Search

Astrocytes are predominant glial cells that tile the central nervous system (CNS). A cardinal feature of astrocytes is their complex and visually enchanting morphology, referred to as bushy, spongy, and star-like. A central precept of this review is that such complex morphological shapes evolved to allow astrocytes to contact and signal with diverse cells at a range of distances in order to sample, regulate, and contribute to the extracellular milieu, and thus participate widely in cell-cell signaling during physiology and disease. The recent use of improved imaging methods and cell-specific molecular evaluations has revealed new information on the structural organization and molecular underpinnings of astrocyte morphology, the mechanisms of astrocyte morphogenesis, and the contributions to disease states of reduced morphology. These insights have reignited interest in astrocyte morphological complexity as a cornerstone of fundamental glial biology and as a critical substrate for multicellular spatial and physiological interactions in the CNS.

Innovations in food policymaking and governance are increasingly emerging from the local level. This article reflects on an action research project to develop a local food action plan in the city of Sheffield in South Yorkshire, UK, as both a networked food systems governance process and as a complementary form of local food policy. The article provides a structured reflection on the process of developing the action plan. The discussion finds that the local food action plan exemplifies a grounded, networked approach to local food governance that productively blurred the boundaries between state and non-state actors. However, the process only partially succeeded in delivering territorial food policy that is both socially and ecologically sensitive. This reflection recognises how the development of the plan potentially reproduced pre-existing dynamics of exclusion in the city. This experience suggests that local food action plans can be powerful and effective forms of territorial food systems governance under specific conditions that will vary significantly with context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploring the possibilities of critical geoeconomics from a geographical perspective is an attempt to reclaim geoeconomics from the now established a-geographical and frequently uncritical uses of the term in International Relations. Something similar has been achieved before, from the 1990s onwards, when political geographers reclaimed – at least partially – geopolitics. The task is much harder however, because the geographical roots of this neologism have been forgotten and because the geo in geoeconomics remains underspecified. To explore alternatives, this essay reviews the French literature on geoeconomics and its relation to geopolitics and geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organised crime – and the people, processes and structures involved – do not exist in a geographical vacuum. They have an inherent spatiality: shaped by and shaping the places they occupy in physical, virtual and hybrid spaces. Although the 'social embeddedness' of organised crime is relatively well-recognised, its spatiality – or 'spatial embeddedness' – has been neglected. This article contextualises and introduces our special issue on the new geographies of organised crime. We put forward a central argument that geographical lenses can advance and enrich understanding of organised crime, briefly review relevant literature and explain some of the foundational concepts in geographical thinking. We discuss the rationale for this special issue and highlight its papers' main contributions. Since the geographies of the illicit are full of complexities, heterogeneities and subjectivities, we do not propose any singular approach, but rather see a plurality of possibilities for better incorporating geography into organised crime scholarship. Accordingly, the papers are theoretically and methodologically diverse, as well as covering varied topics and locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territory, where a network of influence and business interests can be developed, is an important feature of criminal organizations. While some research on organized crime by Chinese triads has been published in recent years, the concept of triad territory is still under-researched. This article discusses what a triad territory is and how it is formed, managed and defended. Through qualitative research, it is found that triad business is territorial in nature. Different triad societies have their own turfs and monopolize certain geographical territories or economic sectors. Territory is important for the survival of triad societies, not only because most of their business operates within the territory but also because they rely on the territory to maintain social networks, exchange criminal market information, gather intelligence and source business opportunities. This article concludes that a triad territory is structurally, culturally and cognitively embedded, and is a defensible social and economic space of a triad society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the co-production of wind energy resources and UK maritime territories in the North Sea. It shows how endeavors to map wind for energy are shaped by specific spatial imaginations, which are in turn making it possible for the UK to advance sovereign claims over volumetric spaces offshore. This follows a long history of efforts to study and map wind movements alongside significant chapters of colonialism, imperialism, and territorial dispossession. The practices involved in the transformation of atmospheric circulations into territorial claims center on what I call ventography : the systematic study and cartographic representation of wind in relation to political boundaries, a project which is shaped by, and subsequently enrolled in, territorialization, sovereign performances, and border regimes. In this vein, the intangible nature of wind, often thought to be beyond the grasp of spatial politics, is being transformed into a resource that is coming to play a role in the production and reconfiguration of space in altogether new ways. Through a focus on the UK's attempts to transmute wind power into territorial power, this article traces how ventography is reshaping the scales and configurations of contemporary political geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interplay between urban and rural lifestyles in the modern era, influenced by globalisation, technological advancements and societal shifts, underscores a complex fusion of cultures and behaviours. This convergence reshapes communal dynamics and territorial perceptions. Drawing from Deleuze and Guattari's philosophical framework, particularly concepts of territory, deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation, this study explores the emergence of urban subcultures resembling rural communities. Through ornamental behaviour and the repetition of cultural events, urban spaces undergo a transformative process akin to ritornello, establishing distinct territories marked by creative expressions. The territories are justified and consolidated by a repeated performance of the social ornament which is a set of rules, practices and material products. All these phenomena, infused with the event (Deleuze) and moments of awe (Leddy), intertwine aesthetics and ethics, promoting community unity and well-being. This inquiry not only clarifies social phenomena but also indicates pathways for a more fulfilling societal existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction presents the rationale for the special issue and outlines the main motives discussed in the following essays. The special issue redefines the concept of ornamentation based on Gilles Deleuze's philosophy. It presents ornaments as potent instruments for forming social bonds through repetition and a ruminative mental mindset. Essays by various authors explore the connection between ornaments, social bonds and affective integration, drawing on Deleuze's concepts of repetition and folds. This reinterpretation offers new insights into the aesthetic and social attributes of ornamentation, shedding light on their role in shaping individual and communal becomings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current ‘repatriation’ programme initiated by the Kyrgyz Republic presents a timely occasion to reflect on the ambivalence of predicating migration in ethnic terms through descent and territorial ascription. Instead, this paper looks at the way Afghan Kyrgyz migrants mobilize and modulate genealogical and territorial registers and the later fulfilment or frustration of their aspirations. A focus on the current ‘repatriation’ programme is doubly interesting here because it taps into broader questions of citizenship, autochthony, and the securing of durable rights and duties and secondly, because the programme’s realization casts ambivalence to the pre-eminence of ethnic ascription in both the experience of migration and migration research. It argues that migrants’ relative success in moving back and forth between places of ‘departure’ and ‘arrival’ (in the programme’s own terms) complexifies the expected linearity of their ‘repatriation’ and implied definitive resettlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike what happens in several Global North countries, Community Social Work is still relevant in Latin American countries. In the case of Chile, most of the SW programs include courses about community, and they frequently incorporate the concept of territory. In this context, this study aimed to answer how community is addressed in SW education in Chile, and what are the implications of the incorporation of the term territory in the curriculum. The method consisted of the analysis of the courses’ programs that explicitly refer to community and territory. After identifying the total number of courses in all universities of the country, the course programs were requested by e-mail to the program heads. 76% of the universities sent their course programs. The analysis was qualitative, and organized in three subsets: courses that in their titles refer only to the community (n = 27), only to the territory (n = 18) and to both (n = 6). The findings show that territory is a concept frequently used in association with community issues, but this does not necessarily mean new perspectives on Community Social Work. The mainstream approaches separate theory from practice, and conceive territory as a mere contextual factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the intensification of extractivist activities in Latin America, a transformative phenomenon demands attention: the feminization of resistance struggles. This shift foregrounds the entanglement of extractivism, coloniality, and patriarchy, revealing their shared role in driving the ongoing ecological and climate crisis. This paper delves into a paradigmatic example of these struggles, examining how they challenge and reshape patriarchal structures while acknowledging the colonial and racist dynamics embedded within them. I focus on the Ecuadorian collective Mujeres Amazónicas Defensoras de la Selva (Amazonian Women Defenders of the Rainforest) for their critical integration of gender debates into their agenda, their disruption of the sex-gender system through their emergence as a political subject, and their innovative proposal of the living forest (Kawsak Sacha), which reimagines nature and our relationship to it. First, I outline the collective's formation and its primary political strategies. Second, I explore the living forest both as a concept and a methodological approach. Third, I analyze their agenda through the central notion of the body-territory connection. Finally, I argue that this collective represents a profoundly transformative force. Their defense of Kawsak Sacha as a legal framework enriches discussions on relational ethics, broadens the political inclusion of Indigenous women, and redefines narratives about nature in an increasingly technological era. Through their situated agency and epistemic authority as Indigenous Amazonian women, the Mujeres Amazónicas have redefined political resistance, introducing a powerful challenge to extractivist systems and transforming the political landscape at every level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review of Elizabeth Esterling's monograph Indigenous Cultural Property and International Law: Restitution, Rights and Wrongs, emphasizes the complexities of cultural property restitution rights under International Law. The article examines the language of customary international law, expanding on Esterling's analysis of UNDRIP (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples) with a comparative analysis of ICRIN (International Covenant on the Rights of the United Nations. Following Esterling's use of textual, purposive, and contextual lenses, particular attention is given to Article 11 of UNDRIP in relation to paragraph 11 of ICRIN. The legal language surrounding culture and its relationship to territory is significant in these texts. Even under these frameworks, the self-determination of Indigenous peoples has been historically minimized and complicated by the formation of international legal codes. Human rights discourse too often becomes an obstacle to indigenous rights, given the pitfalls of essentialism as a political strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the place of enunciation of mestizo feminists who do not belong to current identity movements. This question is expressed in the notion of outsider-insider, which is the reflection of subjects who are simultaneously inside and outside feminist struggles, a tension that manifests itself in a pending debate in Latin American feminisms. Under this interpellation, two Mexican feminist voices, the writer Dahlia De La Cerda and the anthropologist Mariana Mora, have been placed in dialogue, exposing lines of thought that conform particular and complementary ways of understanding the identity relations of the feminist subject. The methodology of analysis considers the hermeneutic interpretation of discourse, in conjunction with the theoretical tools of intersectional feminisms, and is applied to two texts by the aforementioned authors. The results of this discursive interpretation show territory and mestiza-ness as two categories imbricated in peripheral feminisms. In addition, it is shown that affects and the capacity to listen constitute two key elements that conclude in an indispensable political positioning to subvert the epistemic valuations that feminism grants to the privileges of race and class and to question the current definitions of mestizaje in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers particular aspects of the relationship between national security and the international legal system, against the backdrop of renewed geopolitical tensions. Instead of focusing here on applicable legal norms and relevant international institutions, arguments of indispensability of international law are offered, viewed through the lens of security interests and related communicative processes. Disparate snapshots are provided to foster conversations between international legal advisers and policymakers. Reflecting on ways to communicate a renewed understanding of national security dividends accruing from the international legal order may help bridge perceived contradictions in the analysis of fundamental interests. This may be combined with a realization of the potentially huge transactional and other costs of being seen to attempt weakening or circumventing it. Both benefits and costs are compounded by the increasing complexity, interconnectivity and mutual interdependence brought by globalization with momentous technological and social developments, which may trigger large-scale transformation for the better, but also leads to increased vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Turismo y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Facultad de Empresas Turísticas y Hoteleras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Proponents of remedial secession theory (henceforth RST) claim that a group obtains the right to secede when it is wronged by the state, given that other preconditions – which can be more or less restrictive, depending on the theory's author – are also fulfilled. However, in doing so, they face multiple moral challenges and problems. Here, we identify five major problems with their normative claims while paying particular attention to the ethical and practical implications of the “implementation” and the “appropriateness” problem. With the help of Pollock's method for evaluating moral theories, we conclude that the critical problems encountered by RST remain unresolved due to the untenability of its fundamental premise: that secession is an instrument suitable for achieving corrective justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This provocation examines the resurgence of border significance, arguing that the contemporary impetus of such revival is intricately linked to territorial discontents and their geopolitical imaginations. Our analysis of borders as conflictual spaces identifies three converging factors contributing to this phenomenon: the endogenous nature of borders as inherently artificial constructs, the contextual decline of US hegemony, and the habitualization of territorial contestations. Finally, we suggest that the current trend towards border revisionism heralds a new era of territorial instability and geopolitical insecurity, which calls for a transdisciplinary approach that puts borders at the center of the equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the consequences of nationalist governing elites for states' territorial behaviours. We argue that political elites who promote nationalist ideologies and stoke nationalistic fervour are often more inclined to initiate or escalate territorial disputes with other nations. They are likely to perceive greater values of territory, while they underestimate the perceived costs associated with territorial disputes. Analysing all territorial claims from 1901 to 2001, our research reveals compelling evidence that nationalistic political elites are more likely to initiate territorial disputes and less likely to seek peaceful resolutions, particularly when the contested territory possesses intangible salience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern state is often taken as the only legitimate claimant to the division of the globe. Political theorists offer many theories of territorial rights but tend to agree that the state remains the proper institutional bearer of such rights. This article examines how states became the exclusive bearers of territorial rights by returning to the international theory of the eighteenth-century Prussian jurist Christian Wolff (1679–1754), who wrote in a moment when sovereign states were not the heirs apparent to the globe but competed with other claimants to territorial rights. Despite proposing a radically pluralistic and anti-imperial account of land ownership, Wolff nonetheless paved the way for the state to become the sole bearer of territorial rights. Wolff's international thought is an illustration of how building a state-centric international order was a double-edged sword: it criticized imperial overreach while also closing the international arena to nonstate forms of collective life. In this process, he offered two distinct ideas of political space: the territorial space of states, and the land ownership tracts of nonstate peoples, including pastoralists and nomads. To Wolff, only states were entitled to full and permanent territorial rights, while nonstate peoples were shut out of the international system, made both de facto and de jure stateless. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an apex predator in arid steppe, saker falcon plays a crucial role in maintaining ecosystem balance. Understanding their movement patterns concerning conspecific competition and prey availability is important for their conservation. We aim to understand how movement pattern of breeding saker falcons relates to prey availability. Twelve adult sakers were tracked during the breeding seasons, using satellite transmitters. Throughout the breeding season, sakers exhibited territorial behavior, with minimal overlap in range use among neighboring conspecifics. Males occupied larger areas (mean = 2,397 ha, median = 1,221 ha), compared to females (mean = 1,241 ha, median = 554 ha), and it remained consistent throughout breeding season. Female home range size increased notably during a late nestling stage and post-fledging dependence periods, indicating release from brooding constraints. Notably, we found a negative relationship between male home range size and prey availability. In high rodent density areas, males occupied smaller areas (mean = 1,135 ha, median = 1,034 ha), contrasting with low rodent density areas (mean = 6,815 ha, median = 6,516 ha). However, no significant relationship was observed between female home range size and prey availability. We also noted instances of nest abandonment and early dispersal behavior in some females, potentially influenced by a handicapping effect of tagging. Our findings offer valuable insight into how prey availability shapes saker falcon space use and defines their spatial requirements for successful breeding. This knowledge is crucial for the conservation and management of globally endangered saker falcons, informing targeted habitat protection and resource management strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the study of Chinese territorial dynamics produced by the relation between government actors and residents of a southwestern borderland margin. As state policies aim to further integrate remote borderland margins to national territory through modernisation or poverty alleviation development projects, residents live through fast-paced territorial restructuring that bears the risk of social conflicts. To explore the construction of borderland margins as territories, this article studies power relations emerging from integration policies. It draws on a geopolitical approach focused on the study of local protests. From the case study of the Nujiang River Valley (Yunnan), it finds that resident agency to protest can result in the adaptation of government-led territory building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the scalar politics around a small-scale hydropower plant on the Nahueve River in the province of Neuquén in Argentine Patagonia. We show how this plant is presented as discrete and spatially bounded, obscuring the networked geography of the project in its relationship with an extractivist territoriality. Social movements known as socio-environmental assemblies seek to rescale energy politics by emphasizing the ties between community and territory. The article explores how the ideas of somos cuenca (we are the watershed) and agua libre (free water) came to shape the emergence of a broad coalition of assemblies working to inform themselves and the broader communities of the area about the anticipated impacts of the project. We argue that this scalar politics of the socio-environmental assemblies, which links broader geographies to intimate spaces, is conditioned by and produces a hydro-social consciousness. Finally, we discuss the limits of these politics within the current conjuncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the spatial practices and politics involved in remaking Bolivia's protected areas as territories of extraction, focusing on the ongoing conflict over natural gas development in the Tariquía National Reserve of Flora and Fauna. Extending and connecting debates on enclave infrastructures, neoextractivist state formation, and resource futures, I argue that territorialising this hydrocarbon frontier rests on a double movement of cuts and flows. On the one hand, enclaving practices work to minimise environmental impacts, restrict access to sites of extraction, and shield hydrocarbon companies from local efforts to hold them accountable. On the other hand, the state directs flows of money, infrastructure, and political influence to territories of extraction to manufacture consent, situating these spaces within broader geographies of hydrocarbon citizenship. I show how the boundaries and governance structures of protected areas—key sites for new extraction in Bolivia—have become implicated in the management of these cuts and flows. The paper advances understanding of neoextractivist territorialisation, while also highlighting how anti-extractivist peasant movements disrupt this spatial production by mobilising around extraction's leaky materialities and knowledge across extractive sites and project cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese actors have emerged as major funders and developers of large-scale transnational infrastructure projects in Europe and beyond. Despite this profound shift, geographers have not yet arrived at a clear conceptualisation of such projects. We show how the literature is overly reliant on a functional view of the Chinese state, structural economic factors, single case studies, and bilateral relations, generating monocausal explanations of outcomes. We develop a new conceptual framework emphasising variegation driven by shifting assemblages of actors, dynamic strategic coupling, and multi-scalar processes of territorialisation. To operationalise our framework, we draw on process tracing and incorporated comparisons across cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that neighborhood-based middle-class civic groups in Mumbai reconfigure and constitute the local state through their everyday operations and social, legal and political interactions with the government. Amid rapid urban transformation, as neighborhoods become more internally differentiated, long-term residents forge ideational territories, rooted in place-based politics to govern their neighborhoods. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I depict three modes of place-based state-making—détournement, quotidian and activist. I argue that middle-class residents choose and privilege their neighborhood over the nation, in local politics, recalibrating laws and regulations to serve their territorial interests. To that end, I develop a theoretical framework to think about the autonomy of sociospatial communities and their statal implications. By focusing on the 'statization' of everyday life, this article departs from the distinction between state and non-state actors, and instead (i) distinguishes between state and government, (ii) considers the state to be embedded in the local social space where civic actors can enter the state space and steer local governance, and (iii) highlights how different cultural-historical territories produce distinct configurations of the local state, thereby fragmenting the geography of urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document presents the results of research conducted in communities located inside the National Park of Lençóis Maranhenses (PNLM), a Protection Conservation Unit. The aim was to understand the traditional ways of living in these communities, analyzing their interaction with the environment, income-generating activities and social permanence relations in the territory. The daily life of these communities has seen transformations due to restrictions on certain activities and the entry of new markets, such as tourism, and growing real estate interests. Using semi-structured interviews and participant observation, conducted in four communities near the coastline to the east of Barreirinhas city, namely Canto do Atins, Ponta do Mangue, Santo Inácio and Atins it was found that they share a similar approach in relation to nature, linked to the tourist market and to the fishing cultural identity, but facing challenges to their permanence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the scientific research organized by the Fundação Brasil Central (FBC) in partnership with national and international research institutions, between 1943 and 1967. The period in question corresponds to the time of existence of the aforementioned institution. Much of this research was configured as important scientific undertakings, aimed at understanding the natural potential of the Central Brazilian territory. The FBC's objective was to foster the economic and social development of the Central-West region, with its area of operation being the states of Mato Grosso, Goiás, as well as the then called Federal Territory of Rondônia (current State of Rondônia) and the Federal District. In view of this, the objective of this research is to analyze the process of State intervention in the territory, marked by the advance of the frontier, based on the scientific policy developed within the scope of FBC's activities. We understand that such studies and research proposed by these institutions had not only the purpose of covering issues related to knowledge itself, but also had the objective of serving as an instrument of territorial domination within the framework of a dependent and peripheral capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economía, Sociedad y Territorio is the property of El Colegio Mexiquense and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economía, Sociedad y Territorio is the property of El Colegio Mexiquense and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using the theft of Indigenous land and territory and the destruction of Indigenous political authorities as an example, this paper examines two theories of territorial rights in relation to their treatment of historical territorial injustices. We apply Simmons's historical theory of rights over territory, and the occupancy/self-determination theory of territorial rights associated with Moore and Stilz, to three problems: the Continuity Problem, the Particularity Problem, and the Distributive Justice Problem. We argue that the occupancy/self-determination theory is more promising for resolving all three, but that the historical title theory can also be modified to accommodate this insight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his recent monograph, Territorial Status in International Law , Jure Vidmar offers 'a new theory of statehood' that consolidates his existing work and departs in important ways from legal orthodoxy. As a work of doctrinal law, the text is rigorous; however, its theoretical contribution is somewhat unclear. Vidmar's central theoretical claim—that the status of individual states is established by discrete norms of customary international law—adds very little to his doctrinal argument. By examining his position, this review article examines what it might mean to provide helpful 'theories of statehood'. It begins by framing the theoretical challenge posed by such work before setting out some desiderata for theoretical success in this area. Finally, it sketches out a general approach, grounded in Hannah Arendt's conception of power, which offers a promising means for moving beyond doctrinal description within 'reconstructive' international legal theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using critical place research and documentary methods, this article examines the Mapuche territorial cause in Chile and exposes the deficiencies of state-produced Mapuche land titles, known as Títulos de Merced, which are required for and (mis)used as evidence by Chile's Indigenous land restitution program. The Títulos de Merced were granted to Mapuche families during and after the military occupation of Wallmapu (Mapuche territory), as documentation of their relocation to reducciones (reservations) between 1884 and 1929. However, these approximately 3000 titles do not fully represent Mapuche land claims. Instead, they were used by the newly formed Chilean state to reduce Mapuche territory to approximately 5% of its ancestral span, leaving undocumented much of the territories that communities were effectively using before the reduction process––what Mapuche claimants refer to as tierras antiguas or ancestral lands. Despite this, CONADI, the government agency that administers the land program, defines these titles as the primary sources of documentary evidence to prove Mapuche land dispossession. Therefore, not only are the Títulos de Merced not enough, but they negatively impact Mapuche land claims by purposefully reducing, once again, Mapuche ancestral territory, this time discursively. Mapuche claimants are paradoxically forced to validate claims to their ancestral land through documents that were designed to legitimize their dispossession. By examining the insufficiency and inappropriateness of the Títulos de Merced as evidence for Mapuche territorial claims, this paper proposes the intercultural practice of documenting territorialidad—the expression of cultural, economic, and spiritual Mapuche practices over the territory—in addition to colonial demarcations of land, as a form of producing/using evidence for Mapuche land restitution claims. Suggesting the mapu (land/territory) as provenance and territorialidad as evidence, this alternative documentary practice unsettles the Títulos de Merced as the only legitimate form of evidence for Mapuche land claims and theorizes interculturalidad—the recognition of and dialogue between diverse ways of knowing coexisting within the same territory—as a framework for thinking about provenance when working with Indigenous land records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al Bashaer Economic Journal is the property of Al Bashaer Economic Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista 180 is the property of Revista 180 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Home range size, dispersal and activity of wolves were studied for the first time in Bulgaria using radiotelemetry. In 2005-2009, three wolves (two males and one female), were equipped with VHF collars and radio-tracked in the south-western part of the country, in the Pirin and Maleshevska Mts. The first male (WM1), estimated as 8-9 years old, was tracked for 1.5 months, covering a small area of 10.3 km2 (100% MCP). Home ranges of a female (WF1, 1 y old) and a second male (WM2, 1.5 y old), when resident in their natal packs, were 93.1 km2 and 139.7 km2, respectively, (100% MCP) (mean = 116.4 km2). The core areas (50% KDE) were 35 and 59.9 km2 (mean = 47.5 km2). Both WF1 and WM2 dispersed from their natal packs (mean dispersal distance of 33.1 km) but were killed by humans before settling and reproducing. During dispersal, WF1 was never recorded crossing main roads or other urbanised areas. In contrast, WM2 crossed the non-fenced international road E79 and the railway through the Kresna Gorge, at least 11 times. WF1 and WM2 were active in 45.1% and 44.9% (mean = 45%) of the time recorded, with pronounced crepuscular patterns. The results of the present work are a contribution to the study of the wolf population spatial ecology in Bulgaria and can serve for the better management of the species and its long-term conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mediterranea - Ricerche Storiche is the property of Mediterranea-Ricerche Storiche and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)