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The article discusses Joshua L. Cherniss' book, "Liberalism in Dark Times," which explores the crisis of liberalism in the early twentieth century. Cherniss examines how liberal political thinkers such as Albert Camus, Raymond Aron, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin approached the challenges of the time and reconstructed liberalism in various ways. Cherniss refers to this alternative liberalism as "tempered liberalism," which prioritizes living out a liberal ethos in political life. The book draws on the work of Max Weber and emphasizes the cultivation of a liberal ethos, including qualities such as responsibility, modesty, fortitude, tolerance, and integrity. It offers a historically sensitive perspective on liberalism and provides inspiration for integrity and moderation in today's polarized political climate. [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Militärgeschichtliche Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The object of the study is the state of the economy in which the state of Ukraine got into during the postpandemic crisis, the conduct of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine. The subject of the study is the impact on the development of the economy of innovation and mechanism in the post-war period. The relevance of the study is due to the need to reveal the reasons that negatively affect the creation of an environment attractive for the development of innovations, the mechanism of their implementation, and the attraction of investments for the development of the economy at the appropriate level. It is determined not only by the need to solve local problems to improve individual elements of the economic system, but also by the need to create a complex mechanism for introducing innovations by economic entities. The results of theoretical studies and practical experience are related to the study of the consequences of economic and political force majeure as a result of the current situation. The leading method of researching this problem is the method of systematization and analysis of theoretical research data, which allows comprehensively revealing the essence and necessity of introducing innovations. The study is devoted to the economic consequences of the military operations that took place on the territory of Ukraine. There were precedents in history. Peace agreements were reached (the Treaty of Versailles of 1919, which was signed between the victorious countries and Germany, which was recognized as the sole culprit of the war), the reparations of the aggressor country, paid to the countries affected by the war, were aimed at restoring the economy through the introduction of innovations. The materials of the article are of practical value for those who are interested in economics at the micro level, which are expanding their knowledge in this field. This topic is very important, because innovations play an important role in the development of every company, innovations affect the efficiency of enterprises, and the activities of enterprises affect the development of the economy. The research is aimed at the success and development of the economy of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of the 20th century brought great economic, political and cultural challenges to China after the collapse of the Qing dynasty. A crucial moment was the May Fourth Revolution, a cultural and anti-imperialist movement initiated by Beijing university students who challenged the poor representation of China’s national interests at the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. This treaty ceded Shandong province, which had been under German control, to Japan. This research aims to analyse the characteristics, stages and evolution of this movement in the national and international context of the time, as well as its influence on Confucian philosophy in modern China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In various places throughout the book, Beckett highlights how Albert Thomas, again a French socialist and first ILO Director-General, looked to the Catholic papacy's social teachings on labor as a ' I force morale i ' on behalf of labor rights. After that come chapters on: the ILO's fundamental principles; the ILO's origins and relation to Social Catholicism from 1919 to 1944; and the relationship of the ILO and the Holy See from 1946 to 2020. Paul Beckett's challenging book links two institutional traditions of philosophical principles for workers' rights, one developed by the United Nations' International Labour Organization (ILO) and the other by the Holy See's Catholic Social Teaching. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyzes Allied attempts to try German war criminals after the First World War and the ensuing Leipzig trials. Historians of international law commonly describe these as the first (failed) attempt to break principles of national sovereignty by implementing principles of international humanitarian law, which were later realized at Nuremberg and The Hague. The article brackets the question of the Leipzig trials' alleged success or failure by situating them not so much within the long-term history of international justice but, rather, within the political and intellectual culture of Weimar Germany. The article shows how the German government tried to use its limited domestic sovereignty in order to enhance its international sovereignty. By asking how German sovereignty was contested, negotiated, and reaffirmed, the article historicizes the Leipzig trials and also addresses the more general question of which conditions facilitate international war crimes trials. Drawing on the literature on transitional justice, this article suggests that contestations over German domestic and international sovereignty after the Versailles Treaty offer a more productive frame to understand the trials than measuring success according to international humanitarian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that the past holds lessons for the present, under the guise of historical analogies, is prevalent in political and public discourse. Those analogies are often accompanied by dire warnings befalling those who "forget" or otherwise neglect the powerful lessons of History--and would then be "doomed to repeat it", as the saying goes. So, Would remembering history make it seem more or less likely to repeat itself in the future? In other words, does exposure to specific lessons about past events, especially ones involving causal claims, affect how people expect real-life events to turn out? Four studies (three preregistered) tested this experimentally. In Studies 1 and 2, participants expected the same behavior (the US adopting a harsh stance against Iran in the Nuclear Treaty) to result in a more negative outcome when this current stance seemed to match a "lesson" they had read about the break-out of World War II (European leaders adopting a harsh approach against Germany in the 1919 Versailles Treaty vs. a conciliatory approach in the 1938 Munich Agreement). Studies 3 and 4 attempted to eliminate some confounds present in the first two studies and to generalize the effect to different events. While results varied across studies, an internal meta-analysis indicated that the analogical effect on predictions (d = -.08) tended to become stronger as participants' knowledge about the target situation decreased (d-1SD = -.24). These findings support the possibility of analogical-based predictive effects for real-life political events, and are discussed in light of their research and political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The German professor of public international law Walther Schücking (1875-1935) was an advocate of the international peace movement, a liberal politician and one of the German delegates to the Paris Peace Conference . Schücking was strongly opposed to the harsh peace terms of the Versailles Treaty and Germany’s exclusion from the then created League of Nations. He remained nevertheless attached to his idea of “peace through law” and a corresponding legal world order. In 1930, Schücking became the first German judge at the Permanent Court of International Justice in The Hague.

The direct cause of World War II (1939-45) can be attributed in a most singular sense to the 1919 Treaty of Versailles and Leipzig War-Crimes Trials, which had been developed after the defeat of Germany in World War I (1914-18). Most people would like to think that the League of Nations had developed a new, fair and unbiased international legal system to address war-crimes through a special tribunal model endorsed by its 52 member-states in 1921. Unfortunately, looking back at World War I tribunals, central remain the enforcement failures that affected the defeated countries for generations, and how Germany was adversely affected and unfairly treated by the League of Nations after the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

10 Daly, M.E. (2007) " The Irish Free State/Éire/Republic of Ireland/Ireland: "A Country by Any Other Name"? The Irish Free State adopted a new constitution in 1937 that renamed the state "Ireland" and incorporated a territorial claim for Northern Ireland within its national territory, proposing Irish unity as "the only solution" (Coakley, [8]: 14). For the purposes of this Act, Northern Ireland shall consist of the parliamentary counties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry and Tyrone, and the parliamentary boroughs of Belfast and Londonderry, and Southern Ireland shall consist of so much of Ireland as is not comprised within the said parliamentary counties and boroughs. If the establishment of Northern Ireland had the effect of 'sharpening differences and increasing mutual fears and suspicions' (Beckett, [6]: 128), culminating in "The Troubles" - three decades of sectarian conflict that claimed some 3,000 lives and maimed many thousands more - the constitutional framework between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland was already being altered with both states entering the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973 (Rankin, [23]). [Extracted from the article]

The article deals with the situation of a small, newly- and uncertainly independent country that had a peculiar experience in the year 1918. The country had declared its independence in December 1917, had received the recognition from Soviet Russia, the Nordic countries, Germany and its allies, and France in January 1918. Almost simultaneously, it drifted to a civil war, in which both the Germans and the Russians participated. However, the Civil War was mainly a domestic concern, and the outcome was the defeat of an attempt at a socialist revolution and the victory of an extremely pro-German government that even elected a German king in Finland in October 1918. The project was never fulfilled, but the experience left an exceptional, pro-German mental heritage, to which the terms of the armistice of November 1918 was a shock. They were seen as unjust, revengeful and even petty--both by the Finnish "Whites" (non-socialists) and the "Reds" (socialists). The Versailles Treaty in 1919 did not directly concern Finland. However, it might have done so in the question of Finnish borders, which was still partly unresolved--both in the west (a strife with Sweden over the Åland Islands) and in the east (ethnically Finnish Eastern Karelia). Moreover, the Allies were uncertain whether Finland should be considered Scandinavian or Baltic. Britain and the United States had not yet recognized Finland's independence, so in order to secure independence and territorial integrity, the Finns had to adjust to the Allies' demands and actively drive a Western-oriented policy. This was done for the same reason why the German orientation had been previously adapted--the threat of Russia and revolution--but it was psychologically strenuous for some political circles because they felt that there was an element of dishonorable opportunism to it. However, they could offer no alternative in a situation in which a newborn state had to secure its independence and legitimacy in New Europe, adjusting to disappointments and demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It would have offered some balance here had Anderson brought in for comparison any number of political acts of sleight of hand in national politics both within and without the EU. Anderson delves into van Middelaar's career to come up with some revealing quotes from the EU insider, such as on colonialism - 'What a beautiful body of work! The doyen of the intellectual left opposed to the EU is surely Perry Anderson, Professor Emeritus at UCLA and editor of the I New Left Review i for twenty years. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Kirkuk University Humanity Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the First World War, the newly founded Czechoslovak Republic received the right to lease property at the German ports of Hamburg and Stettin, as guaranteed by the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. However, the form, location and legal provisions of these properties were left to be negotiated at a later date. It took 10 years of legal and strategic deliberations before areas at the Hamburg free port were finally leased to the Czechoslovak Republic in 1929 for a period of 99 years. By focusing on the negotiation process for a Czechoslovak port zone in Hamburg, this article traces issues of territoriality, most especially the debates on the cession of sovereign rights in the context of the dominant geopolitical order of nation-states in the interwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the Versailles Treaty was shaped by the effects of economic warfare 1914–1919. The First World War was in part an Allied economic war waged against the Central Powers in conditions of advanced economic and financial globalization. This was reflected in the treaty's expropriation mechanisms, which were used to take control of German property, rights, and interests around the world. Whereas Articles 297 and 298 of the treaty legalized wartime seizures, the Reparations Section of the treaty also contained a provision, paragraph 18, that gave the Allies far-reaching confiscatory powers in the future. The article places these mechanisms in a wider political, legal and economic context, and traces how they became a bone of contention among the former belligerents in the interwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World War I was an event that brought significant changes in society all over Europe. Even more so for all those new states that were formed and recognised after the Treaty of Versailles, Romania being one of them. A period of continuous reforms followed with respect to every domain, social assistance and welfare included. Before the World War I, the country had no special legislation in relation to orphans of war. The present article argues for an entanglement of actions and initiatives, both foreign and local, that interfered during the military conflict. The text also explores how such a legislation emerged and finally how this category of children was legally defined. The collaboration between different social and political actors, between Western humanitarian missions and the Romanian authorities were the inspirational base and the starting point in the construction of a welfare system for orphans of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its publication in 1919, John Maynard Keynes's Economic Consequences of the Peace has left a deep imprint on interpretations of the Treaty of Versailles and subsequent reparations discussions. Current scholarship on the treaty has accurately reassessed Keynes's conclusion that French peace aims were purely vindictive, but it has erroneously claimed that Consequences was a biased book barely read in France. By placing the reception of Consequences in the context of domestic French debates on the Versailles peace in 1920, this article demonstrates instead that Keynes's book was substantially discussed in France and that it garnered supporters among academic economists and on the left. Furthermore, examining the French networks that helped Keynes publish a translation of his book in the prestigious Nouvelle revue francaise problematizes his alleged Germanophilia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The narrative 'sweeps through' history, starting with the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648, on to the Congress of Vienna of 1814-15, to the current terminology of 'modern multilateralism' with its lineage from the Versailles Treaty of 1919 and the League of Nations, to the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods in 1944, the European Coal and Steel Community of 1950, to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1970 and concluding the sweep with the Helsinki Process culminating in 1975. The objective of the 'sweep through history' and its main thrust is to analyze how at different times, the world powers of the day turned to multilateralism only after some prolonged, devastating conflict that they had had either blundered, or charged into, left them with no choice, but to sit down and talk, negotiate and take into account a balance of the interests of all parties. All these build up to a point where the narrative explores today's challenges and 'attacks' on multilateralism and the seeming inability of the international community to reengage and work together, to stem, in the words of the United Nations Secretary-General "the wind of madness sweeping the globe." The article makes the case, essentially, for the obvious: we are on the verge of blundering into something far more devastating than the world has experienced before for a variety of reasons, not least among them, unusually deteriorated relations among the most heavily armed and powerful States, a climate catastrophe that is already at our doorstep, the dark side of the unprecedented, quantum leaps in technological development, the deficit of trust among peoples, countries, communities and societies. Add to that the 'game-changing' COVID-19 pandemic and what the world has before it, is a stage set for planetary calamity. We should pull back from the precipice in time. Multilateralism, modern multilateralism, which marks its 100th anniversary this year, is the only way to do this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores sociologist Max Weber's article "Zum Thema der, Kriegsschuld" that was published in "Frankfurter Zeitung" on January 17, 1919. Topics discussed include the political situation in Germany from 1918 to 1920, the Treaty of Versailles' war guilt clause, and Weber's views about Germany's war guilt and his belief in the importance of an ethics of responsibility for any statesman.

Finally we can say that the failures of the League of Nations were not due so much to the existance of a totalitarian power, but to the wish of the democratic states to keep the peace with any price. These democratic states made to the expansionist states concessions, sacrifiing for this the territorial integrity and independance of the smaller states. This peace, thus implemented, was a false one and was not of long duration. It was based on the older principles of the balance of the powers and not on the democratic objectives of the League of Nations Pact. This is why it was possible a new conflagration that could not be avoided. In spite of its failures, the League of Nations organisation has still the merit to be a road opener in the field of international cooperations between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Shadow of Versailles. - The Treaty of Versailles broke with the tenets of successful peace settlements in Europe: it humiliated the defeated, made them economically and morally culpable for all the horrors and destruction of the recent war, and established a regime that was characterized by contradictions while making a new beginning impossible. Above all, the treaty ignored the essential prerequisites for a successful peace: acceptance, amnesty, and forgetting. As a consequence, the Treaty of Versailles - so the thesis presented here - turned out to be the seminal catastrophe of the Weimar Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on history of Völkisch research by looking beyond the Weimar and Nazi eras and by focusing instead on the longer tradition of inquiry into the nature of Volk. It mentions scholarly attempts to delegitimize the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles in the 1920s and later direct collaboration between academics and the Nazi state. It also mentions Völkisch relationship with Nazism and raised questions about the formal functioning of science and nationalist thought in Germany.

The article discusses the history of New Zealand's foreign relations with its neighboring country, Samoa, in the early part of the 20th century. Topics discussed include the emergence of the Mau resistance movement for Samoan independence in 1926 and its impact on Samoa-New Zealand relations, the climate of exchange as New Zealand desired to meet its international commitments with Samoa in 1936, and the role of New Zealand in the administration of Samoa under the Treaty of Versailles of 1919.

The article examines the history of united Italy as regards choices international policies between from 1925 to 1940. Topics discussed include the Triple Alliance, the outcomes of Versailles or, from 1949, NATO, effective interventions of the "real" Major Powers, Great Britain, France, Germany itself, and Union Soviet and U.S.

As a defeated Great Power, Germany faced exceptional challenges after the First World War. These ranged from domestic revolution to grudging compliance with a peace treaty whose terms Germans almost universally regarded as unjust and unworkable. Franco-German relations quickly assumed particular significance in this regard as each country sought to secure its vital interests at the other's expense; a confrontation that culminated in the Ruhr Crisis. However, there had been intermittent attempts to address security concerns through collaboration rather than confrontation and, after the Ruhr Crisis beginning in January 1923, these efforts rapidly gained momentum. The German and French foreign ministers, Gustav Stresemann and Aristide Briand, developed a trusting relationship as they strove to locate Franco-German rapprochement within the wider context of European integration. Stresemann's death in 1929 did not stop this process that, under severe pressure from the Great Depression, finally imploded in early 1932. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]