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Many studies have been done to document drug use patterns, and indicate that overprescribing, multi-drug prescribing, misuse of drugs, use of unnecessary expensive drugs and overuse of antibiotics and injections are the most common problems of irrational drug use by prescribers as well as consumers. Improving drug use would have important financial and public health benefits. Many efforts have been undertaken to improve drug use, but few evaluations have been done in this field. This article provides an overview of 50 intervention studies to improve drug use in developing countries. It highlights what type of interventions exist and what is known about their impact.It reveals that commonly used interventions, such as an essential drug list and standard treatment guidelines, have rarely been systematically evaluated so far. The majority of intervention studies are focused on prescribers in a public health setting, while irrational use of drugs is also widespread in the private sector. Furthermore, the magnitude of inappropriate drug use at community level is often overlooked and few interventions address drug use from a consumer's perspective. More research on different types of intervention strategies in various health care settings is needed to draw conclusions on the effectiveness of a specific intervention strategy. Also more research is needed on socio-cultural factors influencing the impact of drug use interventions, particularly from a user perspective. To enhance evaluative research, more technical support will be needed for researchers in developing countries. The design of available studies from developing countries is generally weak, only six of the 50 studies included in this overview were randomized controlled studies. In order to provide technical support and coordination of future intervention research the establishment of an international resource centre for drug use intervention research is recommended.

Este artigo tem como objetivo resgatar o debate sobre a Revolução Brasileira, e tem como foco principal a crítica de Guerreiro Ramos ao PCB e a ideologia marxista-leninista. Segundo Guerreiro, o PCB era uma organização "alienada" e isso comprometia a constituição de um processo revolucionário com bases nacionais. O artigo se divide em três seções: a primeira trata da ideologia populista nacionalista revolucionária de grande influência nos países do Terceiro Mundo, e teve em Guerreiro Ramos uma de suas principais expressões no pensamento brasileiro; a segunda seção aborda a análise crítica de Guerreiro Ramos ao programa ideológico revolucionário do PCB e sua defesa do socialismo terceiro mundista; por fim, as considerações finais. This paper aims to review the Brazilian Revolution debate by focusing on Guerreiro Ramos' criticism of the Marxist-Leninist ideology of the Brazilian Communist Party. According to Guerreiro Ramos, the Communist Party was an alienated organization which hindered the national revolutionary process. This work is divided into three parts: the first analyzes the revolutionary-populist-nationalist ideology, which had a significant intellectual influence on third world countries and of which Guerreiro Ramos was an important influence within Brazilian political thought; the second part presents Guerreiro Ramos' criticism to the revolutionary ideological program of the Brazilian Communist Party and his defense of a third-world socialism; finally some reflections.

This work on the politicization of the monthly newsletter le Monde Diplomatique and its readers is based on three main themes. The first presents three strategies for bypass an object that, before the 1970s, was not invested by its employees with a meaning distinct from that of the daily newspaper in which it was created, Le Monde, and that was not necessarily perceived by its readers as a political newspaper. Recognized in the 2000s as one of the main actors of French anti-globalization, this monthly magazine was originally aimed at the public of embassies and international institutions. In order to understand its evolution, a first strategy consisted in directing our attention towards the first decades of the monthly magazine, then directed by François Honti, to study the process of the increasing empowerment of the newsletter vis-à-vis the world, under the leadership of Claude Julien. This detour shows how the monthly magazine, from a space of relegation (1950-1970), takes on the characteristics of a space of consecration (1980 and 1990), but on the margins of left-wing currents and organizations. Secondly, the analysis focused on the genealogy of the ideology to which the monthly magazine has long been associated, Third Worldism. A soft category, a real political stigma, Third Worldism has never actually been endorsed by the monthly magazine. Finally, it is the reception processes that are the focus of attention, with a particular interest in the readers gathered within the Association of Friends of le Monde diplomatique, since the mid-1990s, and in its difficulty in finding its place in relation to the Attac association, also created by the monthly magazine. These bypass strategies showed that the success of Le Monde diplomatique was based on four factors. As much as it is politicized, this monthly magazine is "scientificized" by calling on economists and historians (1970-1980) and then sociologists (1990-2000). In other words, the monthly magazine's commitment is as much journalistic as it is scientific, as shown by the careers of its closest collaborators (Claude Julien, Ignacio Ramonet or Bernard Cassen). Secondly, the diplomatic world has been able to base its development on the economic structure of its parent company, the World, and on an organization of work that gives pride of place to freelancers. The success of the newsletter is also based on its ability to mix business logic and donation logic, as demonstrated by the creation of its association of readers. Finally, this newspaper owes its commercial success to the plurality of uses offered by its content, geared towards international news. For part of its readership, le Monde diplomatique is not in fact a political newspaper, but covers a gradient of readings more or less invested.; Ce travail sur la politisation du Monde diplomatique et de ses lecteurs s’articule autour de trois axes. Le premier expose trois stratégies de contournement d’un objet qui, avant les années 1970, n’est pas investi par ses collaborateurs d’un sens distinct de celui du quotidien au sein duquel il a été créé, le Monde, et qui n’est pas nécessairement perçu, par ses lecteurs, comme un journal politique. Reconnu dans les années 2000 comme l’un des principaux acteurs de l’altermondialisme français, ce mensuel visait à l’origine le public des ambassades et des institutions internationales. Afin de comprendre son évolution, une première stratégie a consisté à orienter le regard vers les premières décennies du mensuel, alors dirigé par François Honti, pour étudier le processus d’autonomisation croissant du Monde diplomatique vis-à- vis du Monde, sous la houlette de Claude Julien. Ce détour permet de montrer comment le mensuel, d’espace de relégation (années 1950-1970), prend les traits d’un espace de consécration (années 1980 et 1990), en marge néanmoins des courants et organisations de gauche. Dans un deuxième temps, l’analyse a porté sur la généalogie de l’idéologie à laquelle le mensuel a longtemps été associé, le tiers-mondisme. Catégorie molle, véritable stigmate politique, le tiers-mondisme n’a en réalité jamais été endossé par le mensuel. Enfin, ce sont vers les processus de réceptions qu’est centrée l’attention, en s’intéressant plus particulièrement aux lecteurs réunis au sein de l’Association des Amis du Monde diplomatique, à partir du milieu des années 1990, et à sa difficulté à trouver sa place par rapport à l’association Attac, elle aussi créée par le mensuel. Ces stratégies de contournement ont permis de montrer que le succès du Monde diplomatique reposait sur quatre facteurs. Autant qu’il se politise, ce mensuel se scientifise en faisant notamment appel à des économistes et des historiens (années 1970-1980) puis à des sociologues (années 1990-2000). Autrement dit, l’engagement du mensuel est autant journalistique que scientifique, ce dont témoignent les parcours de ses collaborateurs les plus proches (Claude Julien, Ignacio Ramonet ou Bernard Cassen). En second lieu, le Monde diplomatique a pu appuyer son développement et sur la structure économique de sa maison-mère, le Monde, et sur une organisation du travail faisant la part belle à des pigistes. Le succèsdu mensuel repose également sur sa capacité à mêler logique commerciale et logique de don, ce dont témoigne la création de son association de lecteurs. Enfin, ce journal doit sa réussite commerciale à la pluralité des usages qu’offre son contenu, tourné vers l’actualité internationale. Pour une partie de son lectorat, le Monde diplomatique n’est en effet pas un journal politique, mais couvre un gradient de lectures plus ou moins investies.

This work on the politicization of the monthly newsletter le Monde Diplomatique and its readers is based on three main themes. The first presents three strategies for bypass an object that, before the 1970s, was not invested by its employees with a meaning distinct from that of the daily newspaper in which it was created, Le Monde, and that was not necessarily perceived by its readers as a political newspaper. Recognized in the 2000s as one of the main actors of French anti-globalization, this monthly magazine was originally aimed at the public of embassies and international institutions. In order to understand its evolution, a first strategy consisted in directing our attention towards the first decades of the monthly magazine, then directed by François Honti, to study the process of the increasing empowerment of the newsletter vis-à-vis the world, under the leadership of Claude Julien. This detour shows how the monthly magazine, from a space of relegation (1950-1970), takes on the characteristics of a space of consecration (1980 and 1990), but on the margins of left-wing currents and organizations. Secondly, the analysis focused on the genealogy of the ideology to which the monthly magazine has long been associated, Third Worldism. A soft category, a real political stigma, Third Worldism has never actually been endorsed by the monthly magazine. Finally, it is the reception processes that are the focus of attention, with a particular interest in the readers gathered within the Association of Friends of le Monde diplomatique, since the mid-1990s, and in its difficulty in finding its place in relation to the Attac association, also created by the monthly magazine. These bypass strategies showed that the success of Le Monde diplomatique was based on four factors. As much as it is politicized, this monthly magazine is "scientificized" by calling on economists and historians (1970-1980) and then sociologists (1990-2000). In other words, the monthly magazine's commitment is as much journalistic as it is scientific, as shown by the careers of its closest collaborators (Claude Julien, Ignacio Ramonet or Bernard Cassen). Secondly, the diplomatic world has been able to base its development on the economic structure of its parent company, the World, and on an organization of work that gives pride of place to freelancers. The success of the newsletter is also based on its ability to mix business logic and donation logic, as demonstrated by the creation of its association of readers. Finally, this newspaper owes its commercial success to the plurality of uses offered by its content, geared towards international news. For part of its readership, le Monde diplomatique is not in fact a political newspaper, but covers a gradient of readings more or less invested.; Ce travail sur la politisation du Monde diplomatique et de ses lecteurs s’articule autour de trois axes. Le premier expose trois stratégies de contournement d’un objet qui, avant les années 1970, n’est pas investi par ses collaborateurs d’un sens distinct de celui du quotidien au sein duquel il a été créé, le Monde, et qui n’est pas nécessairement perçu, par ses lecteurs, comme un journal politique. Reconnu dans les années 2000 comme l’un des principaux acteurs de l’altermondialisme français, ce mensuel visait à l’origine le public des ambassades et des institutions internationales. Afin de comprendre son évolution, une première stratégie a consisté à orienter le regard vers les premières décennies du mensuel, alors dirigé par François Honti, pour étudier le processus d’autonomisation croissant du Monde diplomatique vis-à- vis du Monde, sous la houlette de Claude Julien. Ce détour permet de montrer comment le mensuel, d’espace de relégation (années 1950-1970), prend les traits d’un espace de consécration (années 1980 et 1990), en marge néanmoins des courants et organisations de gauche. Dans un deuxième temps, l’analyse a porté sur la généalogie de l’idéologie à laquelle le mensuel a longtemps été associé, le tiers-mondisme. Catégorie molle, véritable stigmate politique, le tiers-mondisme n’a en réalité jamais été endossé par le mensuel. Enfin, ce sont vers les processus de réceptions qu’est centrée l’attention, en s’intéressant plus particulièrement aux lecteurs réunis au sein de l’Association des Amis du Monde diplomatique, à partir du milieu des années 1990, et à sa difficulté à trouver sa place par rapport à l’association Attac, elle aussi créée par le mensuel. Ces stratégies de contournement ont permis de montrer que le succès du Monde diplomatique reposait sur quatre facteurs. Autant qu’il se politise, ce mensuel se scientifise en faisant notamment appel à des économistes et des historiens (années 1970-1980) puis à des sociologues (années 1990-2000). Autrement dit, l’engagement du mensuel est autant journalistique que scientifique, ce dont témoignent les parcours de ses collaborateurs les plus proches (Claude Julien, Ignacio Ramonet ou Bernard Cassen). En second lieu, le Monde diplomatique a pu appuyer son développement et sur la structure économique de sa maison-mère, le Monde, et sur une organisation du travail faisant la part belle à des pigistes. Le succèsdu mensuel repose également sur sa capacité à mêler logique commerciale et logique de don, ce dont témoigne la création de son association de lecteurs. Enfin, ce journal doit sa réussite commerciale à la pluralité des usages qu’offre son contenu, tourné vers l’actualité internationale. Pour une partie de son lectorat, le Monde diplomatique n’est en effet pas un journal politique, mais couvre un gradient de lectures plus ou moins investies.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. This article investigates empowerment in relation to money-earning activities in the context of rural-to-urban migrant women in poor families in Turkey. Acknowledging the exploitative character of employment accessible to migrant women, it asks whether working migrant women gain something in their families in return for their economic contributions. The article points to the traditional role of men as the heads of the family and family honor (namus) as the cultural basis which acts against the empowerment of migrant women in Turkish society. It attempts to understand empowerment as articulated by the women themselves based upon their lived experiences. While doing so, it examines women’s positions in the family with regard to their role in the intra-family decision making, their degree of control over their earned money, and male violence in the family. It further discusses whether or not the experiences of migrant women can be considered as empowerment, and in this way it aims to contribute to the theoretical development of the concept ‘‘empowerment.’’

New process in cheese making from powdered milk. A new technique in cheese making from powdered milk has been perfected at the National Dairy School, in Mamirolle near Besançon France. It is inspired by previous works concerning the coagulation of concentrated milk, cold renneting, then very quickly re-heated by adding hot water thus causing coagulation. It distinguishes itself however by a coagulation temperature of 45° C, significantly higher, also by the fact that the milk is poured into hot water and not the contrary. This is very important in order to avoid the formation of tiny particules of curd especially in the case of cheese-making from powdered milk. It consists of recombining a concentrated milk with the following characteristics : total solids 22,7 %, Fat 5,7 %, Non Fat Solids 17 %, pH 6.35/6.40 which is inoculated with adapted lactics starters, then cooled to 6° C into which are added monocalcique phosphate and rennet. The milk, cold renneting, is kept at a temperature of 6° C for 8/12 hours. The instantaneous coagulation is regulated at a temperature of 45° C by the complete and immediate balancing of the milk into water which at temperature of 84° C. The cheese is formed immediately, and the moulding is quick and easy. This technique is particularly reliable. It is not necessary to have the know-how of a cheese-maker, but only the know-how of a dairy man and it can improve considerably the food situation in many contries of the Third World., Un nouveau procédé de fabrication de fromage à partir de lait en poudre a été mis au point à l'Ecole Nationale d'industrie Laitière de Mamirolle près de Besançon en France. Il s'est inspiré de travaux antérieurs concernant la coagulation du lait concentré emprésuré à froid puis réchauffé brutalement par addition d'eau chaude en vue de provoquer la coagulation. Il s'en distingue toutefois par une température de coagulation de 45° C, significativement plus élevée, et par le fait que le lait est versé dans l’eau chaude et non pas l’inverse ce qui est très important pour éviter la formation de fines de caillé, surtout dans le cas de fromagerie à partir de lait en poudre. Il consiste à recombiner un lait concentré présentant les caractéristiques suivantes : E.S.T. 22.7 %, M.G. 5,7 %, E.S.D. 17 %, pH 6,35/6,40, qui est ensuite ensemencé en ferments lactiques appropriés, refroidi à 6° C, et dans lequel on ajoute enfin phosphate monocalcique et présure. Le lait emprésuré à froid est maintenu à 6° C pendant 8-12 h. La coagulation instantanée est réglée à une température de 45° C par basculement complet et immédiat du lait dans de l'eau à 84° C à quantité égale. Le fromage se forme spontanément et les opérations de moulage sont faciles et rapides. Ce procédé est particulièrement simple et fiable. Il ne nécessite pas de savoir-faire fromager mais uniquement un savoir-faire laitier et peut améliorer sensiblement la situation alimentaire de nombreux pays du Tiers-Monde., Labié Jacques. Nouveau procédé de fabrication de fromage à partir de lait en poudre. In: Bulletin de l'Académie Vétérinaire de France tome 138 n°4, 1985. pp. 405-411.

The Third World has often been an economic and military challenge for developed countries. Military spending has a significant economic and social impact on all economic variables, especially for the countries that produce weapons. The nature of the choice between investment or operating expenditure influences national economies differently. The reconversion of armaments firms is difficult in a situation of international competition. In this context, disarmament for development does not immediately generate "peace dividends", still less if it is to reduce military spending to provide a portion to developing countries., Le Tiers-Monde a souvent été un enjeu économique et militaire pour les pays développés. Les dépenses militaires exercent un impact économique et social non négligeable sur l’ensemble des variables économique, notamment pour les pays qui produisent des armes. La nature des choix entre l’investissement ou les dépense de fonctionnement influence différemment les économies nationales. La reconversion des firmes d’armement est délicate en situation de concurrence internationale. Dans ce contexte, un désarmement pour le développement ne provoque pas immédiatement de « dividendes de la paix », et encore moins s’il s’agit de réduire les dépenses militaires pour en fournir une partie aux pays en voie de développement.