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Il contributo si inserisce all'interno di una corposa opera in due volumi relativa alla preistoria del territorio di Roma e riprende, in sintesi, alcuni studi studi fatti nel corso degli ultimi anni. L’abitato eneolitico di Le Cerquete-Fianello è stato individuato nel 1987 nel corso di ricerche di superficie che hanno interessato l’area dell’attuale bonifica di Maccarese. Diverse campagne di scavo svolte tra il 1993 ed il 2002 hanno portato alla luce circa 1.000 mq dell’abitato pari ad un decimo dell’estensione totale stimata. Nell’area indagata sono state individuate una serie di pozzetti, fosse ed allineamenti di buche di palo che definiscono diverse strutture, in particolare tre capanne di forma ovale ed una subcircolare circondate da una palizzata, oltre ad una capanna ovale fuori della recinzione ed una probabile sesta capanna. Ad est delle capanne è stato individuato un pozzetto contenente uno scheletro di cavallo e due scheletri di cuccioli di cane (Curci, Tagliacozzo 1994, 1998, 2002) oltre ad una serie di altre fosse.

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The authors note that the affiliation for Alexandros Triantafyllidis and Panoraia Alexandri should be listed as Department of Genetics, Development and Molecular Biology, School of Biology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 54124 Thessaloniki, Greece; and that the affiliation for Rose-Marie Arbogast should be listed as CNRS UMR 7044, Maison interuniversitaire des sciences de l'Homme, F-67083 Strasbourg Cedex, France. The corrected author and affiliation lines appear below. The online version has been corrected.

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La Grotta di Lamalunga ad Altamura è nota soprattutto per la presenza di uno scheletro di Neanderthal eccezionalmente conservato riferibile ad un'età compresa tra 172±15 Ka e 130± 1,9 ka (Lari et al. 2015). Negli anni 2009-2013 l'allora Direzione Regionale per i Beni Culturali e Paesaggistici della Puglia (MiBACT) ha finanziato un progetto di studio paleontologico e archeozoologico dei resti ossei faunistici della grotta, che la Sezione di Paleontologia del Quaternario e Archeozoologia del Museo “L. Pigorini” portava avanti fin dal 1993 (Tagliacozzo1995, Giacobini et al. 2010)., Sezione di Museologia Scientifica e Naturalistica, Vol 13 (2017): IV IAPP - Ferrara 2018

International audience; In southeastern France, many Final Acheulean/Early Middle Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic assemblages have yielded bone retouchers. The oldest are dated to the Middle Pleistocene: from MIS 11 at Terra Amata; MIS 9 at Orgnac 3; and MIS 6-7 at Payre F, Sainte-Anne I and Le Lazaret. However, this early evidence of bone tool use only concerns a few dozen pieces among thousands of faunal and lithic remains. These re-touchers indicate behavioural changes from MIS 11-9 onwards in southeastern France, associated with a mosaic of technological and subsistence changes that became more common during the Middle Palaeolithic. The frequency of these bone artefacts increases during MIS 7, becoming much more numerous after MIS 5, sometimes totaling more than a hundred items at one site, such as Saint-Marcel Cave. Bone retoucher frequency is still highly variable throughout the Middle Palaeolithic and seems to be determined by the type of occupation and activities rather than the associated lithic technologies. This broad, regional comparative analysis contributes to a better understanding of the technical behaviour developed by Neanderthals, as well as their Middle Pleistocene ancestors, and their ability to recover and use bones.

International audience; In southeastern France, many Final Acheulean/Early Middle Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic assemblages have yielded bone retouchers. The oldest are dated to the Middle Pleistocene: from MIS 11 at Terra Amata; MIS 9 at Orgnac 3; and MIS 6-7 at Payre F, Sainte-Anne I and Le Lazaret. However, this early evidence of bone tool use only concerns a few dozen pieces among thousands of faunal and lithic remains. These re-touchers indicate behavioural changes from MIS 11-9 onwards in southeastern France, associated with a mosaic of technological and subsistence changes that became more common during the Middle Palaeolithic. The frequency of these bone artefacts increases during MIS 7, becoming much more numerous after MIS 5, sometimes totaling more than a hundred items at one site, such as Saint-Marcel Cave. Bone retoucher frequency is still highly variable throughout the Middle Palaeolithic and seems to be determined by the type of occupation and activities rather than the associated lithic technologies. This broad, regional comparative analysis contributes to a better understanding of the technical behaviour developed by Neanderthals, as well as their Middle Pleistocene ancestors, and their ability to recover and use bones.

Riassunto - La Grotta di Fumane (Verona), situata sui monti Lessini Occidentali, ad una quota di 350 m s.l.m., presenta una serie stratigrafica conservante il passaggio dal Paleolitico medio al Paleolitico superiore. Le unità A3 e A4, caratterizzate da un’industria litica di tipo Uluzziano, attestano una frequentazione della cavità attorno ai 37,4 – 38,3 14C Ky BP, (OIS 3). L’analisi dell’insieme faunistico mostra una ricca associazione di ungulati, carnivori ed uccelli appartenenti ad ambienti e climi differenti. Gli animali più cacciati sono il cervo e lo stambecco seguiti dal capriolo, e in misura minore camoscio, megacero e bisonte. L’analisi tafonomica rivela la presenza di tracce antropiche riferibili alle diverse attività di macellazione sulla quasi totalità degli ungulati presenti in entrambe le unità. Un quadro più articolato sembra risultare dallo studio approfondito del trasporto e sfruttamento delle carcasse di cervo e stambecco oltre che dalla presenza di tracce di macellazione sulle superfici ossee di carnivori. Modificazioni antropiche sono state osservate anche su pochi resti di uccelli. Summary - Exploitation strategies of the animal resources from the Uluzzian levels of Grotta di Fumane (Verona, Italy). Grotta di Fumane (Verona-Italy), located in the western Monti Lessini,, at 350 m a.s.l., presents a stratigraphic sequence thick that includes the Middle-Upper Palaeolithic transition. Units A3 and A4, characterized by an Uluzzian lithic industry, bear evidences of the frequentation of the cave around 37.4 – 38.3 14C Ky BP (OIS 3). The analysis of the faunal assemblage shows a rich ungulate, carnivore and bird association, belonging to different environments and climates. The most frequently hunted animals are: red deer and ibex followedby roe deer, and, to a lesser extent, chamois, giant deer and bison. The taphonomic analysis reveals the presence of human modifications referable to different butchering activities on almost all the ungulate taxa from the investigated units. A more specific pattern seems to arise from the thorough study on the transportation and exploitation of red deer and ibex carcasses, as well as the presence of butchery induced traces on carnivores’ bones. Anthropic modifications have been observed also on a few bird bones., Sezione di Museologia Scientifica e Naturalistica, Vol 12, N° 1 (2016): Atti del 7° Convegno Nazionale di Archeozoologia - Comunicazioni

Riassunto - Il sito di Palidoro è un riparo sotto roccia localizzato sul litorale laziale a 30 Km NW da Roma. Gli scavi furono condotti negli anni 1955-59 dall’Istituto Italiano di Paleontologia Umana (A. C. Blanc, V. G. Chiappella e P. F. Cassoli) e hanno messo in luce una stratigrafia con frequentazione umana dell'Epigravettiano antico-evoluto databile tra 16.060 e 13.850 anni dal presente. Alcuni dati preliminari faunistici relativi al solo scavo 1955 sono già stati presentati da Cassoli (1976-77). In questo lavoro si presentano i risultati dello studio archeozoologico di 4.620 resti ossei di Cervus elaphus recuperati dall'insieme delle campagne di scavo. I dati sull'età di morte nonché quelli morfometrici hanno consentito di ipotizzare le strategie di sfruttamento della popolazione di cervi nell'area circostante il giacimento. Il campione osteologico ha permesso di riconoscere attività antropiche relative al trattamento e all’utilizzo delle carcasse. I dati faunistici di Palidoro rappresentano il primo studio archeozoologico approfondito dell’Epigravettiano antico-evoluto del’Italia centrale e vanno a colmare la carenza di informazioni paleoeconomiche su questo periodo Summary - Deer hunting in the early-evolved Epigravettian site of Palidoro (Roma) The site of Palidoro lies in a rock-shelter located on the seacoast, about 30 km NW from Rome. Excavations were carried out between 1955 and 1959 by the Istituto Italiano di Paleontologia Umana (A. C. Blanc, V. G. Chiappella and P. F. Cassoli) and they enlightened a stratigraphy of the early Epigravettian with human presence, which has been dated between 16,060 and 13,850 years B.P. Some preliminary faunal data of the only 1955’s excavation have already been shown by Cassoli (1976-77). In this work, results of the archaeozoological study of about 4,620 bone remains of Cervus elaphus, gathered from all the excavation campaigns, are presented. The set of data about death age and morphometry has given the opportunity of hypotizing the deer exploitation strategies in the area surrounding the rock-shelter. The osteological sample has allowed the identification of the human activities for the treatment and exploitation of the carcasses. Faunal data of Palidoro site represent the first thorough archaeozoological study of the early-evolved Epigravettian in central Italy and contribute to fill the lack of palaeoeconomical information of this age., Sezione di Museologia Scientifica e Naturalistica, Vol 12, N° 1 (2016): Atti del 7° Convegno Nazionale di Archeozoologia - Comunicazioni

Riassunto - Nel corso di scavi effettuati dalla Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma, in prossimità dell'antica linea di costa laziale, è stata rinvenuta un’imbarcazione fluvio-marittima databile alla prima metà del III sec. d.C. Lo scavo ha permesso di recuperare resti faunistici da almeno quattro strati di riempimento del relitto, relativi a momenti precedenti e successivi all'affondamento dell'imbarcazione, e risultato, in gran parte, di scarichi di un vicino insediamento. I resti faunistici recuperati si riferiscono esclusivamente ad ungulati domestici: maiale, bue e ovicaprini rappresentati in prevalenza da individui giovani adulti e adulti di prima classe. Sono presenti anche rari resti di equidi. Tra i diversi strati sono state individuate differenze nei rapporti tra le specie e sono state riscontrare anche particolarità nella rappresentazione delle parti anatomiche. Soprattutto nello strato di obliterazione del relitto si nota un particolare insieme di larghe porzioni craniali di bue e di ovicaprino, associati a numerosi frammenti ceramici. I diversi rapporti tra le specie animali e la presenza di larghe porzioni di cranio con tracce di macellazione potrebbero indicare, in quest'ultima fase, un utilizzo degli animali diverso da quello esclusivamente alimentare. Summary - The animal remains of the Roman period found in 2nd-3rd century A.D. layers at Isola Sacra (Fiumicino) A fluvial-maritime shipwreck, called “Isola Sacra 1”, was discovered near the ancient coastline of Latium iduring the excavations carried out in 2011 by the “Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici” of Rome. The boat was built according to a typical construction method of the Graeco-Roman perdiod and can be dated to the 3nd century AD. The excavation allowed recovering animal remains from at least four of the filling .filling layers There are therefore bones accumulated both before and after the sinking of the boar, most of which are probably t represent waste from a nearby settlement. The animal remains recovered are referable only to domestic ungulates: pigs, cattle and sheep/goats mostly represented by young adults and prime adults . Very few horse bones have also been found. Difference in the ratio amongproportion of the main species and in the representation of anatomical parts by layers have been also identified . A particular assemblage of large cranial portions of cattle and sheep/goats together with abundant pottery have been noted in particular in the layer of obliteration of the wreck. The different ratio amongfrequencies of species and the occurrence of large portions of skulls with butchery marks may indicate that these animals were not only a source of food in this late phase., Sezione di Museologia Scientifica e Naturalistica, Vol 11, N° 2 (2015)

Riassunto - Le punte sbieche o a taglio obliquo in osso sono presenti in diversi siti eneolitici italiani dell’Italia centro-settentrionale, frequentemente in contesti funerari. Solitamente sono ricavate da tibie o da metapodi di piccoli artiodattili. Ne sono state individuate diverse tipologie: si differenziano, infatti, per la scelta del supporto, per le tecniche di lavorazione, per la lunghezza dello strumento e dello sbieco e per la presenza o meno dell’epifisi. Ci sono, inoltre, sia punte utilizzate sia non utilizzate, come quelle di Casale del Dolce che sembrano avere un uso “rituale”. Il presente contributo si focalizza sulle due punte sbieche provenienti dalle sepolture delle tombe 14 e 15 della necropoli di Selvicciola, associate ad individui di sesso maschile. Queste hanno diverse dimensioni e caratteristiche e sono riferibili a due tipi diversi. L’analisi delle tracce di lavorazione ha permesso di ricostruire le varie fasi della loro realizzazione e di riconoscere l’utilizzo di strumenti metallici per il sezionamento della diafisi dell'osso su una e per la rifinitura su entrambe. Le due punte sbieche di Selvicciola differiscono, una in parte e l’altra in maniera più evidente, dal “tipo Casale del Dolce”, che risulta il più elaborato nell'insieme Eneolitico italiano. Summary - Typological and technological analysis of the “punte sbieche” in bone from the Eneolithic necropolis of Selvicciola, Ischia di Castro (Viterbo). The “punte sbieche” or oblique/angled points made of bone are present in several Eneolithic funerary contexts of the central-northern Italy. Usually, the points were obtained from tibiae or metapodials of small artiodactyls. Different types of points have been identified, according to the choice of the support, the processing techniques, the length and the obliqueness of the tool, and in reference to the presence/absence of the epiphysis. The angled points were found to be both used and not used, the latter being e.g. present in the burial at Casale del Dolce, thus suggesting their use in rituals. The present contribution focuses on the two “punte sbieche” found in the male burials 14 and 15 at the necropolis of La Selvicciola.The points vary considerably in size and can be attributed to two different types. The surface analysis allowed us to reconstruct the manufacturing process. It has been possible to identify the traces of metal tools used for cutting the diaphysis of the bone (in one of the specimens) and for finishing the tools (in both specimens). The two "punte sbieche" of Selvicciola substantially differ from those of Casale del Dolce. The latter are indeed the most sophisticated "punte sbieche" found in Italy during the Eneolithic., Sezione di Museologia Scientifica e Naturalistica, Vol 11, N° 2 (2015)

International audience

In Veneto la Grotta di Fumane continua a riservarci sorprese con reperti ossei che attestano l’uso di penne e unghielli di grandi rapaci come ornamento: una scoperta che cambia il modo di guardare ai nostri lontani cugini neandertaliani Estremamente vivo e ricco di colpi di scena appare il dibattito scientifico sull’Uomo di Neandertal, la sua biologia, la vita sociale, la sussistenza e soprattutto il comportamento simbolico. Un aspetto, quest’ultimo, che marca uno dei picchi di attenzione da parte degli antropologi, in quanto intimamente legato alla scomparsa dei nostri “cugini” tra 50 e 40 mila anni fa: quali sistemi di identificazione adottavano per loro stessi, le proprie famiglie e i membri dei clan, sempre che una qualche struttura sociale ne contemplasse l’esistenza? Gli interrogativi non lasciano dubbi: identificare tra i Neandertal comportamenti etnograficamente “moderni”, cioè più prossimi al modo “sapiens” di pensare e strutturare la società, porta inevitabilmente a interrogarsi sulla loro origine: fu autoctona o il risultato di interazioni con i primi Uomini Anatomicamente Moderni (Homo sapiens) che colonizzarono l’Europa 41-40 mila anni fa? Se, da un lato, il confronto con il DNA fossile neandertaliano rivela le tracce di un flusso genico verso i sapiens euro-asiatici, dall’altro l’archeologia esclude contatti tra le due forme biologiche, sostenendo piuttosto l’emergenza autonoma, da parte dei Neandertal, di certe invenzioni nella scheggiatura della pietra, la lavorazione dell’osso e, appunto, l’impiego di materiali ad uso ornamentale: conchiglie marine e canini di volpe e di orso perforati suggeriscono un’attenzione verso l’adorno del corpo o degli abiti, arricchita dall’impiego di polveri coloranti ricavate dalla triturazione di ossidi di ferro e manganese. […]

Sezione di Museologia Scientifica e Naturalistica, 2007: Volume Speciale

International audience; In the southern French Massif Central and on its southeastern border but at different altitudes, open-air sites, rock-shelters and caves have yielded artefacts ranging from isolated finds to abundant series that date from MIS 9 to at least MIS 3, representing Lower Palaeolithic (sensu Acheulean bifacial production) and diverse Middle Palaeolithic facies. From the upstream part of the gorges of the Allier and Loire Rivers to the Chassezac and Ardèche Rivers surveys, excavations and detailed analyses of the material from these sites offer data on subsistence behaviours including among others raw material acquisition, lithic reduction sequences, hunted species and carcass treatment. This information has been gathered during a Collective Research Program (PCR Espaces et subsistance au Paléolithique moyen dans le sud du Massif central) and enables discussion of the mobility of human groups, the size of the territory they occupied, duration of site occupation, landscape cognition and resource exploitation and allows some speculation about the way these humans perceived the landscape in which they lived and how these ethnographic perceptions may have changed over time. In this paper, we focus on results obtained from stratified sites dated from MIS 9 until MIS 4. Orgnac 3, Payre and Barasses II sites, Abri du Maras and Abri des Pêcheurs are caves and shelters located on low plateaus on the right bank of the Rhône corridor while the cave of Sainte-Anne I and Baume-Vallée rock-shelter are located in the mid-mountains of the Velay. The lithic repertoires found in Payre, Saint-Anne I, Baume-Vallée, Abri du Maras, Abri des Pécheurs and Barasses II suggest that the stone knapping and retouching activities that took place in them were directed towards achieving different objectives at each of them. In the several human occupation phases at Payre, the main core technology closely parallels the discoid type that provides unstandardized flakes. A lack of hafted points and the importation into the site of large flakes made from various local stone types along with introduced flint flakes and nodules are related to the seasonal occupation of the site due to its location. The flint reduction sequences are quite complete but those on local stones are often partial, indicating mobility of the occupants and off-site manufacture of lithic tools.Lithic raw material imported into Sainte-Anne I originates from more than thirty different primary localities close to the site as well as from secondary and sub-primary colluvial and alluvial outcrops. The Neanderthals who used this cave obviously had an excellent knowledge of the occurrence and potential of local resources. The presence of some specific flint types suggests the use of exploitation or trade routes which crossed the borders of fluvial systems. If the duration of occupation events can be judged from the presence of a large number of artefacts produced on local volcanic rocks, quartz and types of flint, the absence of certain items like large-sized and retouched flakes from the reduction sequences, indicates that these products were used away from the site or removed when the occupants moved on through their territories.In the upper layers of Abri du Maras, the presence of flakes and pointed artefacts as well as the kind of retouch on them suggests that special equipment was being manufactured, possibly involved with hunting and butchering reindeer and horses during long-term residential occupation. Most of the Levallois lithic processing systems are complete but, judging from the size of the core-flakes, large un-retouched blades were being imported into the site suggesting that other tasks may have been undertaken there using these transported artefacts. At Abri des Pêcheurs, irregular and thick broken flakes of quartz and small flakes of flint suggest an expedient lithic technology. This assemblage was probably the result of brief human occupation events in the shelter during which they processed some parts of a few cervids and ibex. The chaîne opératoire is complete for quartz but incomplete for the flint assemblage which contains a higher ratio of tools to unmodified lithics. At Baume-Vallée, a range of flakes was produced by a variety of knapping techniques. Using different techniques to obtain different types of tool blanks from the same core was presumably a strategy of exploitation designed to conserve a precious resource that was available mainly as small pebbles. This assemblage indicates that multiple tasks were conducted simultaneously at a seasonal horse and cervid hunting camp. Microwear analysis shows that the stone artefacts were used to work soft or semi-hard materials, probably wood. The “Charentian” aspect of the assemblage is a reflection of intense edge reduction and appears identical to that identified at the Abri du Maras.Overall, faunal remains indicate that a diverse range of landscapes was exploited during its procurement. Also, the territorial perspective provided by the widely disparate sources of lithic raw materials indicates that the groups inhabiting the sites were mobile and undertook multidirectional and more or less long-distance forays into the surrounding landscapes. Despite the complexity of territorial exploitation strategies suggested by the importation of varied and remote resources into these three sites, at present these subsistence activities provide no evidence for the existence of planning strategies comparable to those observed elsewhere. Nor can we confirm a strictly bipolarized (summer-winter / highlands-lowlands) circulatory subsistence pattern. However, there are suggestions of exploitation routes that proceeded back and forth along the course of the Allier and more certainly along the Loire for Charentian groups. The locations of the more remote geo-resources indicate the existence of a widespread exploitation pattern radiating outwards from semi-residential camps. The dispersed locations visited or exploited by the groups of hunter-gatherers transiently occupying other camps that were brief stopping places also supports this patterning. Additionally, remote or semi-remote lithic outcrops may mark some territorial limit or perhaps they may be places where adjoining groups could meet for some unknown purpose or, such locations may even be the source of particular raw materials needed for special occasions if not for unique tasks. In the same vein, lithic artefacts abandoned in the landscape that are often categorized by archaeologists as isolates may just as easily have been left intentionally as markers for others to discover. Although a resource territory may well differ from a social territory, petro-archaeology may be able to contribute new methods through which to decipher more of the Neanderthals’ cognitive sphere. Among the exploitative itineraries we have identified are: collection of lithic resources; transportation of these lithic resources; their abandonment; seasonal hunting of selected target species; collection of other permanently available or seasonally abundant resources; processing these and other resources at a variety of stopping places and camps; the possibility of single gender as well as mixed-gender groups undertaking specific tasks; confirmation that, from MIS 9 until MIS 3, Neanderthals were not simply reacting to landscape characteristics, they were interacting with landscape features (geosymbols) and responding to environmental and bio-resource changes in a deterministic manner. These kinds of responses to landscapes and resource occurrence are very close to modern hunter-gatherer behaviour.