access to this effective contraceptive method.

Objective This study used representative data to examine the impact of changes in contraceptive coverage policies (contraceptive insurance mandates and pharmacy access to emergency contraception) on contraceptive use and risky sexual behavior among adolescent girls. Study design Using 2003–17 Youth Risk Behavior Survey data on 116 180 adolescent girls from 34 states, we conducted difference-in-differences models to examine changes in contraceptive use and unprotected sexual intercourse with the implementation of contraceptive coverage policies. We also tested interactions between age and pharmacy access to emergency contraception. Results Findings indicate that contraceptive insurance mandates and pharmacy access to emergency contraception were not associated with changes in contraceptive use or unprotected sexual intercourse among adolescent girls, although some changes were observed in specific age groups. Despite this, our results show an overall increase in reported use of birth control pills and longer-acting methods from 2003 through 2017. Conclusions Using representative data, this study lends support to existing evidence that increased access to emergency contraception does not impact contraceptive method used or unprotected sexual intercourse among adolescent girls. The results underscore the need for expanding access to a wide range of contraceptive options for adolescents, with a focus on safer and more effective longer-acting methods.

To examine breastfeeding, individual and household risk factors for malnutrition (i.e., overweight and stunting) among Mexican-origin children aged 6 to 35 months living in Mexico and the US. We ran logistic regression models using subsamples of the 2012 Mexican National Health and Nutrition Survey, and four waves (2007-2014) of the US National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. We found evidence for a protective effect of any breastfeeding on stunting in Mexico. Risk factors for overweight and stunting across countries were high- and low-birthweight, correspondingly. An additional risk factor for overweight was introducing complementary foods before 6 months; while being male, living in Mexico and moderate-severe household food insecurity were additional risk factors for stunting. To prevent malnutrition among Mexican-origin children, pre- and post-natal culturally-sensitive policies and interventions in both countries should be aimed toward preventing high- and low-birthweight, and promoting positive maternal health behaviors such as appropriate child feeding practices.

Background: Globally, the prevalence of child overweight has increased over the past few decades. The largest burden of child overweight is identified among upper-middle-income countries, such as Mexico. Breastfeeding has been identified as one of the key affordable and modifiable maternal health behaviors protecting against child overweight. Objective: To examine the association between breastfeeding and child overweight while sequentially controlling for individual, household, and area factors in Mexican children. Methods: Secondary data analysis using the 2012 Mexican National Health and Nutrition Survey which included risk factors for overweight on 2089 children aged 6 to 35 months and analyzed data to estimate fixed- and mixed-effects logistic regression models. Results: Overall, 9.0% of children were overweight and 71.1% of mothers reported any breastfeeding for ≥ 6 months. We found no evidence for a protective effect of any breastfeeding for ≥ 6 months on child overweight when compared to children who were never breastfed in the fully adjusted model and across all models (model 4, adjusted odds ratio [AOR] [95% CI] = 0.76 [0.31-1.86]). We identified risk factors for child overweight at the individual and area levels, with maternal obesity and offspring high birthweight being significant in the fully adjusted model and across all models (model 4, AOR [95% CI] = 2.26 [1.32-3.85] and 2.83 [1.44-5.56], correspondingly). Conclusions: Our results suggest shared obesogenic environment influences from which the overweight-obese maternal-child dyads are emerging in Mexican households. More research is needed to better understand these obesogenic environments grounded on the particular contexts among upper-middle-income countries.

We examined associations between the 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA) provisions, 2011 Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) recommendation, and 2014 ACA-related health insurance reforms with HPV vaccine initiation rates by sex and health insurance type. Using 2009–2015 public and private health insurance claims for 551,764 males and females aged 9–26 years (referred to as youth) from Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, we conducted linear regression models to examine the associations between three policy changes and HPV vaccine initiation rates by sex and health insurance type. In 2009, HPV vaccine initiation rates for males and females were 0.003 and 0.604 per 100 enrollees, respectively. Among males, the 2010 ACA provisions and ACIP recommendation were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake among those with private plans (0.207 [0.137, 0.278] and 0.419 [0.353, 0.486], respectively) and Medicaid (0.157 [0.083, 0.230] and 0.322 [0.257, 0.386], respectively). Among females, the 2010 ACA provisions were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake among Medicaid enrollees only (0.123 [0.033, 0.214]). The ACA-related health insurance reforms were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake for male and female Medicaid enrollees (0.257 [0.137, 0.377] and 0.214 [0.102, 0.327], respectively), but no differences among privately insured youth. By 2015, there were no differences in HPV vaccine initiation rates between males (0.278) and females (0.305). Both ACA provisions and the ACIP recommendation were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine initiation rates among privately and publicly insured males in three New England states, closing the gender gap. In contrast, females and youth with private insurance did not exhibit the same changes in HPV vaccine uptake over the study period.

Objective: Although maternal depression is a risk factor for poor child health and well-being, health outcomes may vary, and children may still do well even in the context of risk. Thus, th...

Vaping is the act of inhaling an aerosol generated by an electronic cigarette (e-cigarette), a battery-powered device that heats a reservoir of liquid, typically nicotine-containing, to deliver contents to the user. E-cigarettes were initially introduced as a means of smoking cessation, although evidence of their effectiveness is limited. There is a widespread perception that these products are a safer alternative to conventional cigarettes, driven in large part by marketing efforts by e-cigarette manufacturers. Yet to achieve vaporization, temperatures are so high that components of the device hardware, such as metals, plastics, rubber and foam, are aerosolized and inhaled along with the vaporized e-liquid containing nicotine, flavoring and solvents. We do not fully understand the health consequences of such aerosol exposure, particularly long-term effects, but short-term negative cardiovascular and respiratory effects have been demonstrated. Very few studies have evaluated the reproductive effect of e-cigarette use. We do not know whether vaping during pregnancy affects birth outcomes or the lifelong health of the fetus. There has been an exponential rise in the use of e-cigarettes in the United States since their introduction, particularly among youths, while concurrently there has been a laudable reduction in conventional cigarette use. It is imperative that obstetrician-gynecologists have a basic understanding of e-cigarettes, screen all patients as is consistently done for conventional smoking, and provide resources to patients about potential negative consequences of use.

Introduction This study quantifies the differences in infant outcomes by mother's self-identified race among Arab Americans and by self-identified race and ethnicity for Arabs and non-Arabs. Methods This study used data from the Standard Certificate of Live Birth on 8,204 infants born to Arab and 325,354 infants born to non-Arab mothers between 2012 and 2016 in Massachusetts; data were analyzed between 2019 and 2020. Mothers’ race was categorized as White, Black, or Other. Mothers’ ethnicity was categorized as Arab or non-Arab. Outcomes included birth weight, preterm birth, low-birth weight, small for gestational age, and large for gestational age. Linear and logistic regression models assessed the association between race and infant health outcomes. Results Black Arab mothers had higher odds of preterm birth (AOR=1.37, 95% CI=1.07, 1.76) and low-birth weight (AOR=1.35, 95% CI=0.99, 1.84) than White Arab mothers. Arab mothers who self-identified as Other had babies that were 51.4 grams lighter than babies born to White Arab mothers. White Arab mothers had higher odds of low birth weight (AOR=1.19, 95% CI=1.06, 1.34) and small-for-gestational-age babies (AOR=1.22, 95% CI=1.11, 1.36) but lower odds of large-for-gestational-age babies (AOR=0.77, 95% CI=0.70, 0.86) than White non-Arab mothers. Conclusions Both ethnicity and race are important determinants of the health of Arab American infants. Arab ethnicity may play a negative role in the infant health of Arab Americans who identify as White. A better understanding of the lived experiences of Arab American mothers, with regard to their racial and ethnic identity, may help better inform clinical practice.

This cross-sectional study examines the legislative, state, economic, and racial factors in increased severe maternal morbidity risk in pregnant individuals.

Introduction Little is known about why males are more likely to use electronic cigarettes (ECs) compared with females. This study examined gender differences in reasons for vaping and characteristics of EC used (device type, device capacity, e-liquid nicotine strength, and flavor). Methods Data were obtained from 3938 current (≥18 years) at-least-weekly EC users who participated in Wave 2 (2018) ITC Four Country Smoking and Vaping Survey in Canada, the United States, England, and Australia. Results Of the sample, 54% were male. The most commonly cited reasons for vaping in females were “less harmful to others” (85.8%) and in males were “less harmful than cigarettes” (85.5%), with females being more likely to cite “less harmful to others” (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 1.64, p = .001) and “help cut down on cigarettes” (aOR = 1.60, p = .001) than males. Significant gender differences were found in EC device type used (χ 2 = 35.05, p = .043). Females were less likely to report using e-liquids containing >20 mg/mL of nicotine, and tank devices with >2 mL capacity (aOR = 0.41, p < .001 and aOR = 0.65, p = .026, respectively) than males. There was no significant gender difference in use of flavored e-liquids, with fruit being the most common flavor for both males (54.5%) and females (50.2%). Conclusion There were some gender differences in reasons for vaping and characteristics of the product used. Monitoring of gender differences in patterns of EC use would be useful to inform outreach activities and interventions for EC use. Implications Our findings provide some evidence of gender differences in reasons for vaping and characteristics of EC used. The most common reason for vaping reported by females was “less harmful to others,” which may reflect greater concern by female vapers about the adverse effects of secondhand smoke compared with male vapers. Gender differences might be considered when designing gender-sensitive smoking cessation policies. Regarding characteristics of EC products used, we found gender differences in preferences for e-liquid nicotine strength and device capacity. Further studies should examine whether the observed gender differences in EC use reasons and product characteristics are predictive of smoking cessation. Furthermore, studies monitoring gender-based marketing of ECs may be considered.

PURPOSE Testing for BRCA1/2 mutations has increased among privately insured women in the United States. However, little is known about testing rates or trends among women with Medicaid. We sought to determine whether BRCA1/2 testing rates differed between women with private insurance compared with women with Medicaid in a state where both insurance types cover the test, and to compare testing trends from 2011 to 2015. METHODS We conducted a retrospective cohort study of medical claims from January 2011 through June 2015. We included Massachusetts women aged 18-64 with private insurance or Medicaid and at least 12 months of continuous enrollment. We used multivariable linear regression to examine the association of insurance type, age, and time with testing rates. RESULTS Mean monthly BRCA1/2 testing rates were lower among women with Medicaid compared with those with private insurance. Among privately insured women, mean monthly rates rose from 9.3 per 100,000 in 2011 to 18.4 per 100,000 in 2015, while among Medicaid-insured women, rates increased from 3.7 to 14.7. There was no difference in the monthly rate of increase in both groups (P=0.07). In adjusted analyses, rates were lower among Medicaid-insured women (7 fewer tests per month than privately insured women, P

Nicotine crosses the placenta and is a known teratogen. The use of electronic nicotine delivery systems (ENDS) has increased among pregnant women in the US, but there is limited knowledge about their effects on birth outcomes. We examined the associations between ENDS and cigarette use during pregnancy with birth outcomes.We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of 57,046 respondents from 32 US states in the 2016-2017 Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System. Respondents self-reported use of ENDS and cigarettes during the last 3 months of pregnancy; this was linked with birth outcomes documented on the birth certificate, including birth weight, gestational age, small-for-gestational age, and preterm birth.During the last 3 months of pregnancy, 0.5% of women used ENDS only, 0.8% were dual users of ENDS and cigarettes, and 8.0% used cigarettes only. In adjusted models, infants of women who used ENDS only weighed 57.8 grams less (95% CI -134.2, 18.6;Our results provide some indication that prenatal ENDS use may adversely affect birth outcomes by reducing birth weight and gestational age. Estimates were imprecise, suggesting that larger samples of ENDS users with more detailed information about patterns of use are needed.

* Abbreviations: e-cigarette — : electronic cigarette T21 — : tobacco 21 Although policies and populations do not occur in isolation, researchers often investigate them as if they do. When variables are one-dimensional (ex, race-ethnicity, rural-urban), statistical models produce outputs that do not represent the real world. Uncovering and addressing health disparities necessitates an approach that captures the complexity of population health.1 Intersectionality embraces the overlap of identities, social positions, and social policies.2 We used this approach when evaluating tobacco control policies related to prenatal smoking and found a significant interaction between women’s race and ethnicity, education, and cigarette taxes. Low-educated white and Black women had the highest prevalence of smoking during pregnancy and were the most responsive to taxes, which in turn, improved birth outcomes.3 Examining the effects by women’s race and ethnicity or, separately, education would not have produced the same conclusions. An underresearched disparity in tobacco control is geographic differences within state boundaries. Adolescents in rural areas have higher levels of tobacco use4–6 and are covered by less comprehensive tobacco control policies.5–7 In this issue of Pediatrics , Dai et al8 examine rural-urban differences in the effect … Address correspondence to Summer Sherburne Hawkins, PhD, MS, McGuinn Hall, School of Social Work, Boston College, 140 Commonwealth Ave, Chestnut Hill, MA 02467. E-mail: summer.hawkins{at}bc.edu

Contested racial identity- self-identified race not matching socially-assigned race-may be an indication of experiences with racism. We aimed to understand the relationship between contested racial identity and women's health behaviors, health outcomes, and infant health outcomes. We used 2012-2015 Massachusetts Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System data on 5735 women linked with infants' birth certificates. We conducted regression analyses to examine associations between contested racial identity with pregnancy and infant health outcomes and further sub-analyses among women who had experienced a contested racial identity. A total of 901 (15.7%) women reported a contested racial identity. When compared to those who did not, women who had a contested racial identity had lower odds of initiating prenatal care in the first trimester (AOR: 0.76, 95% CI: 0.62, 0.95) and higher odds of smoking (AOR: 1.70, 95% CI: 1.32, 2.19). Among women who had experienced a contested racial identity, those who were socially-assigned as White had decreased odds of having a low birth weight baby (AOR: 0.52, 95% CI: 0.28, 0.99) when compared to those socially-assigned as non-White. Contested racial identity is common; it affects the behaviors that women engage in and the outcomes they experience postpartum. Further, we found that there is a potential benefit to a White social ascription. This work adds to growing evidence of the impact of racism on maternal and infant health in the United States.

The aim of our study was to examine the associations between heterosexual and sexual minority adoptive parents’ adoption-related help-seeking and their service satisfaction with pediatricians and mental health providers. We examined associations with (a) satisfaction with pediatricians and (b) understanding of adoption by a mental health provider among adoptive parents who sought advice for adoption-related issues using data drawn from the Modern Adoptive Families study ( N = 1,419). Logistic regressions were used to examine associations with service-seeking and satisfaction with professionals’ adoption advice. About half of the sample adopted a child with either special needs at placement (55%) and/or preplacement adversity (74%), which were significantly associated with seeking adoption-related advice. Consulting pediatricians about adoption was common (78%), and 83% of those parents reported being satisfied with adoption-related advice provided by their pediatrician. About half (51%) of the parents sought mental health services, but only 41% of those parents reported having access to an adoption-competent mental health provider and 50% of those parents felt their mental health provider understood adoption. Parent sexual orientation, higher income, older child age, and having a child with special needs were positively associated with satisfaction with adoption-related advice provided by the pediatrician and having a mental health provider who understood adoption. Adopting a child with special needs at placement and an older child were positive associations of seeking adoption-related help, while parent demographics, including higher household income, were positively associated with satisfaction. Results suggest an inclusive family-centered approach to care is important.

Background: One of the major criticisms of observational studies examining risk factors for childhood obesity is unmeasured confounding. We examined the associations between breastfeeding initiation, cesarean delivery, prenatal smoking, and gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM) with childhood obesity using both a traditional observational approach and a sibling-pair design with family fixed effects. Methods: We used data from the Linked the Collecting Electronic Nutrition Trajectory Data Using e-Records of Youth (CENTURY) Study, a clinical database created through the linkage of well-child visits with children's birth certificates, with obesity measured at 2 (N = 55,058) and 5 (N = 43,894) years of age. We conducted three sets of regression models: (1) full sample to examine the adjusted association between each risk factor and obesity with clustering by family; (2) rerun only among siblings with clustering by family; and (3) fixed effects analysis among siblings. Results: Across risk factors, 30%–39% of children had siblings. In the full sample, breastfeeding initiation was associated with a lower BMI z-score, while cesarean delivery and smoking during pregnancy were associated with a higher BMI z-score. Effect sizes were consistent in models with siblings only. However, in the fixed effects models, the coefficients attenuated and were no longer significant for each of these risk factors. We found no association between GDM and child BMI z-score in any of the models. Results were consistent for childhood obesity as a dichotomous measure and at 5 years of age. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that unmeasured genetic, environmental, and familial factors are likely confounding associations between breastfeeding, cesarean delivery, prenatal smoking, and GDM with childhood obesity in observational studies.

We examined the impact of a state gun law environment on suicides overall and within demographic subgroups. We linked 211,766 firearm suicides and 204,625 nonfirearm suicides in the 50 states of the United States for 2005–2015 to the population in each state, year, race/ethnicity, sex, and age, as well as to an index of state-level gun control. Difference-in-differences, zero-inflated, negative-binomial models were used to evaluate the impact of strengthening gun control on firearm and nonfirearm suicides. We subsequently stratified by sex and tested for interactions with race/ethnicity and age. We found 25 states strengthened gun control by an average of 6 points. Such an increase may result in a 3.3% (incidence rate ratio = 0.967; 95% confidence interval: 0.938, 0.996) decrease in firearm suicides. Although no impact on nonfirearm suicides was found overall, interaction models showed an increase in nonfirearm suicides among black men, white women, black women, and older individuals. Strengthening gun control may reduce firearm suicides overall but may increase nonfirearm suicides in some populations. The results indicate stricter gun laws should be advocated for and that additional policies are needed for populations who shifted to nonfirearm suicides.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS While research has focused on outcomes of tobacco control policies, less is known about the mechanisms by which policies may affect tobacco use. We estimated the associations of changes in cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation with (1) any household cigarette expenditure and (2) the level of household expenditure on cigarettes, as well as (3) tested interactions with socio-economic circumstances. DESIGN Difference-in-differences regression models to estimate the associations between changes in US state cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation with changes in household expenditure on cigarettes. SETTING Forty US states and District of Columbia. PARTICIPANTS From annual, cross-sectional surveys (with a longitudinal component) between 2000 and 2014, 128 138 households interviewed quarterly in the Consumer Expenditure Survey. MEASUREMENTS Dependent measures included any household cigarette expenditure, expenditure in real dollars and budget share of cigarette expenditure. Policy measures included state cigarette taxes and 100% smoke-free legislation. Covariates included respondent age, race/ethnicity, sex; household education; poverty level; family structure; and number of children and adults. FINDINGS Every $1.00 cigarette tax increase was associated with a 1.5 percentage point (-0.028, -0.002) reduction in any cigarette expenditure and an increase of 0.1% (0.1%, 0.1%) budget share and $10.11 ($8.38, $11.84) absolute expenditure. The association with absolute expenditure was stronger among smoking households above poverty level ($10.73; $8.94, $12.51) than below ($4.72; $2.37, $7.07). The enactment of smoke-free legislation was associated with $2.33 (-$4.56, -$0.10) less expenditure, but not with any expenditure (0.1%; -1.6%, 1.8%) or budget share (-0.1%; -0.1%, 0.1%). The association with absolute expenditure was stronger among households above poverty level (-$2.62; -$4.95, -$0.29) than below (-$0.34; -$4.27, $3.58) CONCLUSION: Cigarette tax increases in the United States between 2000 and 2014 may have reduced smoking prevalence due to an absolute and relative increase in household tobacco expenditure while smoke-free policies appear to have led to a reduction in expenditure. Although tax increases had a stronger impact on absolute expenditure among households above the poverty level, impact on relative expenditure was similar, and consequences for socio-economic inequalities in smoking will vary based on the broader financial situation of households.

Background Although all 11- or 12-year-olds in the US were recommended to receive a 3-dose series of the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine within a 12-month period prior to 2016, rates of completion of the HPV vaccine series remained suboptimal. The effects of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), including private insurance coverage with no cost-sharing and health insurance expansions, on HPV vaccine completion are largely unknown. The aim of this study was to examine the associations between the ACA’s 2010 provisions and 2014 insurance expansions with HPV vaccine completion by sex and health insurance type. Methods Using 2009–2015 public and private health insurance claims from Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, we identified 9-to-26-year-olds who had at least one HPV vaccine dose. We conducted a logistic regression model to examine the associations between the ACA policy changes with HPV vaccine completion (defined as receiving a 3-dose series within 12 months from the date of initiation) as well as interactions by sex and health insurance type. Results Over the study period, among females and males who initiated the HPV vaccine, 27.6 and 28.0%, respectively, completed the series within 12 months. Among females, the 2010 ACA provision was associated with a 4.3 percentage point increases in HPV vaccine completion for the privately-insured (0.043; 95% CI: 0.036–0.061) and a 5.7 percentage point increase for Medicaid enrollees (0.057; 95% CI: 0.032–0.081). The 2014 health insurance expansions were associated with a 9.4 percentage point increase in vaccine completion for females with private insurance (0.094; 95% CI: 0.082–0.107) and a 8.5 percentage point increase for Medicaid enrollees (0.085; 95% CI: 0.068–0.102). Among males, the 2014 ACA reforms were associated with a 5.1 percentage point increase in HPV vaccine completion for the privately-insured (0.051; 95% CI: 0.039–0.063) and a 3.4 percentage point increase for Medicaid enrollees (0.034; 95% CI: 0.017–0.050). In a sensitivity analysis, findings were similar with HPV vaccine completion within 18 months. Conclusions Despite low HPV vaccine completion overall, both sets of ACA provisions were associated with increases in completion among females and males. Our results suggest that expanding Medicaid across the remaining states could increase HPV vaccine completion among publicly-insured youth and prevent HPV-related cancers.

Objectives The health profile of Arab American mothers and infants may differ from that of non–Arab American mothers and infants in the United States as a result of social stigma experienced in the historical and current sociopolitical climate. The objective of our study was to compare maternal health behaviors, maternal health outcomes, and infant health outcomes of Arab American mothers and non-Hispanic white mothers in Massachusetts and to assess the role of nativity as an effect modifier. Methods Using data from Massachusetts birth certificates (2012-2016), we conducted adjusted logistic and linear regression models for maternal health behaviors, maternal health outcomes, and infant health outcomes. We used Arab ethnicity as the exposure of interest and nativity as an effect modifier. Results Arab American mothers had higher odds than non-Hispanic white mothers of initiating breastfeeding (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 2.61; 95% CI, 2.39-2.86), giving birth to small-for-gestational-age infants (aOR = 1.28; 95% CI, 1.18-1.39), and having gestational diabetes (aOR = 1.31; 95% CI, 1.20-1.44). Among Arab American mothers, non–US-born mothers had higher odds than US-born mothers of having gestational diabetes (aOR = 1.80; 95% CI, 1.33-2.44) and lower odds of initiating prenatal care in the first trimester (aOR = 0.41; 95% CI, 0.33-0.50). In linear regression models, infants born to non–US-born Arab American mothers weighed 42.1 g (95% CI, −75.8 to −8.4 g) less than infants born to US-born Arab American mothers. Conclusion Although Arab American mothers engage in positive health behaviors, non–US-born mothers had poorer maternal health outcomes and access to prenatal care than US-born mothers, suggesting the need for targeted interventions for non–US-born Arab American mothers.

BackgroundIn the USA, many states do not pre-empt municipalities from enacting stricter tobacco-control policies than state or federal laws. Several municipalities in Massachusetts have passed progressive local laws aimed at reducing adolescent tobacco use. We exploited this variability to examine the associations between county-level flavoured tobacco product restrictions, tobacco 21 policies and smoke-free laws prohibiting e-cigarettes with adolescent cigarette and e-cigarette use in Massachusetts, and to assess whether policy effects varied by age.MethodsWe conducted difference-in-differences models to link changes in county-level tobacco-control policies to changes in adolescents’ use of cigarettes and e-cigarettes using 2011–2017 biennial Massachusetts Youth Health Surveys.ResultsCounties with greater implementation of flavoured tobacco product restrictions were associated with a decrease in the level of cigarette use among users (Coefficient −1.56; 95% CI −2.54 to −0.58). A significant interaction (p=0.03) revealed the largest reductions among 14 and 18 year olds. Increasing flavoured tobacco product restrictions were also associated with reductions in the likelihood of e-cigarette use (Coefficient −0.87; 95% CI −1.68 to −0.06). Increasing tobacco 21 restrictions were associated with decreases in cigarette use only among 18 year olds, while there was no evidence of associations between smoke-free laws with use of either tobacco product.ConclusionsAdolescents in Massachusetts decreased their use of cigarettes and e-cigarettes in response to local restrictions that limited the sale of flavoured tobacco products to adult-only retail tobacco stores. Local legislation can reduce adolescent tobacco use and municipalities should enact stricter tobacco-control policies when not pre-empted by state law.

Introduction Although the United States has seen a rapid increase in tobacco minimum legal sales age (MLSA) laws set to age 21, there is wide variation across high-income countries and less is known about policy support outside of the United States. We examined the prevalence of support for tobacco MLSA 21 laws as well as associations by sociodemographic, smoking, and household characteristics among current and former adult smokers. Methods In this cross-sectional analysis, we used the 2018 International Tobacco Control Four Country Smoking and Vaping Survey to examine support for MLSA 21 laws among 12 904 respondents from Australia, Canada, England, and United States. Results Support for raising the legal age of purchasing cigarettes/tobacco to 21 ranged from 62.2% in the United States to 70.8% in Canada. Endorsement also varied by age, such that 40.6% of 18–20 years old supported the policy compared with 69.3% of those aged ≥60 years. In the adjusted regression model, there was also higher support among respondents who were female than male, non-white than white, those who did not allow smoking in the household than those that did, and those who had children in the household than those that did not. There were no differences by household income, education, or smoking status. Conclusions Most current and former smokers, including a sizable minority of those aged ≤20 years, support raising the legal age of purchasing cigarettes/tobacco to 21. Implications There was strong support for MLSA 21 laws among smokers and former smokers across Australia, Canada, England, and the United States, providing evidence for the increasing public support of the passage of these laws beyond the United States.

Purpose Given the rapid expansion of recreational marijuana legalization (RML) polices, it is essential to assess whether such policies are associated with shifts in the use of marijuana and other substances, particularly for adolescents, who are uniquely susceptible to negative repercussions of marijuana use. This analysis seeks to provide greater generalizability, specificity, and methodological rigor than limited prior evidence. Methods Youth Risk Behavior Survey data from 47 states from 1999 to 2017 assessed marijuana, alcohol, cigarette, and e-cigarette use among adolescents (14–18+ years; N = 1,077,938). Associations between RML and adolescent past-month substance use were analyzed using quasi-experimental difference-in-differences zero-inflated negative binomial models. Results Controlling for other state substance policies, year and state fixed effects, and adolescent demographic characteristics, models found that RML was not associated with a significant shift in the likelihood of marijuana use but predicted a small significant decline in the level of marijuana use among users (incidence rate ratio = .844, 95% confidence interval [.720–.989]) and a small increase in the likelihood of any e-cigarette use (odds ratio of zero use = .647, 95% confidence interval [.515–.812]). Patterns did not vary over adolescent age or sex, with minimal differences across racial/ethnic groups. Conclusions Results suggest minimal short-term effects of RML on adolescent substance use, with small declines in marijuana use and increase in the likelihood of any e-cigarette use. Given the delayed rollout of commercial marijuana sales in RML states and rapid expansion of RML policies, ongoing assessment of the consequences for adolescent substance use and related health and behavioral repercussions is essential.

Objectives. To test whether year-over-year strengthening of state-level firearm laws is associated with decreases in workplace homicide rates. Methods. In this time-series ecological study of working people in all 50 US states, we used federal data on workplace homicides by state and year from 2011 to 2017, linked to an index of state–year firearm laws, to characterize the regulatory environment (overall and within legislative categories). We used generalized linear regression to model associations between changes in firearm laws and changes in workplace homicide rates the following year. Results. From 2011 to 2017, more than 3000 people died as a result of workplace homicides; over that period, 23 states strengthened firearm regulations and 23 weakened them. We modeled the impact of states strengthening laws within the interquartile range (IQR; equivalent to adding 20.5 firearm laws). This change was associated with a 3.7% reduction in the workplace homicide rate (95% confidence interval [CI] = −3.86, −3.51). Positive IQR changes in specific categories of firearm laws—concealed carry permitting (−5.79%; 95% CI = −6.09, −3.51), domestic violence–related restrictions (−5.31%; 95% CI = −5.57, −5.05), and background checks (−5.07%; 95% CI = −5.32, −4.82)—were also associated with significant reductions. Conclusions. Strengthening state-level firearm laws may reduce the population-level mortality and morbidity burden posed by workplace homicides.

We examined associations between the 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA) provisions, 2011 Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) recommendation, and 2014 ACA-related health insurance reforms with HPV vaccine initiation rates by sex and health insurance type.Using 2009-2015 public and private health insurance claims for 551,764 males and females aged 9-26 years (referred to as youth) from Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, we conducted linear regression models to examine the associations between three policy changes and HPV vaccine initiation rates by sex and health insurance type.In 2009, HPV vaccine initiation rates for males and females were 0.003 and 0.604 per 100 enrollees, respectively. Among males, the 2010 ACA provisions and ACIP recommendation were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake among those with private plans (0.207 [0.137, 0.278] and 0.419 [0.353, 0.486], respectively) and Medicaid (0.157 [0.083, 0.230] and 0.322 [0.257, 0.386], respectively). Among females, the 2010 ACA provisions were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake among Medicaid enrollees only (0.123 [0.033, 0.214]). The ACA-related health insurance reforms were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake for male and female Medicaid enrollees (0.257 [0.137, 0.377] and 0.214 [0.102, 0.327], respectively), but no differences among privately insured youth. By 2015, there were no differences in HPV vaccine initiation rates between males (0.278) and females (0.305).Both ACA provisions and the ACIP recommendation were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine initiation rates among privately and publicly insured males in three New England states, closing the gender gap. In contrast, females and youth with private insurance did not exhibit the same changes in HPV vaccine uptake over the study period.

Head Start is a federally funded early childhood education programme that takes a unique 2-generation approach to working with families. Family engagement in early education like Head Start has bee...

Active smoking among patients undergoing interventions for intermittent claudication (IC) is associated with poor outcomes. Notwithstanding, current levels of active smoking in these patients are high. State-level tobacco control policies have been shown to reduce smoking in the general US population. We evaluated whether state cigarette taxes and 100% smoke-free workplace legislation are associated with active smoking among patients undergoing interventions for IC.We queried the Vascular Quality Initiative database for peripheral endovascular interventions, infrainguinal bypasses, and suprainguinal bypasses for IC. Active smoking at the time of intervention was defined as smoking within one month of intervention. We implemented difference-in-differences analysis to isolate changes in active smoking owing to cigarette taxes (adjusted for inflation) and implementation of smoke-free workplace legislation. The difference-in-differences models estimated the causal effects of tobacco policies by adjusting for concurrent temporal trends in active smoking unrelated to cigarette taxes or smoke-free workplace legislation. The models controlled for age, sex, race/ethnicity, insurance type, diabetes, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, state, and year. We tested interactions of taxes with age and insurance.Data were available for 59,847 patients undergoing interventions for IC in 25 states from 2011 to 2019. Across the study period, active smoking at the time of intervention decreased from 48% to 40%. Every $1.00 cigarette tax increase was associated with a 6-percentage point decrease in active smoking (95% confidence interval, -10 to -1 percentage points; P = .02), representing an 11% decrease relative to the baseline proportion of patients actively smoking. The effect of cigarettes taxes was greater in older patients and those on Medicare. Among patients aged 60 to 69 and 70 to 79 years, every $1.00 tax increase resulted in 14% and 21% reductions in active smoking relative to baseline subgroup prevalences of 53% and 29%, respectively (P .05 for both); however, younger age groups were not affected by tax increases. Among insurance groups, only patients on Medicare exhibited a significant change in active smoking with every $1.00 tax increase (an 18% decrease relative to a 33% baseline prevalence; P = .01). The number of states implementing smoke-free workplace legislation increased from 9 to 14 by 2019; however, this policy was not significantly associated with active smoking prevalence. At follow-up (median, 12.9 months), $1.00 tax increases were still associated with decreased smoking prevalence (a 25% decrease relative to a 33% baseline prevalence; P .001).Cigarette tax increases seem to be an effective strategy to decrease active smoking among patients undergoing interventions for IC. Older patients and Medicare recipients are the most responsive to tax increases.

Background Sex of child has been shown to impact breastfeeding duration in India, Australia, Scandinavia, Latin America, and, within the US, in a sample in Eastern Connecticut and in a separate sample of Indian and Chinese immigrants. Objectives The objective of this study is to examine differences in breastfeeding initiation and duration by sex of child across racial/ethnic groups in the US. Methods We used the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System 2009-2010 and logistic regression to examine whether sex of child impacts breastfeeding initiation and duration for at least 8 weeks by women's racial/ethnic group. Results Among the 66,107 women in our sample representing 12 different race/ethnic groups, Hispanic women (n = 9049) had lower odds of breastfeeding initiation (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.81, 95% CI 0.71-0.93) and breastfeeding duration (AOR = .87, 95% CI 0.80-0.96) if they have sons compared to Hispanic women who have daughters. Sex of child did not impact the odds of breastfeeding initiation or duration among any other race/ethnic group. Conclusion We have shown that, for Hispanics in the US, sex of child may have an impact on breastfeeding, a health behavior that has a variety of positive impacts on infants throughout their lives. Boys, relative to girls, were at a disadvantage in breastfeeding initiation and duration. Future work is necessary to unpack the mechanisms behind these findings. In particular, how sex of child impacts how mothers and fathers view the nutritional needs of their children and breastfeeding more broadly.

This study examined whether economic changes related to the 2008-2009 Recession were associated with employment status and job quality indicators among older workers in Europe and Israel. Data were derived from 4917 respondents (16,090 observations both before and after the recession) from 13 countries who participated in the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe. Annual data on gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, life expectancy, and quarterly unemployment rates were assigned to employment assessments from 2004 to 2013. Using difference-in-differences models, we assessed the recession's implications on individual employment outcomes, while isolating cyclical variation within countries and individual changes over time. Among older workers, decreases in GDP were associated with an increase in the likelihood of being unemployed and a decrease in the likelihood of being retired. An increasing country-level unemployment rate had a significant effect on aspects of job quality: lower prospects for job advancement, lower job security, and higher job satisfaction. Economic recessions are thus negatively associated with employment outcomes for older workers. However, malleable policy-related factors such as longer tenure and improved general health can limit the negative employment and job quality outcomes following a recession.

Objectives. To assess how the 2012 Affordable Care Act (ACA) policy change, which required most private health insurance plans to cover lactation-support services and breastfeeding equipment (without cost-sharing), affected breastfeeding outcomes. Methods. We used a regression-adjusted difference-in-differences approach with cross-sectional observational data from the US National Immunization Survey from 2008 to 2014 to estimate the effect of the ACA policy change on breastfeeding outcomes, including initiation, duration, and age at first formula feeding. The sample included children aged 19 to 23 months covered by private health insurance or Medicaid. Results. The ACA policy change was associated with an increase in breastfeeding duration by 10% (0.57 months; P = .007) and duration of exclusive breastfeeding by 21% (0.74 months; P = .001) among the eligible population. Results indicate no significant effects on breastfeeding initiation and age at first formula feeding. Conclusions. Reducing barriers to receiving support services and breastfeeding equipment shows promise as part of a broader effort to encourage breastfeeding, particularly the duration of breastfeeding and the amount of time before formula supplementation.

Improving the prevention and early detection of colorectal cancer is a priority for reducing rural-urban disparities in colorectal cancer mortality. By eliminating out-of-pocket (OOP) costs for preventive colonoscopies, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) could have reduced rural-urban disparities in screening.We used the Maine Health Data Organization All-Payer Claims Database including all commercially-insured and Medicare beneficiaries aged 50-75 between 2009 and 2012. Rural-urban commuting areas were used to classify rural/urban residence. ICD-9 and CPT codes identified colonoscopies. We summed all OOP payments per patient-day. An interrupted time series model estimated the impact of the ACA on trends in rural-urban disparities in colonoscopy rates and OOP costs.Before the ACA, colonoscopy rates were 16% lower in rural than urban areas (5.1% vs. 6.1% of enrollees annually) and median OOP costs were nearly double ($195 vs. $98). The ACA reduced median OOP payments by $94 (p = .001) initially and $4 monthly (p = .038) in rural areas, and $63 (p .001) in urban areas. The rural-urban gap in OOP payments dropped by $4 monthly (p = .007). The ACA also reduced rural-urban disparities in colonoscopy rates (disparity decrease of 0.005 (6%) monthly, p .001). The rural-urban gap in colonoscopy rates declined 40% relative to the pre-ACA period by December 2012.The ACA was associated with significant reductions in rural-urban disparities in colonoscopies in Maine, suggesting that OOP costs are an important barrier for rural residents. Further research is needed to determine whether increased uptake, particularly in rural areas, translated into better patient outcomes for colorectal cancer.