Search

This article reads the political thought of a collection of treasonous and treason-sympathizing French military officers who supported the cause of the OAS (Organisation de l'armée secrète), a terrorist organization that fought President Charles de Gaulle's decision to leave Algeria in 1960. It draws upon a selection of the doctrine they wrote, that of guerre révolutionnaire or counterrevolutionary warfare; the novels that popularized their perspectives for broader audiences; and the transcripts from the trial of General Raoul Salan, the leader of the OAS. Based on these texts, it argues that counterrevolutionary warfare doctrine attempted to circumvent decolonization by articulating a form of violent nostalgia that continued colonial war without colonial conquest. In this way, counterrevolutionary warfare was a military doctrine, an ideological world view, and a theory of decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper proposes an instrument to measure the risk of terrorist conflicts through the concept of affiliation to a terrorist organization. The proposed instrument is called the Tool for the Assessment of Terrorist Affiliation Degree (TATAD) and measures how close the respondents are to a complete affiliation, on a scale of four degrees. Based on the Methodology for the Analysis of Computerised Textual Data, each degree is characterized by specific interactive modalities that differ in the ways they contribute to conflict or to community cohesion. Based on the degree of affiliation, it is possible to anticipate acts of conflict that are coherent with the modality of interaction measured by TATAD. By considering the interactive modalities, and not only the contents linked to terrorism, the process of affiliation is the same independently of the type of terrorist society and its beliefs (ideological, religious, etc.). Therefore, TATAD can be used independently of the specific context and motives of terrorism. By detecting critical modalities of interaction, TATAD can be used to support decision making and plan interventions to promote community cohesion in prisons and migration services, and to evaluate the efficiency of counter-terrorism strategies, policies and projects aimed at promoting social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countering violent extremism (CVE) intervention programs are often designed as non-punitive approaches to reduce the likelihood of youth joining terrorist groups through offering social, family, mental health, and/or practical supports. Since public support is crucial for determining whether a CVE intervention program is implemented or successful, we conducted two online vignette-based experiments to examine how factors such as political orientation, the youth's ethnicity, and the public's perspective-taking with at-risk youth can alter their support. Across both studies (U.S. online sample N = 153, U.K. online sample N = 760), participants generally reported less support for a CVE intervention program aimed at at-risk youth than a similar gang intervention program, although in the U.K., conservatives supported both programs the same relatively lower amount (compared to liberals). This effect was partially explained by participants reporting less perspective-taking with an at-risk youth considering joining a terrorist group than considering joining a gang, which in turn led to lower public support of the program. This suggests that CVE intervention programs face barriers, even among the more liberal-leaning members of the public, and that helping people to take the perspective of at-risk youth may be one pathway for increasing public support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing line of research examines causes and consequences of militant group competition. However, empirical work on these topics has limitations. Most quantitative research uses relatively rough proxies for competition, such as counts of groups in a country. Other work uses dichotomous indicators, ignoring the intensity or degree of rivalries. Additionally, many studies examine either terrorist organizations or rebel groups, overlooking cross-type rivalry (e.g., terrorist vs. rebel). We address these issues by introducing time-varying dyadic rivalry data on hundreds of groups – rebels, terrorists, and pro-government militias – in Africa and Asia, 1990-2015. Rivalry levels include denouncements, threats, and violence. After presenting the data, we test the "outbidding" hypothesis: the notion that inter-organizational competition leads to more terrorism. This argument has found support in qualitative analyses, but quantitative tests using rivalry proxies show mixed results. Using our data we find support for the hypothesis. We conclude with research questions that could be addressed with the data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will analyze how the conceptualization of the term ‘Basqueness’, and the meaning of ‘being Basque’, have been instrumental in determining the way in which citizens of the Basque Autonomous Community (BAC) have chosen to identify themselves. What it means to be Basque has experienced a significant evolution from its ethnic and linguistic origins to being a matter of feeling and doing; however, the way Basque citizens felt about Basqueness, and what actions participated in Basqueness, was substantially influenced by the climate of political polarization, the appropriation by nationalism of Basque symbols and features and the violence of terrorist organization ETA, as well as the justification of its crimes. Working from the semantic theory of Brandomian inferentialism, I want to show how these factors functioned as inferential relations that constituted the meaning of Basqueness. As these inferences changed with the dissolution of ETA and the easing of political polarization, what it means to be Basque has subsequently changed its meaning, which might contribute to explaining why in recent years an increasing number of people in the BAC have incorporated Basqueness into their mixed or liminal identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Kahn was one of America's leading experts on the history of cryptology, the art and science of breaking the communications codes, ciphers, and secret writing of hostile nations and terrorist organizations – a vital intelligence tradecraft for anticipating potentially dangerous operations of foreign adversaries. As both a journalist and a professional historian, he pursued scholarly interests in cryptology as well as modern German history. His most well-known book, entitled The Codebreakers, influenced the field of cryptology and attracted many young readers to this intelligence profession. Kahn wrote many other studies on the topic and founded the journal Cryptologia. He received an array of honors for his work, including induction into the National Security Agency's Cryptologic Hall of Fame. In addition, Kahn was a popular social fixture at prestigious clubs in New York City and a member of several boards of editors devoted to Intelligence Studies, including this journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first transfer of power presents unique challenges to terrorist groups. Four challenges of succession are more manifest the first time a terrorist group undergoes transition: first, a lack of precedent creates greater uncertainty about the group's ability to survive leadership change; second, where the new leader replaces a mythical founder, there is an inevitable negative comparison to the predecessor; third, the successor must prevent infighting and splintering that results when the glue that held the group together is lost; and fourth, a first successor often has to shift the source of organizational authority from charismatic leadership to a rational-bureaucratic model. This article argues that the shadow of the departing leader and his actions in preparation for power transition affect the magnitude of the challenges his successor faces. Three case studies—al-Qaeda, the Peruvian Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path), and the Abu Nidal organization—demonstrate both first succession challenges and the role of founders in shaping these challenges' magnitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism financing poses a direct threat to South Africa's national security as well as the integrity and reputation of its financial system. Terrorism financing has the potential to finance and enable terrorist activities locally and abroad. Over and above posing a security threat, it also impacts the integrity of non-financial institutions such as charities and non-profit organizations which could be exploited, often unwittingly, for the financing of terrorism. Terrorist groups make use of multiple methods to raise move, store and/or use funds and exploit the inherent vulnerabilities of countries' regulatory, financial, law enforcement and security frameworks. Their techniques vary and depend on the sophistication and objectives of terrorists, terrorist organizations and their sympathizers. Terrorism financing investigations are usually extremely complex, particularly with regard to the identification of financiers and ultimate end-users of the generated funds. This is due to the myriad financial transaction mediums such as cash and crypto assets, the international nature of transfers between financial jurisdictions, the informal financial sector (e.g. Hawala), as well as the capacity and capability challenges faced by financial institutions, regulators, supervisory bodies and law enforcement agencies. Funds intended for terrorism related activities may be derived from legitimate as well as from illicit sources, making terrorism financing particularly difficult to detect, disrupt and prevent. The constant evolution of terrorism financing methods in response to new and increasingly sophisticated countermeasures remains a continual challenge locally and for international financial oversight bodies such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and its regional-style bodies. This paper will investigate and assess South Africa's vulnerability to terrorism financing and the counter-terrorist financing framework to effectively combat terrorism financing. The key issues to be appraised include an assessment of factors that contribute to SA's vulnerability to terrorism financing. A counter-terrorist financing framework adopted by SA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to build upon Ryan and Deci's self-determination theory and shows how continual neglect of an individual's psychological need for autonomy, competency, and relatedness increases their susceptibility to terrorist organizations recruiting tactics. It begins by establishing how fulfillment of these psychological needs is necessary for normal human functioning. It then explains how failing to meet these needs pushes an individual away from normal social interactions; placing them at odds with a world which they are unable to integrate with. Once sufficiently excluded from normal social functioning, the individual is highly susceptible to the promise of belonging, power, and self-realization that terror organization offers in their recruitment. The individual will begin to alter their belief systems and entirely cut themselves off from their previous lives; eventually losing themselves in a new identity which is interconnected to their terror group. The article concludes with reflections on how future research of this process can have a meaningful impact on curtailing terrorism in the United States. Public Significance Statement: Terrorism is a persistent international threat, and it presents a clear danger to societal well-being. This article illustrates how neglect of psychological needs facilitates the radicalization process for terror organizations; and in turn, places an individual at odds with the social world that they were raised in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forty years after the beginning of the transition in Argentina and 50 years after the Chilean coup d'état, this article analyzes the sexual violence against women implemented in clandestine detention centers (CDCs) as political, terrorist, and genocidal violence. Through a qualitative approach to the testimonies of former political prisoners, this paper aims to understand sexual violence against women in the experiences of concentration camps as a specific form of violence within the framework of conservative reconstructions of the civil-military dictatorships in Argentina and Chile. This violence, which was a total patriarchal act, not only sought to punish and discipline “deviant” female militants, but also to harm militant men. Likewise, it was established as a permanent threat against female detainees and a way of suppressing change and subjective, cultural, and social subversions, which, in parallel or as part of the political experience, developed in the countries of the Latin American Southern Cone. It is argued that sexual violence is a form of terrorism and genocide, since it projects terror into a specific group of the population and seeks to annul the possibility of being a woman when she breaks with the sacralized mandates of the patriarchal order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world faces the ongoing challenge of terrorism and extremism, which threaten the stability of nations, the security of their citizens, and the integrity of political, economic, and social systems. Given the complexity and multifaceted nature of this phenomenon, combating it requires a collective effort, with tailored methods to address its various aspects. Identifying the terrorist organization responsible for an attack is a critical step in combating terrorism. Historical data plays a pivotal role in this process, providing insights that can inform prevention and response strategies. With advancements in technology and artificial intelligence (AI), particularly in military applications, there is growing interest in utilizing these developments to enhance national and regional security against terrorism. Central to this effort are terrorism databases, which serve as rich resources for data on armed organizations, extremist entities, and terrorist incidents. The Global Terrorism Database (GTD) stands out as one of the most widely used and accessible resources for researchers. Recent progress in machine learning (ML), deep learning (DL), and natural language processing (NLP) offers promising avenues for improving the identification and classification of terrorist organizations. This study introduces a framework designed to classify and predict terrorist groups using bidirectional recurrent units and self-attention mechanisms, referred to as BiGRU-SA. This approach utilizes the comprehensive data in the GTD by integrating textual features extracted by DistilBERT with features that show a high correlation with terrorist organizations. Additionally, the Synthetic Minority Over-sampling Technique with Tomek links (SMOTE-T) was employed to address data imbalance and enhance the robustness of our predictions. The BiGRU-SA model captures temporal dependencies and contextual information within the data. By processing data sequences in both forward and reverse directions, BiGRU-SA offers a comprehensive view of the temporal dynamics, significantly enhancing classification accuracy. To evaluate the effectiveness of our framework, we compared ten models, including six traditional ML models and four DL algorithms. The proposed BiGRU-SA framework demonstrated outstanding performance in classifying 36 terrorist organizations responsible for terrorist attacks, achieving an accuracy of 98.68%, precision of 96.06%, sensitivity of 96.83%, specificity of 99.50%, and a Matthews correlation coefficient of 97.50%. Compared to state-of-the-art methods, the proposed model outperformed others, confirming its effectiveness and accuracy in the classification and prediction of terrorist organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The security challenges posed by Boko Haram and its breakaway factions in the riparian states of Lake Chad have attracted plethora of academic inquiries. Comparatively less attention has been paid to the relationship between the national economic interests of the riparian states (Lake Chad oil, fish, etc.) and adopted strategies for dealing with the challenges posed by these terrorist groups. Practically, regional organizations and national governments have evolved different strategies to counter the perennial security threats and hence stabilize the region for intra- and inter-state movements, trades and development with little success. The study argued that historical antecedents among states in the Lake Chad region which appear to institutionalize centrifugal social relations and conflicting economic interests in a security-threatened region that lacked durable security interdependence feed into sustenance of Boko Haram and subsequently undermine counterinsurgency operations. Data collection was based on survey method and complemented by documentary evidence based on secondary sources. The study found out that insurgency will persist unless appropriate security infrastructure is emplaced to promote patterns of amity and economic interdependence that will entrench deeply rooted and durable security architecture in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations targeted sanctions against terrorist organizations are administrated under the Security Council Consolidated List. Apart from listing terrorist organizations and individuals that are linked to Al-Qaida, ISIL, and the Taliban, the list also includes non-terrorist entities that allegedly support listed organizations. This paper studies 7 businesses and 22 humanitarian organizations that are currently listed, resulting in two insights. First, listing these entities effectively pushes them out of business by rendering them illegal. Even when entities succeed in getting delisted, the damage is already done. Ironically, the impact on non-terrorist entities is bigger than on some terrorist organizations, who carry their listing as a badge of honor to attract recruits. Second, by comparing the UNSC consolidated list to related Interpol's Special Notices, we find that there are several inconsistencies between the lists, both in terms of the details provided and the updating of unlisted entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil disorder has always plagued humanity, with violence being triggered by real or perceived grievances, rumours and speculation, and internal or external agitators. The risk to people, communities, businesses and the rule of law is not isolated to a particular country or society. The propensity for violence and how it is incited is, however, an evolving threat with the advent of the 'modern riot'. The causes of violence centre on economic and social injustice, sports- and event-related riots, a reaction to police or security forces and political unrest. As the US nears the contentious 2024 elections, the failing trust in the three branches of government combined with external global tensions and conflict, threats from domestic extremist groups, a rising acceptance of violence as a means of settling political disagreements, hostile nation actors and international terror groups that exploit societal instability create fertile conditions for widespread violence. Exacerbating these factors are the risks from artificial intelligence (AI) deepfake, rapid mass communications, the citizen journalist, prominent influencers amplifying grievances and inflammatory media reporting. This convergence of exacerbators and accelerants for political discord offers the potential for serious security risks and significant business disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document is a letter to the editor titled "Trivializing Terrorists: An Exchange – The Author Replies" by Sarah G. Phillips and Nadwa al-Dawsari, responding to a critique by Jenna Jordan on their article about counterterrorism in Yemen. The authors emphasize the transformative nature of counterterrorism in Yemen and the constitutive relationship between counterterrorism measures, terrorist groups, and state actors. They argue that Yemeni expertise challenges mainstream discourses on terrorism and counterterrorism. The authors highlight the need to listen to Yemenis' perspectives on terrorism and counterterrorism to avoid dismissing their expertise and perpetuating ineffective interventions. [Extracted from the article]

The article "The Non-Trivial Accomplishments of Counterterrorists" by Jenna Jordan discusses how counterterrorism knowledge can undermine local resistance to terrorism. The authors argue that mainstream terrorism studies create limited categories that hinder effective solutions to violent extremism. They focus on Yemen to show how local discourses trivializing terrorist groups can destabilize counterterrorism practices. The article critiques existing counterterrorism literature and emphasizes the need to identify mechanisms that can improve counterterrorism strategies. [Extracted from the article]

This study aimed to explore the millennials attitudes towards Muslims and their root causes. Phenomenological approach was used to analyze the experiences of millennials towards Muslims and the root causes of their negative attitudes and perceptions. The participants in this study were the millennials. The study was conducted in Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat located along the mountainous coastal part of the province of Sultan Kudarat. Eligible roles may include but are not limited to school teachers and staff, out of school youth, registered business owner establishments, registered farmers and fishermen, livelihood program beneficiaries of Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), and Local Government Unit employees. A total of ten (10) millennial participants voluntarily consented to participate in this study. The researchers used open-ended questions through an in-depth interview to effectively get the primary data. The study highlights themes such as trust and unpleasant experiences with a sub-theme of mistrust of differences, encounter with a Muslim, and injustice; stereotyping and terrorism perception with a sub-theme of terrorist act on media and Muslims practice terrorism; peace building with a sub-theme of no equal representation, and leader’s attitude; Muslim attributes with a sub-theme of traitor, unwelcoming, and audacious. These finding suggest that respondents' negative sentiments and attitudes towards Muslims stem from a variety of factors. First, there's an underlying theme of mistrust and differences, indicating a lack of understanding or acceptance of cultural or religious diversity. Additionally, negative encounters with Muslims, characterized as "sad encounters," seem to have contributed to the negative perceptions. Furthermore, perceptions of injustice perpetrated by Muslims, possibly in personal or societal contexts, have influenced attitudes. Media portrayal linking Muslims and Islam to terrorist acts appears to have played a significant role in shaping negative perceptions, reinforcing stereotypes and biases. Moreover, the association of Muslims with specific terrorist groups has likely fueled fear and prejudice. Lack of equal representation in elected positions suggests a systemic issue of underrepresentation, which can exacerbate feelings of marginalization or discrimination. The attitudes and behaviors of Muslim leaders also seem to have impacted respondents' perceptions, possibly indicating a lack of positive role models or leadership. Terms like "traitor," "unwelcoming," and "audacious" further highlight the negative connotations associated with Muslims, suggesting perceived betrayal, hostility, or arrogance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are few theoretical and empirical researches on sexual fluidity and sexual victimization against men inside terrorist groups. Drawing from the case of Islamic terrorists group (Boko Haram), queer theory, and discursive accounts of male survivors, NGOs and security agents, I argue that Boko Haram's rape of men and boys, whether collectively or individually, exposes their sexual fluidity. The reconstruction of acceptable sexual norms, syncretism due to the existence of same-sex subculture in Lake Chad, and hypocrisy explain their sexual variability. This study adds to the growing body of knowledge on the dynamics of sexuality and terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many governments maintain lists of terrorist groups, imposing sanctions on designated organizations. However, the logic behind designation remains unclear. Furthermore, most studies focus on Western countries. This paper develops arguments for why attack attributes, group attributes, and policy diffusion might explain proscription. Empirically, we examine hundreds of militant organizations to see which are listed by the European Union, India, Pakistan, Russia, the United Kingdom, or the United States. Generally, designation does not seem to be driven by target or attack severity. It often results from diffusion: most countries follow the United States. Islamist group motivation is also an important factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamist terrorism poses a significant threat to global security. Current prevention measures focus largely on combating terrorist financing in order to hinder terrorist organizations' ability to pay their fighters and orchestrate attacks, with the aim of weakening their structures. The banking sector in particular is subject to strict regulations that intend to increase transparency and identify suspicious transactions. However, the present study illustrates that the banking sector continues to offer opportunities for terrorist financing. Using a qualitative study of 15 presumed providers of illegal financial services and 15 compliance experts to detail how terrorist financiers abuse the financial system to fund terrorist organizations, this paper has implications for both compliance officers and regulating authorities. In particular, the perceived challenges facing those at the frontline of the banking sector in detecting and preventing terrorist financing are analyzed with the intention to establish avenues for future research and countering the financing of terrorism regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This paper estimates the effect of exposure to terrorist violence on education. Since terrorists may choose targets endogenously, we construct a set of novel instruments. To that end, we leverage exogenous variation from a local terrorist group's revenues and its affiliation with al‐Qaeda. Across several Kenyan datasets, we find that attacks suppress school enrolment more than predicted by difference‐in‐differences‐type estimators. This indicates that terrorists target areas experiencing unobserved, positive shocks. Evidence suggests fears and concerns as mechanisms of impact, rather than educational supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historically, relations between Türkiye and the US have been influenced by periodic developments and can become strong or fragile at times. In this context, relations between Türkiye and the US have been dragged into a deep crisis due to the presence of the PKK/PYD/YPG in northern Syria and the US’s support for these groups. Türkiye views the PYD/YPG as an extension of the PKK, considering it a terrorist organization and a direct threat to its national security. The existence and activities of these terrorist organizations raise serious concerns for Türkiye’s security. The US supports this group by rebranding it as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and describing it as the most effective ground force against DAESH. This situation has damaged relations between the two NATO allies, leading to diplomatic crises and regional strategic incompatibilities. Türkiye’s cross- border operations and the US’s support for the PYD/YPG are the most significant points of tension overshadowing the common interests of the two states. Despite these challenges, Türkiye and the US have the potential to protect their common interests in the fight against terrorism and regional security issues. This study analyzes how Türkiye’s policies in Syria have been shaped by US support for the PYD/YPG and how the tensions in this context have affected the strategic goals of both countries. Türkiye’s national security strategies and cooperation dynamics with the US can be reshaped through diplomatic negotiations and strategic cooperation mechanisms. In this context, relations can progress on a more constructive basis if both parties act with mutual understanding and flexibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the post-9/11 event has animated how state actors frame terrorism, contemporary studies have failed to address the politics inherent in proscribing, repressing, and labeling separatist movements as terrorists. This paper explores the politics of framing terrorism using the contemporary self-determination struggles advanced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and the Yoruba Nation's freedom frontiers. The study proposes a United Nations-coordinated global framework for regulating and evaluating states' activities in identifying specific groups as terrorists. Taking such a stance would prevent aggrieved agitators from being persecuted by the state in the name of terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an assumption that the COVID-19 pandemic will reduce the number of acts of terrorism. However, that opinion has yet to be proven in Indonesia. Acts of terrorism continue to grow despite the COVID-19 pandemic limiting human activities. Various acts of terror, both physical and non-physical, through social media occur. Even the campaign of terrorism through cyberspace is increasingly massive and difficult to contain. This phenomenon is interesting to study, significantly how Indonesia's COVID-19 pandemic impacts counter-terrorism measures. To answer this question, data through internet searches on counter-terrorism programs from the National Agency for Counter-terrorism in Indonesia and related institutions are explored. Researchers also interviewed officials from the National Counter-terrorism Agency and former terrorism offenders. The results showed that the COVID-19 pandemic affected Indonesia's counter-terrorism strategy. First, the campaign of terrorist groups that are rife in the mass media is addressed by counter-narrative through social media. Second, there has been a shift in counter-terrorism efforts from a hard approach to a soft approach. Third, there is increasing Pentahelix synergy in countering terrorism in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after the demise of its territorial caliphate in 2019, ISIS persists as a potent threat, adapting to new technologies and maintaining its status as an active insurgency. Amidst the backdrop of the terror group's demonstrated resilience, this paper examines its practice of (de)legitimation and language of persuasion through a multimodal argumentation analysis. It combines the argumentation strategies (topoi) proposed by Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) and tools from Social Semiotics with argumentation theories, achieved through a comprehensive enthymematic deconstruction of arguments in ISIS's e-magazine, Dabiq. The findings reveal four interrelated sets of plausibly inferable premises, namely, advantage and disadvantage; threat and obligation; negative consequence and history; and authority and Shariah law. These premises fall within broad social, political, historical, and religious categories and are deliberately crafted to lend support to ISIS's desired conclusions, aimed at systematically altering the addressees' state of knowledge and eventually eliciting acceptance from the intended public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some terrorist groups cooperate with criminal organizations? This behavior is puzzling because there are reputational reasons for each of these kinds of groups to avoid the other, yet such cooperation seems to be increasingly common. The growing literature on the "crime-terror-nexus" examines terrorist-criminal cooperation, but questions remain. We discuss relevant research, and present hypotheses. Analysis of nearly 400 terrorist organizations using a newly-coded measure of inter-organizational cooperation suggests that certain types of terrorist groups are more likely to work with organized crime: those that are involved in the drug trade, cooperate with other terrorist groups, are older, or are more lethal. These relationships are robust. We also find some evidence that the crime-terror nexus is more likely for groups that have state sponsors, have larger memberships, operate in more capable countries, or operate in less-democratic countries. There is also some evidence that ethnically-motivated terrorist groups are less likely to cooperate with organized crime. Interestingly, there is little or no support for the idea that the nexus is related to territorial control or religious ideology. These findings go against some previous research and suggest steps for future analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically tests the impact of terrorism and counter‐terrorism on voting by focusing on the two 2015 general elections in Turkey ‐ and the 2011 general election. This period offers a unique case because, after the first election, the ongoing peace process between the incumbent party (AKP), the political party associated with the perpetrators (pro‐Kurdish political party, HDP), and the imprisoned leader of the terrorist organization (PKK) was canceled. Instead, terror attacks recurred and curfews were implemented as counter‐terrorism measures. This enables the impact of curfews and terror attacks on electoral outcomes to be analysed in a difference‐in‐differences setting. Terror attacks are estimated to reduce the incumbent's vote share by 3.2% points, while increasing the vote share of the party associated with the perpetrators by 3.6% points. Curfews are estimated to cancel out the impact of terror attacks in attacked municipalities and decrease the incumbent's vote share by 4.7% points in non‐attacked municipalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study examined the validity of the forced choice test (FCT) in a forensic scenario when used to detect concealment of semantic memory (SM-FCT). We also compared the SM-FCT validity to the FCT validity in the more commonly investigated episodic memory scenario (EM-FCT). In simulating a scenario of investigating suspected members of a terror organization, 277 students were asked to deceptively deny being enrolled in a college in which they do actually study. Results indicated that the SM-FCT's validity level was within the range of the EM-FCTs' validity levels. Theoretically, the results support a cognitive-based explanation for the FCT operation mechanism. Practically, they imply that FCT can be used in criminal or intelligence investigations of suspected members of terrorist or criminal organizations or suspected perpetrators of illegal acts or acts of terrorism, in which the incriminating evidence being sought is in the realm of designated semantic memory or knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research suggests that members of terrorist groups prioritize forming network ties based on trust to improve their organizational and operational security. The homophily principle, which postulates that individuals tend to form relationships based on shared characteristics, can be a key mechanism through which people identify trustworthy associates. Next to homophily, the mechanism of establishing interconnected relationships through transitivity is also well-known to serve this purpose and shape community structures in social networks. We analyze the community structures of the Islamist co-offending network in the United States, which is highly violent, to assess whether homophily and transitivity determine which extremists form co-offending ties. We rely on a new database on the individual attributes and the co-offending relationships of 494 Islamist offenders radicalized in the United States between 1993 and 2020. Using community detection algorithms, we show that the US Islamist co-offending network is highly clustered, modular, and includes many small but only a few large communities. Furthermore, results from exponential random graph modeling show that transitive relationships as well as spatial proximity, ideological affiliation, and shared socio-cultural characteristics drive co-offending among US Islamist extremists. Overall, these findings demonstrate that the processes of homophily and transitivity shape violent social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The typical threats to human security such as terrorism and insurgency as witnessed in Nigeria have attracted global attention. However, the security implications of climate change as they impact terrorism are of increasing relevance to international peace and security. Since the inception of Boko Haram in Nigeria in 2009, more than 40,000 people have been killed by the terrorist group and over two million displaced from their homes. The group has at various points cashed in on the drastic effects of climate change to recruit foot soldiers, male and female alike, and their operations have continued to have devastating impacts on the security of lives and socio-economic development of Nigeria. This study, therefore, examined the impact of climate change on Boko Haram's recruitment drive in Nigeria. It adopted Delanda's account of assemblages and social complexity to draw the connections between climate change, terrorism and Boko Haram's recruitment in Nigeria. The study relied largely on data from secondary sources collected through the documentary method. It examined how climate change-induced environmental stress such as drought, desertification and shrinkage of Lake Chad create conditions that enable the recruitment of terrorists. It argued that climate change has exacerbated the loss or collapse of rural livelihoods in Nigeria's northeast, heightening affected populations' vulnerability to recruitment by Boko Haram. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Social Origins of Terrorism: An Exchange – The Author Replies" by Josh Tschantret is a response to Paul Staniland's comments on Tschantret's previous article on the social origins of modern terrorism. Staniland raises questions about the conceptual framework and empirical strategy of Tschantret's article, highlighting the ambiguity of the conceptual network and the difficulty of establishing a causal relationship between civic associationism and terrorism. Tschantret responds by defending the article's departure from mainstream terrorism research and proposing possible research strategies to better isolate causal factors. Tschantret also discusses the theoretical narrative that civic associationism contributed to terrorism's emergence and suggests that grievance and relative deprivation play a significant role in radicalization. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for further investigation into political violence and the foundations of terrorism research. [Extracted from the article]

This article by Joshua Tschantret explores the social origins of modern terrorism, specifically focusing on the role of civic associations in facilitating terrorist activities. Tschantret argues that civic associations, such as the YMCA, generate social and human capital that increase the ability and motivation of marginalized individuals to form small terrorist groups. Using a global dataset of cities from 1860-1945, Tschantret finds that terrorism often followed the establishment of YMCA branches, particularly in the context of civil wars. However, there are some theoretical tensions in the article, such as the relationship between social solidarity and political objectives in terrorism. Overall, this article provides valuable insights into the social preconditions and historical evolution of urban terrorism, but further research is needed to fully understand the complex dynamics at play. [Extracted from the article]

Al-Shabaab is swiftly becoming the most lethal terrorist organization in the Horn of Africa. Somalia has been one of the most victims of Al-Shabaab terrorist attacks for the last two decades. However, Al-Shabaab's threats and attacks extend beyond Somalia, targeting neighboring countries like Ethiopia and Kenya as key targets. Al-Shabaab's threat to and counter-terrorism efforts in Somalia received substantial policy and academic attention, whereas Ethiopia and Kenya's vulnerability and experience, as well as their counter-terrorism strategies, have received less attention. Thus, the purpose of this article is to assess Ethiopia and Kenya's experience and vulnerability to Al-Shabaab's threats and attacks and their counter-terrorism strategies from a comparative perspective. The article employed a qualitative desktop review, utilizing secondary sources. The findings indicate that Ethiopia and Kenya have varying levels of experience and vulnerabilities to Al-Shabaab's threats and attacks. Although both countries have been fighting Al-Shabaab for over two decades, Kenya has faced more threats and attacks than Ethiopia. Ethiopia, despite being equally targeted by Al-Shabaab, has a better track record of combating Al- Shabaab terrorist attacks and threats compared to Kenya. This article argues that Ethiopia's superior deterrence of Al-Shabaab can be attributed, among other factors, to its effective counter-terrorism strategies. Over the past two decades, Ethiopia's counter-terrorism strategies have resulted in fewer terrorist attacks. In contrast, Kenya's counter-terrorism strategies have not led to a decrease in the number of Al-Shabaab terrorist attacks. The Kenyan counterterrorism efforts are deemed ineffective when compared to the number of Al- Shabaab strikes carried out in Ethiopia. Thus, this article concludes that Ethiopia is considered a more successful counter-terrorism case study than Kenya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to prevent and fight terrorism, a new research area has developed called terrorist financing. An important aspect is the financing of terrorism by Non-Profit Organization (NPO), through transfer funds, terrorist alliances, abuse of NPOs, terrorist recruitment, and false NPOs and agents. Therefore, the NPO counter-terrorist financing strategy was established, considering four major aspects: warning information indicators, internal management mechanisms, international cooperation and information sharing, and counter-terrorist Financing legislation. This paper provides a new way to supervise the terrorist financing of NPOs. First, actual cases should be collected, and viable warning indicators for regulatory agencies and NPOs should be established. Second, internal management mechanisms should be strengthened to actively prevent terrorist activities within NPOs. Third, given the global activity of NPOs and terrorist organizations, information-led international cooperation must be emphasized. Fourth, from the angle of independent counter-terrorist Financing legislation, the gap should be filled in NPO counter-terrorist Financing legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Granting amnesty to perpetrators of gross human rights is becoming a re-emerging phenomenon in Africa. Nigeria is currently witnessing unprecedented threats of violent extremism unleashed by terrorist groups; despite efforts to curb such acts, there has been little or no success. One such counter-terrorism measure has been the grant of amnesty to the Boko-haram terrorist group. Gauging the effectiveness of such a policy is of great importance to the survival of democratic principles. The article explores the Nigerian debate around amnesty. It argues that these debates need to evaluate the substance of the rule of law and ensure that impunity is not entrenched in achieving 'peace' without justice. There is a need for the executive to justify, explain and defend decisions on the grant of amnesty. Giving such explanations will allow for the public greater participation in security matters. The grant of amnesty to 'repentant' terrorists has not effectively facilitated law enforcement agencies' disruption of terrorism in Nigeria. Inclusive decision-making process around amnesty must be invoked to have efficient amnesty program in Nigeria and safeguard the rule of law. Public debates on granting amnesty be encouraged, taking into cognisance the consequences of not prosecuting violators of gross human rights abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prison radicalization poses a significant and evolving threat in Bangladesh's correctional facilities. This research article delves into the conditions fostering radicalization, including corruption, overcrowding, violence, and the lack of essential amenities. Drawing on extensive analysis of secondary data and expert interviews, this article argues that these conducive conditions have transformed Bangladeshi prisons into breeding grounds for radical ideologies, allowing militants to establish networks and plan attacks within and beyond prison confines. This article also points out the transformation of prisoners, even those with minimal radical tendencies, into militant leaders, along with the shift of non‐radical individuals toward extremism. Moreover, it underscores the lack of de‐radicalization programs within the current prison system as a crucial gap in countering this escalating issue. Furthermore, the research identifies societal denial, limited post‐release opportunities, and mistreatment by security forces as factors exacerbating radicalization post‐incarceration. As such, this study emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to address prison radicalization. Related Articles: Awan, Imran. 2012. "'I Am a Muslim Not an Extremist': How the Prevent Strategy Has Constructed a 'Suspect' Community." Politics & Policy 40(6): 1158–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00397.x. Heinmiller, B. Timothy, Matthew A. Hennigar, and Sandra Kopec. 2017. "Degenerative Politics and Youth Criminal Justice Policy in Canada." Politics & Policy 45(3): 406–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12204. Spalek, Basia. 2010. "Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism.'" Politics & Policy 38(4): 789–815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India's neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over a decade now, Nigeria has been battling a violent threat to its corporate peace and stability occasioned by the terrorist activities of the dreaded Islamic extremist group called Boko Haram, mainly domiciled in the North-Eastern region of the country. Since 2009, when Boko Haram began carrying out its campaign of terror on government establishments, including security apparatuses and schools, as well as local communities and individuals in the affected region up till now, Nigeria has witnessed a steady rise in the incidence of grave human rights abuses. Orchestrated both by Boko Haram and the personnel of government security agencies conducting counter-terrorism operations against the terrorist group, the spate of violations of the fundamental human rights of the citizens has become so worrisome as the trend questions the ability of the Nigerian State to fulfil one of its primary obligations of protecting its citizens from assaults and abuses. This study investigates the dimension of this phenomenon based on data derived from secondary sources, including journals articles, books, publications of the Nigerian National Human Rights Commission, publications of the United Nations and other related international bodies, newspaper reports, and websites. The data were analyzed through the thematic and descriptive-interpretive methods of qualitative data analysis. The study finds that the Boko Haram conflict has caused extreme human rights abuses in North-East Nigeria, including destruction of life and property, forced religious conversions and marriages, cruelty against children and utilization of children in combat, among others. The study recommends that the Nigerian government needs to strengthen the equipment capabilities of the security agencies fighting against Boko Haram and motivate them adequately to decimate the group completely as was done to its equivalent, Maitatsine, in the past, and investigate all credible cases of alleged human rights violations impartially to secure justice for the victims, among others. It concludes that proper application of these measures by relevant authorities in Nigeria would definitely provide the country a way out of the prevailing awful situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism has emerged as a paramount challenge in recent times. With current terrorist organizations adeptly embracing internet technologies and seamlessly integrating them into their strategies, the landscape of terrorism has evolved into a multifaceted global concern. For instance, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has had a negative impact not only on the citizens of the countries they directly target but also on the psychology of individuals in non-targeted countries through their internet-focused strategies. Despite not carrying out any attacks on Japan, the majority of the Japanese perceive ISIS as a significant threat to their nation. This finding serves as a prime example of how a terrorist organization like ISIS, utilizing internet strategies proficiently, can detrimentally affect individuals in non-targeted countries. This study demonstrates how the soft terrorism concept elucidates the heightened fear of ISIS in Japan. By conducting a Google Trends analysis, the Japanese case is examined in this research. The findings indicate that the soft terrorism activities of ISIS have both short-term and long-term adverse effects on the Japanese, primarily attributed to the dissemination of brutal images and videos posted by ISIS on the internet, as posited by the soft terrorism concept [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children who grow up in families who are affiliated with violent extremism and terrorism are frequently viewed through a security-oriented lens which focuses on their risk of radicalisation, or the security risk they may pose to society. This security-oriented approach limits a broader understanding of the multiple ways in which a child's life may be impacted when an immediate family member is involved in terrorism. To rectify this, this paper highlights the utility of Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory (EST) to systematically identify how this familial affiliation may impact the child's life in diverse ways that extend beyond security-oriented outcomes. We demonstrate that EST is particularly useful because it allows us to systematically and holistically understand how the life of the child is impacted by familial association with a terrorist group in multiple spheres of their life (family, education, peer groups, etc.). We apply this approach to an example of a family who travelled to Syria in 2015 to join ISIS. This article demonstrates the utility of EST for researchers and practitioners to better understand the impact of familial involvement in terrorist groups on children moving away from more security-oriented approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]